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Full text of "The works of the Most Reverend Father in God, William Laud, sometime Lord Archbishop of Canterbury"

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THE present volume contains four separate works of Arch 
bishop Laud. 

I. The Summary of Devotions, reprinted from the first 
genuine Edition, printed in Oxford in 1667, from the original 
MS. preserved in St. John s College. As the MS. has 
unhappily been lost, it seemed the best course to follow 
accurately the above named Edition, which was published 
during the lifetime of Dr. Bayly, Dean of Salisbury, and 
President of St. John s College, the Archbishop s Executor, 
and his nephew by marriage. The original MS. had been 
seized, with the Archbishop s other papers, by Prynne, and 
after its restoration to the Archbishop, had passed, doubtless, 
with such of his other papers as had escaped the general 
wreck, into the hands of his Executor. The first part of the 
Devotions, reaching to the end of the paragraph headed 
Morbus, (p. 51 of the present Edition,) had previously 
appeared in 1650, and 1663, under the title of " Ofncium 
Quotidianum, or, A Manual of Private Devotions, by the 
Most Reverend Father in God, Dr. William Laud, late Lord 
Archbishop of Canterbury." This has been collated for the 
present reprint, and any important variations noticed. 

After the publication of the Oxford Edition of 1667, there 
appeared the following : 

1667. London, in smaller size than the Oxford Edition of the same year, 
and with only the Lambeth imprimatur. 

1683. Under the following title, "The Daily Office of a Christian, being 
the Devotions of the Most Keverend Father in God, Dr. William Laud, 
late Archbishop of Canterbury. The Fourth Edition. Wherein 


several Catechetical Paraphrases, and other very excellent Prayers, 
selected out of the Primitive Writers, formerly published in Latin, 
are now made English, and the whole reduced to an exact method 
for the Benefit of the Devout. London, printed for Matthew Gilli- 
flower, William Hensman, and are to be sold at their shops in West 
minster Hall. 1683." 

1687. Same title, Fifth Edition. London, reprinted for T. B. M. G. and 
W. H., and are to be sold by Eichard Heavisid, over against the 
Devil Tavern, near Temple Bar. 

1688. (Also termed) Fifth Edition ; same title-page; printers names not 

1705. Same title. Sixth Edition. London, printed for Samuel Keble, 
at the Great Turk s Head in Fleet Street, and K. Wellington at the 
Dolphin and Crown at the West End of St. Paul s Churchyard ; and 
W. and M. Gilliflower at the Black Eagle in Westminster Hall. 

1838. Oxford. A reprint of the Oxford Edition of 1667. 

II. The Diary of the Archbishop,, which has been carefully 
collated with the original MS. in the Library of St. John s 
College, Oxford. 

III. Notes on Prynne s Breviate, now first published, of 
which a full account will be found in an Introductory Note. 

IV. The History of the Archbishop s Troubles and Trial 
(the First Part), which has also been collated with the original 
MS., and the various corrections and additions indicated in 
the notes. 

The next volume will contain the remaining portion of the 
History, to which will be added an Appendix of such Docu 
ments as may be considered necessary for its illustration. 


Dec. 4, 1852. 



I. A Summary of Devotions . . . . . 1 

II. The Diary of the Archbishop s Life (preceded by 

H. Wharton s Preface to Diary and History) . 109 

III. Marginal Notes on Prynne s Breviate . . .257 

IV. History of Troubles and Trial . . 273 





Compiled and Ufed by 

Sometime L<*. Arch-Bishop of 


Now Publifhed according to the Copy written 

with his own hand, and referved in the 

Archives of St. John Baptist s 

Colledge Library in 



Printed by William Hall, Anno Dom. 1667, 




Dai. Lambe* 
thce, Dec. 12, 





Oxon. Dec. 28. 

PsaL Ixx. 20. [Edit. Vulg.] 

O COME hither and hearken, all ye that fear God, and I will Psal. 
tell you what He hath done for my soul. 

Ixvi. 16. 

Pater noster, 
Qui es in Ccelis, 
Nomen Tuum. 

Adveniat Kegnum Tuum. 

Fiat voluntas Tua, sicut in 
Coelo, et in Terra. 


Quotidianum da nobis 

Et remitte nobis debita, 
sicut, &c. 

Et ne nos inducas in ten- 
tationem : 

Sed libera nos a malo. 

Quia Tuum est Regnum, 

* [See Bp. Andre wes " notes written 
with his own hand in his Service 
Book," English Works, vol. vii.p 148.] 

3. p.H47 b . 

La3sus est, sed Pater. Oratio 

Eminenter, non inclusive 1 . ?Q 

In me, per me, super me. aliter.^par. 

Patris in nobis, ut simus 
filii Patris nostri. 

Ut destruatur regnum pec- 
cati, per quod regnant Mors 
et Diabolus. 

In me, qui sum terra, sicut 
a sanctis angelis. 

Superccelestem et corpo- 

Proprium, licite acquisitum. 

Pro quotidiana necessitate. 

Talenta dimitte nobis mi- 
nut a remittentibus. 

Nee sinas intrare ductos 

Ab auctore mali extra nos, 
Diabolo et Mundo ; intra nos, 
nobis ipsis : et a malo culpse, 
per gratiam ; poense, per mise- 
ricordiam; omni, per pacem. 

Absolutum in se. 

Independens ab aliis. 

b [Compendium Theologise, Tract, v. 
de Septem Petitionibus Orat. Dora. 
Op., torn. i. col. 304. B.] 

B 2 


Gloria : 


Circumfulgens omnia et in 

Et a Te, et per Te, et ad 
Te, in gloria et salute servo- 
rum Tuorum. Amen. 

The Our Father, which art in heaven, 

Preface. l Hallowed be Thy Name. 
Petitions. r mi i i 

2. Thy kingdom come. 

3. Thy will be done in earth, as it is in heaven. 

4. Give us this day our daily bread. 

5. And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that 
trespass against us. 

6. And lead us not into temptation; 

7. But deliver us from evil. 

The For Thine is the kingdom, the power, and the glory, for 

0X0 ogy * ever and ever. Amen. 


1 . I believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven 
and earth. 

2. And in Jesus Christ, His only Son, our Lord. 

3. Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the 
Virgin Mary. 

4. He suffered under Pontius Pilate; was crucified, dead, 
and buried. 

5. He descended into hell; the third day He rose again 
from the dead, 

6. He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand 
of God the Father Almighty. 

7. From thence He shall come to judge the quick and the 

8. I believe in the Holy Ghost. 

9. The holy Catholic Church; the Communion of saints. 

10. The Forgiveness of sins. 

11. The Resurrection of the body. 

12. And the Life everlasting. Amen. 



O LORD, I am risen up, and fallen prostrate before Thee ; Pro Gratia 
prevent me, I beseech Thee, in all my doings with Thy most 
gracious favour, and further me with Thy continual help; 
that in all my works begun, continued, and ended in Thee, I 
may glorify Thy holy Name, and finally by Thy mercy obtain 
everlasting life, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Almighty God and most merciful Father, all merciful, Confessio 

cum Pre 


mercy itself ; I have erred wittingly, and strayed willingly, Cl 

nay run from Thy ways, more like an untamed heifer, than a Per L. A. 
lost or wandering sheep. I have followed too much, even 
altogether, the absurd devices and brutish desires of my own 
heart. I have offended against, nay been offended at Thy 
holy, most holy laws ; I have left undone, not done at all, 
those things which I ought to have done ; and I have done, 
done nothing else, but those things which I ought not to 
have done ; and there is no health, no hope of health in me. 
But Thou, O Lord, have mercy upon me, miserable, most 
miserable sinner, the greatest sinner, and most unthankful 
for so great grace. Spare me, and them all, O God, which 
confess their faults ; restore me, and all them that be peni 
tent, that desire to be penitent, that wish they were, would 
be glad if they were so, that fear they are not enough, and 
are sorry they are no more : for this is according to Thy 
promises, most precious, most gracious, most sweet promises, 
declared unto mankind in Christ Jesu our Lord. Grant 
therefore, O most merciful Father, for His sake, who is our 

11 [Lancelot Andrewcs, Bp. of Win- his own hand in his Service Book," 
Chester. See his "notes written with English Works, vol. vii. p. 147.] 


Redeemer,, Advocate, Author and Finisher of our Faith, our 
Propitiation, Righteousness, and Justification; that I and all 
penitents may hereafter live a godly, righteous, and sober 
life, to the glory of Thy holy Name, and the salvation of our 
own souls. Amen. 

ProEemis- O eternal God and merciful Father, pardon, I beseech 

sione Pe 

! " Thee, all the sins, omissions and commissions, thoughts, 

words, and deeds, by which I have provoked Thee unto 
anger, from the time of my birth to this present moment. 
That no one, nor all of my sins together, may ever be able to 
cry oftener or louder in Thine ears for vengeance, than the 
cry of my prayers may ascend up unto Thee for mercy and 
for forgiveness, and obtain that they sue for. Particularly 
I humbly beseech Thee, forgive unto me my great and my 
clamorous sins, such as are, &c. 

O Lord, against heaven, and against Thee have I sinned, 
and committed foul transgressions in Thy sight, but I beseech 
Thee wipe them all out of the book of remembrances which 
Thou hast written, through Jesus Christ our Lord and only 
Saviour. Amen. 

Pro Donis. Give unto me, O Lord, I humbly beseech Thee, a wise, a 
sober, a patient, an understanding, a devout, a religious, a 
courageous heart ; chaste and temperate reins and thought ; 
a soul full of devotion to do Thee service, strength against all 
temptations, especially the temptations of, &c. ; through Jesus 
Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Gratiarum O Lord, I give Thee humble and hearty thanks, increase 
my thankfulness, I beseech Thee, for all benefits and blessings 
both spiritual and temporal, which in the riches of Thy great 
mercy Thou hast liberally poured down upon me, but espe 
cially spiritual. Lord, let me not live but to praise and 
magnify Thee and Thy glorious Name. Particularly I give 
Thee most unfeigned thanks for my preservation from the 
time of my birth to this present moment, for, &c. For 
bringing me safe to the beginning of this day, in which and 
all the days of my life, I beseech Thee, preserve me from sin 
and from danger, in soul and in body, that all my thoughts, 


words, and works may tend to the honour and glory of Thy 
Name, the good of Thy Church, the discharge of my duty, 
the salvation of my soul in the day of my appearance and 
account to be made before Thee, through Jesus Christ, our 
only Saviour and Redeemer. Amen. 

O eternal God and merciful Father, I humbly beseech Thee, Pro Eccle- 
bless Thy holy Catholic Church, wheresoever spread upon the i{g a Catho 
face x)f the whole earth. Good Lord, purge it from all atheism, 
heresy, schism, superstition, factious maintenance of ground 
less opinions ; that one Faith, one Lord, one Baptism, may in 
all places be uniformly professed, as Thy Church is, and can 
be but one. And grant, good Lord, that I may be, and con 
tinue, a faithful, living, and a working member under Christ 
the Head, in that Church the Body, all the days of my life, 
and through the hour of my death, through the merits, and 
by the grace, of the same Jesus Christ, our Lord and only 
Saviour. Amen. 

O merciful God, bless this particular Church in which I Pro Eccle- 
live ; make it, and all the members of it, sound in faith, and cSari! rt 
holy in life, that they may serve Thee, and Thou bless them, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Lord, bless our most gracious Sovereign, treasure up in Pro Rege. 
him all Thy hidden blessings, make him and keep him a de 
voted servant to Thee, a constant patron of the Church and 
truth that he may live long, and be full of honourable suc 
cess all his days, in his person, in his actions, in his queen, 
in his children, in his servants, in his people, and crowned 
with glory after life ; and in that good time that shall be best 
both for him and us, make him a joyful father of happy and 
successful children. Under him bless the whole state, eccle 
siastical and civil, that righteousness and peace may kiss each 
other, and we serve and honour Thee for ever. Amen. 

Good Lord, bless all the places to which Thou hast made Pro Ami- 

cis et Con 

me have any nearer reference, the place where I was born, C1 

&c. ; every soul contained in any of these, all my friends, 
kindred, acquaintance, any unto whom Thou hast made me 


any way beholding; especially my nearer and my bosom 
friends,, Dr. - - &c. All those, &c. Lord, I beseech Thee, 
forgive me and them all our sins, and continue us Thy servants 
both in life and death. Amen. 

Pro Gracious Father, bless my servants, and make them Thine ; 

Servis b . g| ye t j iem g race to serve Thee first, then me, with faithfulness, 
soberness, and diligence. Make me ever willing, and in some 
measure able, to repay unto them the time and the strength 
which they either have or shall spend to do me service, even 
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Pro Afflic- O Lord, bless all the afflicted members of the body of Thy 
Son, wheresoever, howsoever afflicted. Send them constant 

[lib.] ii patience or speedy deliverance, as seems best to Thee, and is 

vers. Leg. best for them, according to their several wants and necessities 

etpr P net - whatsoever; (particularly, &c.) And do unto them according 

to all those mercies which I would or should desire Thou 

shouldst show to my own soul, if at any time Thou shalt be 

pleased to make my estate as theirs is at this present. And, 

O Lord, be merciful. Amen. 

Pro Omni- Blessed Father, bless all sorts of men in their particulars ; 

Inimicis! 11 mme enemies with the forgiveness of sins : turn their hearts, 
that they may no longer hate Thy servant ; and if they will 
not be turned, deliver me not over, I beseech Thee, into their 
power. And next after the salvation of my soul, I humbly 
beg it, deliver me not into the hands of men, to the shame or 
scorn of the world. Amen. 

Submissio O Domine Jesu! Da quod jubes, et jube quod vis d . Facias 
animam meam paratam in adventum Tuum, veni quando 
vis. Des mihi ad minimum sufficientem, si placet pacatis- 
simam patientiam, et veni quomodo vis, O Tu, qui salus es 

b [The interest which. Abp. Laud Mr. Adam Torless, my ancient, loving, 

felt for his servants, may be illus- and faithful servant, then my steward, 

trated by reference to his Diary : after he had served me full forty-two 

"1624. Oct. 2. Saturday. In the years, died, to my great loss and 

evening, at Mr. Windebancks, my grief." See also his remembrances of 

ancient servant, Adam Torless, fell them in his will, (Works, vol. iv.)] 

into a swoon; and we had much ado c [Op., torn. viii. col. 895. A.] 

to recover him, but, I thank God, we d [S. Aug. Conf. lib. x. cap. xxix. 

did." "1641. Sept. 23. Thursday. ( 40.) Op., torn. i. col. 312. D.] 


omnium sperantium in Te. Et insuper iiiterpone, obsecro, 
O Domine Jesu, mortem, crucem, passionem, meritum et 
sanguinem Tuum inter judicium Tuum et animam meam, 
nunc et semper, et prsecipue in hora mortis mea3. Quse mors Hora Mor- 
(obnixe precor) nunquam sit subitanea, nunquam adveniat tls> 
et inveriiat me imparatum ; nunquam ita adveniendo sseviat, 
quin ut retineam fidem, spem, et charitatem, memoriam et 
intellectum sanum usque ad extremum halitum. Et esto 
mihi in Deum protectorem. Des peccatis meis misericordiam 
et veniam, Ecclesia3 tuse pacem et concordiam, mihi pecca- 
torum primo gratiam in hac vita et gloriam in futura. Ita, 
ita venias, O Domine Jesu, et miserere mei. Amen. 

Lord, here I am, do with me as seems best in Thine own 
eyes; only give me, I humbly beseech Thee, a penitent and 
a patient spirit to expect Thee. Amen. 

Lord, make my service acceptable to Thee while I live, and 
my soul ready for Thee when I die. Amen. 

Our Father, which art in heaven, &e. 



i. e. MANE. 

O LORD, by Thy mercy I am risen out of my grave, where 
I might have slept in death, but that Thou preservedst me. 
Make it, I beseech Thee, a resurrection to grace in this life, 
and to glory in the life to come, through Jesus Christ, Who 
merited both for us. Amen. 

This day by the resurrection of Thy Son, our blessed Sa 
viour, was made holy to us ; give me that grace that I may 
keep it holy to Thee, through Jesus Christ. Amen. 
Psal. xliii. O send out Thy light and Thy truth, that they may lead 
me, and bring me unto Thy holy hill, and to Thy dwelling ; 
that I may go unto the altar of Thee, O my God, even the 
God of my joy and gladness, and give thanks unto Thee. 

Domin. ii. Almighty and everlasting God, who governest all things 
Epiph. both in heaven and earth, mercifully hear my supplications 
for myself and all Thy people ; and grant us Thy peace all the 
days of our life, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Advent. Almighty God, I humbly beseech Thee, give me grace to 
cast away the works of darkness, and to put on the armour 
of light now in the time of this mortal life, in which Thy 
Son Christ Jesus came to visit us in great humility, that in 
the last day, when He shall come again in His glorious majesty 
to judge both the quick and the dead, I with all Thy faithful 
servants may rise up to the life immortal, through Him who 
liveth and reigneth with Thee and the Holy Ghost, now and 
for ever. Amen. 

Domin. ii. Blessed God, which hast caused all holy Scriptures to be 
written for our learning, grant unto me and all Christians, 
that we may in such wise hear, read, mark, learn, and in 
wardly digest them, that by patience and comfort thereof, we 


may embrace and ever hold fast the blessed hope of everlast 
ing life, which Thou hast given us in our Saviour Jesus Christ. 

Lord, I humbly beseech Thee, raise up Thy power and come Dom. iv. 
among us, and with great might succour us ; that whereas by 
our sins we are sore let and hindered, Thy bountiful grace 
and mercv, through the satisfaction of Thy Son our Lord, 
may speedily deliver us ; to Whom with Thee and the Holy 
Ghost, be all honour and glory, world without end. Amen. 


Lord, let Thine angels tarry round about me, and deliver Ps. xxxiv. 
me ; that I may taste and see how gracious Thou my Lord 
art, and how blessed the man is that trusteth in Thee ; through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

I will wait for Thy loving-kindness, O God, in the midst of Ps. xlviii. 
Thy temple, and there will I praise Thee. Amen. 

Lord, let me behold Thee in Thy sanctuary, and there see Ps. Ixiii. 3. 
Thy power and glory. For Thy loving-kindness is better than 
life, therefore my lips shall praise Thee. Thus will I magnify 
Thee all my life, and lift up my hands in Thy Name. O satisfy 
me with that riches of mercy which is in Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 

O how amiable are Thy dwellings, Thou Lord of hosts ! My Ps. Ixxxiv. 
soul hath a desire and a longing to enter into the courts of 
Thee, O Lord; my heart and my flesh rejoiceth in Thee, 
O merciful God. Amen. 

Lord, I humbly beseech Thee to hear and accept my prayers Domin. i. 
for myself, and for Thy people which call upon Thee ; and 
grant that we may perfectly know what things we ought to 
do, and also have grace and power faithfully to fulfil the same, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Almighty and everlasting God, mercifully look upon all my Domin. iii. 
infirmities ; and in all dangers and adversities, stretch out P? 8 .* \ 
Thy right hand to help and defend me, through Jesus CJirist 
our Lord. Amen. 


Domin. iv. God, Thou which knowest us to be set in the midst of so 
f h many and great dangers, that for man s frailty we cannot 
always stand upright ; grant, I most humbly beseech Thee, 
to me the health of body and soul, that all those things 
which I suffer for sin, I may by Thy help well pass and over 
come, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

i.e. MERIDIE. 

O Lord, the sun is at height for this day upon me, but lift 
up the light of Thy countenance, and I shall be whole. Make 
all darkness and spiritual shadows short upon me, and shorter 
in me, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Psal. xix. Who can tell how oft he offendeth ? O cleanse Thou me 

Priesum- ^ rom m ^ secret sms > keep me ^ so > ^ Lord, from presump- 

ptio. tuous sins, lest they get the dominion over me ; and keep me 

innocent from the great offence, I humbly beseech Thee. 


Ps. Ixxxiv. Blessed are they that dwell in Thy house, they will be 
alway praising Thee. Blessed is the man whose strength is 
in Thee, in whose heart are Thy ways. Lord, thus bless the 
heart of Thy servant, for Jesus Christ s sake. Amen. 

[S. Greg.] O sancta, adoranda, et longanimis Trinitas ! Longanimis 
OraTxIii a enim es, quse eos, a quibus scinderis, tarn diu toleras. O Tri- 
Charitas. nitas, cujus ego ut cultor ac minime fictus praeco essem, jam 
pridem dignus habitus sum ; O Trinitas omnibus aliquando 
vel per illuminationem vel per pcenam agnoscenda ! Oro te, 
ut hos quoque qui nunc contumeliis Te amciunt, adoratores 
accipias, ne quisquam vel ex minimis pereat ; et hoc, etiamsi 
mihi propterea aliqua gratise jactura facienda sit. Neque 
enim tantum dicere audeo, quantum Apostolus. Concede 
autem hoc per et propter merita Jesu Christi Redemptoris 
nostri. Amen. 

Domin. Almighty God, who through Thine only begotten Son 

Pro Gratia. 

Jesus Christ, hast overcome death, and opened to us the gate 

of everlasting life ; I humbly beseech Thee, that as by Thy 
special grace preventing me, Thou dost put into my mind 
[Op., torn. i. pp. 212. D. 213. A.] 


good desires; so by Thy continual help, I may bring the 
same to good effect, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Almighty God, who hast given Thine only Son to die for Dom. i. 
our sins, and to rise again for our justification ; give me p^scha 
grace so to put away the leaven of malice and all wickedness, Contra 
that I may always serve Thee in pureness of living and in Malltiam - 
truth, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Almighty God, who hast given Thine only Son to be unto Domin. ii. 
us both a sacrifice for sin, and an example of godly life ; give p^cha 
me grace that I may always most thankfully receive that 
inestimable benefit, and also daily endeavour to follow the 
blessed steps of His most holy life, even for the same Thy 
Son Jesus Christ .His sake. Amen. 



Lord, give me that grace, that I may hold me still by Psal. 
Thee, and abide patiently upon Thee ; that I may not grieve XXXV11< 
myself at the man whose way doth prosper, nor against him 
that doth after evil counsels; that I may leave off from 
wrath, and let go displeasure, lest I fret myself and be 
moved to do evil. Amen. 

Tribuat hie mihi Dominus, ut in me, pro me, fiat ignis Paulinus 

consumens : et ardeat hoc isrne cor meum in lumen seternum 5 p . ist : H" 

e Prmcip. 

mihi, ne eodem ardeat anima mea in pcenam perennem ; per 
Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

O Lord, make me like a green olive-tree in Thy house ; Psal. lii. 8. 
for I trust in Thy tender mercy for ever ; and I will always 
praise Thee for that Thou hast done, and hope in Thy Name 
for ever. Amen. 

O Lord, I beseech Thee, make me remember how much more Pro Me- 
than other men I have need to call upon Thee. My charge is lpso * 
great, and my strength little ; O give me grace to come often 
before Thee, and to ask that help, which Thou art readier to 
give than I to ask ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 
b [Ep. xxviii. 1. col. 172. A. ed. Veronae, 1736.] 


Psal.ix.13. Have mercy upon me, O Lord ; consider the troubles 
feS.* 4 which I suffer of them that hate me, O Thou which didst lift 
me up from the gates of death. Amen. 

Pro omni Q Lord, increase in me faith and devotion ; replenish my 
heart with all goodness, and by Thy great mercy keep me in 
the same. Give me godly zeal in prayer, true humility in 
prosperity, perfect patience in adversity, and continual joy in 
the Holy Ghost ; even for Jesus Christ His sake, my only 
Lord and Saviour. Amen. 

Pentecost. O GOD, who hast taught the hearts of Thy faithful people 
by sending to them the light of Thy Holy Spirit ; grant me 
by the same Spirit to have aright judgment in all things, and 
evermore to rejoice in His holy comfort, through the merits 
of Christ Jesus our Saviour, who liveth and reigneth with 
Thee, in the unity of the same Spirit, one God, world without 
end. Amen. 

Domin. Almighty and everlasting God, who hast given unto Thy 
servants grace by the confession of true faith d to acknow 
ledge the glory of the eternal Trinity, and in the power of 
the Divine Majesty to worship the Unity; I humbly beseech 
Thee, bless me also, that I may live in the steadfastness of this 
faith, and through it be evermore defended from all ghostly 
and bodily dangers, for Thy mercies sake, who livest and 
reignest, one God, world without end. Amen. 

Dan.ix.19. O my God, incline thine ear and hear, open thine eyes and 

see. O Lord, forgive ; O Lord, consider and do it, for Thine 

own sake, O my God; and for my Saviour Jesus Christ his 

sake. Amen. 

Psal. xlix. Lord, let me not be afraid, though one be made rich, or 
Patientia. ^^ the glory of his house be increased; for he shall carry 

T A i A . U f. USt U - Dies erat Veneris Mr. Francis Windebanck ; there I lay 

-1 fell sick upon the way towards the in a most grievous burning fever till 

Court at Woodstock; I took up my Monday, Sept. 7." Diary. A D 16291 
lodgings at my ancient friend s house, d [ of the true faith Ed 1663 ] 


nothing away with him when he dieth, neither shall his 
pomp follow him. But ever make me afraid to offend Thee. 

Mine eyes long sore for Thy word, saying, When wilt Thou p sa i. cxix. 
comfort me ? Lord, comfort me, for I am become like a 82> 
bottle in the smoke ; yet let me not, I beseech Thee, forget 
Thy law, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Lord God, which seest that I put not my trust in any Domin. 
thing that I do j mercifully grant that I may be defended Sex . a ~ 
against all adversity, through Jesus Christ my Lord and only Contra 

Saviour. Amen. Adversi- 


O Lord, which hast taught us, that all our doings without Domin. 
charity are nothing worth ; send Thy Holy Ghost, and pour g e ^i^ a 
into my heart that most excellent gift of charity, the very p ro Chari- 
bond of peace and all virtues, without the which whosoever tate> 
liveth is counted dead before Thee ; grant this for Thy only 
Son Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


O Lord, fill me with grace that I may fulfil all the service before 8 
which I owe Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen, bed-time. 

O Lord God, spare, I beseech Thee ; who shall raise up Amos vii. 
Jacob ? for he is small. Spare him, therefore, O Lord ; spare 
Thy people, spare me. Say unto my soul, Thou hast repented 
of the evil intended, and it shall not be. Amen. 

Lord, when I am asleep let me not be made afraid ; but Prov. iii. 
let my sleep be sweet, that I may be enabled to serve Thee. | omnus . 

Grant, I beseech Thee, most merciful Father, that I, who Domin. iv. 
for my evil deeds am worthily punished, may by the comfort ^ uadra 
of Thy grace be mercifully relieved, through Jesus Christ our 
Lord and Saviour. Amen. 



Consider and hear me, O Lord my God ; lighten mine eyes, Psal.xiii.3. 
that I sleep not in death. Amen. 


Psal. xvii. O Lord ; Thou hast proved and visited my heart, in the 
night season Thou hast tried me. O blessed Father, purge 
me, that Thou mayest find no wickedness in me ; through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Psal. cxix. O Lord, hear me, that seven times a day I may praise 
Thee ; and be acquainted with that great peace, which they 
have that love Thy law. Amen. 

Domin. v. O Lord, from whom all good things do come, grant unto 
Pascha me ^7 num ^le servant, that by Thy holy inspiration I may 
Cogita- think those things that are good, and by Thy merciful guiding 

may also perform the same, through our Lord Jesus Christ. 


MONDAY. 1 7 



PONDER my words, O Lord, consider my meditations. Psal. v. 1, 
O hearken unto the voice of my calling, my King and my 2> 3> 
God ; for unto Thee will I make my prayer. My voice shalt 
Thou hear betimes, O Lord : early in the morning will I 
direct my prayer unto Thee, and will look up. But make 
me remember, that Thou art God, and hast no pleasure in 
wickedness, neither shall any evil dwell with Thee. Amen. 

O Lord, bless me, and I will sing unto Thee, and praise p sa l. xcvi. 
Thy name, and be telling of Thy salvation from day to day. ^ . 

O Lord, let counsel preserve me, and understanding keep Prov. ii. 
me. Deliver me from the evil way, and from the man that n [ 13 ;1 
speaketh froward things; and from all such as leave the 
ways of righteousness to walk in the ways of darkness : even 
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Lord, I know the way of man is not in himself. It is Jerem. x. 


not in man that walketh to direct his own steps. Therefore, 
O Lord, I beseech Thee, make me know my way, and direct Yiarum 
my steps to Thy honour and my own salvation, through Jesus 
Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Be not wroth with me, O Lord, but spare me, and have 2Esdr.viii. 

A\ ^1 

mercy upon me, for Thou wilt be merciful unto Thy creature. |? . 
O Lord, I and my fathers have all had the same sickness ; cordia. 
but, because of us that are sinners, Thou shalt be called 
merciful ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O Lord, guide me here with Thy counsel, and after that Psal. 

receive me into glory. For whom have I in heaven but * xm 

J Consilium. 

Thee ? and there is none upon earth that I desire in com 
parison of Thee. O Lord, preserve me in those longings after Sitire 
Thee. Amen. 



Psal. cxix. O God, take from me the way of lying, and cause me to 

29. [32.] 

29- [32.] ma k e muc h O f Thy law ; that I may choose the way of truth, 

and lay Thy judgments before me : that I may stick unto Thy 
Obedi- testimonies, and run the way of Thy commandments, when 


Thou hast set my heart at liberty. Amen. 

Domin. i. O God, the strength of all them that trust in Thee, mer 
cifully accept my prayers ; and because the weakness of man s 

pro Gratia, nature can do no good thing without Thee, grant me the help 
of Thy grace, that in keeping of Thy commandments I may 
please Thee both in will and in deed, through Jesus Christ 
our Lord. Amen. 


Tobit iii. O Lord, Thou art just, and all Thy ways are mercy and 
truth; Thou judgest truly for ever; remember me and 
look upon me ; punish me not according to my sins, or my 
ignorances, or my fathers, which have sinned before Thee; 
deal not with me according to my sins, but as seemeth 
best unto Thee, O Lord, my strength and my salvation. 

Jerem.xiv. Lord, I acknowledge my wickedness, and the iniquity of 

Venia. my fatners > we nave sinned against Thee, O Lord, be mer 
ciful. Amen. 

Liturg. Remember not, Lord, our offences, nor the offences of our 

forefathers ; neither take Thou vengeance of our sins ; spare 
us, good Lord, spare Thy people whom Thou hast redeemed 
with Thy most precious blood, and be not angry with us for 
ever. Amen. 

Domin. Lord, I beseech Thee mercifully to hear me ; and as Thou 

TrinT ftast iven me an hearty desire to pray, so grant that by Thy 

fensione ^^ aid * ma y be defend ed both in soul and in body, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Ernf Ug I)omine > acci P e > qnseso, quas offero preces, dona quod 
xv-m. de r gj excusa quod timeo; quia Tu per Christum Tuum es 
Sanctis.* un i C a S pes peccatorum, et per Eum spero veniam delictorum. 

3 T h i iS ^ a ^P 1 8 Sermon, and Appendix. (Serm. cxciv. Op., torn. v. 
placed by the Bened. Edit, in the ool 9.<Ufi \\ Th* r ^ ^ fh. 



O Lord,, be gracious unto me, and give me an heart to 2 Mace. i. 
worship Thee, and to do Thy will ; and open my heart in 3 4) 5 
Thy law, and send me peace ; hear my prayers, and be Miseri- 
reconciled to me, and never forsake me in the time of trouble, cc 
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Remember me, O Lord, according to the favour that Thou Psal.cvi.4. 
bearest unto Thy people. O visit me with Thy salvation, Remember 
that I may see the felicity of Thy chosen, and rejoice in the 
gladness of Thy people, and give thanks with Thine inhe 
ritance. Amen. 

O God, the Protector of all that trust in Thee, without Dom. iv. 
whom nothing is strong, nothing is holy ; increase and P< 
multiply upon me Thy mercy, that Thou being my ruler and 
guide, I may so pass through things temporal, that I finally 
lose not the things eternal. Grant this, O heavenly Father, 
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Grant, O Lord, that I may live in Thy fear, die in Thy 
favour, rest in Thy peace, rise in Thy power, reign in Thy 
glory; for Thy only beloved Son s sake, Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 


Hear, O Lord, consider my complaint, hearken unto my Psal. xvii. 

prayer, that groeth not out of feigned lips : and prevent me 

, f ,, . f , * Exaudire, 

in mercy, before the evening of my days close up upon me ; 

even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Domine ! oro Te, ultra se infirmitas mea non tendat, S. Hilar. 
sed loquatur hoc solum, in quo animaa salus est. Neque in jfe TrS p 
id stultitise simul et impietatis unquam erumpam, ut omni- 195 b . 
potentise Tuse et Sacramentorum arbiter esse velim. Neque 
permittas me erigere infirmitatis mere sensum ultra aut 
infinitatis Tuse religiosam opinionem, aut significatam mihi 
set emit atis Tuse fidem. Amen. 

original, addressed to the Blessed being the day after the Feast of her 

Virgin, and as such is read in the Nativity.] 

Roman Breviary, as the fourth Lesson b [Op., coll. 1139. F. 1140. A.B. 

in the second Nocturn, on Sept. ix., Paris. 1693.] 

C 2 



Coll. Vesp. 



omnia Pe- 



Dom. vi. 
post Trin. 


Illumina, quseso, Domine, tenebras nostras, et totius noctis 
hujus insidias a me et omnibus fidelibus Tuis, ab animabus 
prrecipue, sed et a corporibus nostris repelle propitius, per 
Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

O God, which hast prepared for them that love Thee, such 
good things as pass man s understanding; pour into my 
heart such love towards Thee, that I obeying Thee in all 
things, may obtain Thy promises, which exceed all that I can 
desire, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Psal. xvii. 


Psal. cxli. 



xxviii. 8. 

Dom. vii. 
post Trin. 



Incline Thine ear unto me, O Lord, and hearken unto my 
words. Shew Thy marvellous loving-kindness, Thou that 
art the Saviour of them that put their trust in Thee. Keep 
me as the apple of Thine eye, and hide me under the shadow 
of Thy wings, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Lord, I cry unto Thee, let my prayer be set forth in 
Thy sight as incense, and the lifting up of my hands be an 
evening sacrifice, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

The Lord is my strength and my shield, my heart hath 
trusted in Him, and I am helped : therefore my heart 
danceth for joy, and in my song will I praise Him. Amen. 

O Lord of all power and might, who art the author and 
giver of all good things, graft in my heart the love of Thy 
name, increase in me true religion, nourish me with all 
goodness, and of Thy great mercy keep me in the same, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

xxxix. 5, 




Lord, let me know my end, and the number of my days, 
that I may be certified how long I have to live. Behold, 
Thou hast made my days as it were a span long, and my age 
is even as nothing in respect of Thee ; and verily every man 
living is altogether vanity. For man walketh in a vain 
shadow, and disquieteth himself in vain: he heapeth up 
riches, and cannot tell who shall gather them. And now, 


Lord, what is my hope ? Truly, my hope is even in Thee. 
Deliver me from all mine offences, and make me not a 
rebuke to the foolish, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Domine ! Mea omnia et meipsum Tibi dono et offero, [S.JGregor. 

actionem et sermonem, quietem et silentium. Tan turn me 

habeas, et ducas ; et manum et mentem et linguam, ad ea quse Submissio 
honesta sunt et Tibi grata, moveas ; et ab omnibus, a quibus meil P slus - 
abstinere praestat, abducas. Per, et propter, Jesum Christum 
Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

c [Op., torn. i. p. 145. D.] 








Dom. ix. 
post Trin. 



LORD, preserve me, that neither this day, nor any day of 
my life, I may walk in the counsel of the ungodly, stand in 
the way of sinners, or sit down in the seat of the scornful ; 
but that my delight may be in Thy law, O Lord, and my 
exercise in it day and night. Amen. 

O Sol justitise, Pater et Origo omnium, Tuo sidere afflari 
reviviscere est, Tuo foveri lumine proficere est, Tuis accendi 
flam mis perfici est, abs Te deseri perire est. O ter felices, 
quibus mitis et roscidus exoreris. Bees me, O Domine Jesu, 
lumine Tuo, et discute nebulas ignorantise mese, et caliginem 
peccatorum meorum : ut non aberrans a via mandatorum 
Tuorum, Te sequar in lumen seternum, per Teipsum unicum 
Salvatorem et Redemptorem meum. Amen. 

O Lord, Thou art my assurance ; I humbly beseech Thee 
preserve my foot from taking, even for Jesus Christ His sake. 

O Lord, give me, I beseech Thee, the spirit to think and 
do always such things as be rightful ; that I who cannot be 
without Thee, may by Thee be able to live according to Thy 
will, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Ps. xxv. 1. O Lord, I lift up my soul to Thee ; my God, I have 

Pro omnis m ? tmst in Tnee ; O let me not be confounded, neither let 

Generis mine enemies triumph over me. Shew me Thy ways, O God, 

and teach me Thy paths. Lead me forth iri Thy truth, and 

learn me, for Thou art the God of my salvation"; in Thee is 

my hope all the day long. Call to remembrance, O Lord, 

Thy tender mercies and Thy loving-kindness, which hath 

[Vid. Precat. ad Yirginis Filium J. C. Op., torn. v. col. 1210. F. 1211. B.] 


been ever of old. O remember not the sins and offences of 
my youth, or iny riper age ; but according to Thy mercy 
think Thou upon me, O Lord, for Thy goodness, and the 
merits of Jesus Christ my Saviour. Amen. 

Almighty God, who seest that we have no power of our- Domm. ii. 
selves to help ourselves, keep me, I beseech Thee, both out- Q ua _J a es - 
wardly in my body, and inwardly in my soul, that so I may servatione. 
be defended from all adversity which may happen to my 
body, and from all evil thoughts which may assault and hurt 
my soul, through Jesus Christ my Lord and only Saviour. 


Hearken unto my voice, O Lord, now I cry unto Thee : Ps. xxvii. 


have mercy upon me, and hear me. My heart hath talked 8 

of Thee. Seek ye My face; Thy face, Lord, will I seek. 
O hide not Thou Thy face from me, nor cast Thy servant 
away in displeasure. Thou hast been my succour, leave me 
not, neither forsake me, O God of my salvation. Amen. 

At evening, morning, and at noonday will I pray, and Ps. lv. 18. 
that instantly: Lord, hear my voice. O deliver my soul in jjpist. 17. 
peace from the practices that are against me. Amen. P- I8i b - 


Let Thy merciful ears, O Lord, be open to the prayers of Dom. x. 
me Thy humble servant ; and that I may obtain my petitions, pos 
make me to ask such things as shall please Thee, through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Lord, let me not be confounded, for I have called upon p s . xxxi. 
Thee. O how plentiful is Thy goodness, which Thou hast li 
laid up for them that fear Thee, and that Thou hast prepared GloriaDeo 
for them that put their trust in Thee, even before the sons 
of men ! Lord, I trust in Thee, have mercy upon me. 

b [" Eructabunt labia nostra hym- Paulin. Epist. xix. 1. Op., col. 
num vespere, mane et meridie."- 104. D.] 



Dora. iii. 


Ps. xlii. 3. My tears have been my meat day and night, while they 

dail y sa y unto me ; Wnere is now thy God But let tnem 

have no cause to say it any more, even for Jesus Christ His 
sake. Amen. 

Almighty God,, which showest to all men that are in error 

the K s ht of Th y tmth to tne intcnt that the y mav return 

into the way of righteousness, grant, I beseech Thee, unto 
me and all them that are admitted into the fellowship of 
Christ s religion, that we may eschew those things which are 
contrary to our profession, and follow all such things as 
are agreeable to the same, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

S. Ambros. 
Ps. cxvm 


Ps-xci. i. 



O Domine Salvator, qui habes in potestate peccatum sol- 
vere ; dicas m ihi> oro, Exi de vinculis tuis, exi de nexibus 
peccatorum tuorum, et dicendo solve funes errorum meorum 
quibus circumdatus et ligatus sum. Etsi enim nequissimus 
sim omnium et detestabilis usu peccatorum, Te tamen jubente 
liber ero. Amen. 

Lord, give me grace that I may dwell under the defence of 
the Most Highest, and that I may abide under Thy shadow, 
O Thou Almighty : for Thou art my hope and my strong 
hold, in Thee will I trust, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

G d Th U which declares t Thy Almighty power most 
chiefly by showing mercy and pity, give unto me abundantly 
Thy grace, that I running to Thy promises, may be made 
partaker of Thy heavenly treasure, through Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 


P S .xlvi.i. O God, Thou art my hope and strength, a very present 

L-uilimn. help in trouble. Confirm me, that I may not fear, though 

the earth be moved, and the hills carried into the midst of 

{ though the waters thereof rage and swell, and the 

c [ 40. Op., torn. i. coll. 1070. F. 1071. A.] 


mountains shake at the tempest of the same. O be in the 
midst of my soul, and I shall never be moved. Amen. 

O Lord, look upon me, and be merciful unto me, as Ps. cxix. 
Thou usest to do to those that fear Thy name. Order my J^M. 13 
steps in Thy word, and so shall no wickedness have dominion cordia. 
over me. Amen. 

Almighty God, give unto me, I beseech Thee, a full in- Dom. xiv. 
crease of faith, hope, and charity ; and that I may obtain s 

that which Thou dost promise, make me love that which oinne. 
Thou dost command, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 



Lord, I call upon Thee in the day of my trouble, in the Ps. 1. 15. 
night of my heaviness. O deliver me, and I will glorify 
Thee. Amen. 

O Lord, correct me, but with judgment; not in Thyjer. x. 21. 
anger, lest Thou bring me to nothing. And grant that 
Thy correction may amend me, and make me Thine, through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Ameri. 

Respice me quoque, O Domine Jesu ! ut propria possim [Vid.] S. 
recognoscere peccata, et fletibus piis culpas solvere. Da, p^,.] y 
quseso, lacrymas Petri : nolo Igetitiam peccatoris. Utque hoc Hexam. 

._ . . . 

fiat, respice Tu, et des ut mihi etiam misernmo peccatorum 
aliquis gallus cantet ; ut liberatus Tibi cantem in ssecula tia - 
sseculorum . Amen . 

O eternal God and merciful Father, grant, I humbly Dom. iv. 
beseech Thee, that I may love all those things which Thou 
commandest, and desire that which Thou dost promise; that entia. 
among the sundry and manifold changes of the world, my 
heart may surely there be fixed, where true joys are to be 
found ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

d [ 89, 90. Op., torn. i. coll. 112. F. 113. A.] 





Baruch ii. 
12. 14. 

O LORD, I have sinned, and dealt wickedly, nay, offended 
Thee in all Thine ordinances. Let Thy wrath turn from me, 
for I am Aveak; and hear my prayers, and deliver me for 
Thine own sake, and the merits of my Saviour Jesus Christ. 

Gracious Father, without Thee I can do nothing but sin ; 
nor can I confess it, to have pardon, but by Thee a . I was 
conceived and born in sin : and though Thou didst wash me 
from that in the laver of Baptism, yet I have since defiled 
myself again, and by many grievous actual sins have made 
myself a sinner above all other men, considering the great 
measure of grace that Thou hast given me. Lord, increase 
Thy grace, and by it weaken first, and then cut off my 
resistance, that I may see, and confess, and hate, and for 
sake all my sins, and find mercy and salvation in the merits 
of my blessed Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen. 

O Lord, early this morning do I cry unto Thee, for in 
Thy word is my trust. Hear me, O Lord, for Jesus Christ 
His sake. Amen. 
Ps.cxliii.8. O Lord, let me hear Thy loving-kindness betimes in the 
morning, for in Thee is my trust. O shew me the way that 
I should walk in this day, and all the days of my life ; for 
I lift up my soul unto Thee in the mercies of Jesus Christ. 

Ps. cxix. 




Ps. xxxix. Deliver me, O Lord, from all mine offences, and make me 
not a rebuke to the foolish. For man walketh in a vain 
shadow, and disquieteth himself in vain. But, Lord, what is 
my hope? truly, my hope is even in Thee. And there let 
it still continue acceptable in Jesus Christ, our Lord and 
only Saviour. Amen. 

a [The punctuation of this clause taken from Edit. 1663.] 



O Lord, look upon me in mercy ; in the greater mercy, Pomitcn- 
because tlie calling and place I am in must give a stricter tia> 
account to Thee. Look therefore upon me, O Lord, but not 
till Thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ ; not till 
Thou hast bathed me in the Blood of Christ ; not till I have 
hid myself in the Wounds of Christ ; that so the punishment, 
which should else overtake me, may pass over me : then 
look, and say unto my soul, I have forgiven thee; and by 
the work of Thy mercy in my soul make me feel it, through 
Jesus Christ, our only Lord and Saviour. Amen. 

O Domine, qui magnos greges perficis, et parvos per gra- [S.] Gr. 
tiam auges, pro amplissima benignitate Tua copiose me con- g 
solare, et gregem meum mecum et pasce et conserva : per pag. I44 b . 
Jesum Christum summum Pastorem, et Salvatorem nostrum. 


O Lord, plead Thou my cause with them that strive with Pa. xxxv. 
me, and fight against them that fight against me. Bring j)efensio 
forth the spear, and stop the way against them that perse 
cute me. Say unto my soul, I am thy salvation. Even so. 

Give ear, O Lord, unto my prayer, and ponder the voice Ps. Ixxxvi. 
of my humble desires. In the time of my trouble I will call jjxaudire 
upon Thee, for Thou nearest me. Amen. 

Deliver my soul, O God, from lying lips, and from a Ps. cxx. 2. 
deceitful tongue. Amen. ^e^" 

Keep me, O Lord, Thy poor humble servant, with Thy Dom. xv. 
perpetual mercy ; and because the frailty of man without pos 
Thee cannot but fall, preserve me ever by Thy help, and 
lead me to all things profitable to my salvation; through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


O Lord, give me such grace as I may seek Thee while Esai. lv. 6, 
Thou mayest be found, and call upon Thee while Thou art p 
near ; that I may detest and forsake the wickedness of my tia - 
b [Op., torn. i. p. 141. C.] 


ways, and the unrighteousness of my own imaginations ; that 
I may return unto Thee, and Thou have mercy upon me, in 
Jesus Christ my only Saviour and Eedeemer. Amen. 
Ps. ixxxvi. Teach me Thy ways, O Lord, and I will walk in Thy 

truth. O knit my heart unto Thee, that I may fear Thy 
Timor Dei. J 

name. Amen. 

Dom. xvii. Lord, I beseech Thee, grant that Thy grace may alway 
)s ri ? prevent and follow me, and make me continually to be given 
to all good works, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Ps. li. i, Have mercy upon me, O God, after Thy great goodness, 

Pceniten an ^ accol> ding * the multitude of Thy mercies do away mine 

tia. offences. Wash me throughly from my wickedness, and 

cleanse me from my sin : for I acknowledge my faults, and 

my sin is ever before me. But let not this evening take 

from me the light of the Sun of Righteousness, Jesus Christ 

my Saviour. Amen. 

S.Aug. O Domine, exaudire dignare preces meas in beneplacito 

de Verb. Tuo. Inimicum ab actibus meis et cogitationibus virtute Tua 
Dom.,et expelle. Multiplica mihi fidem, guberna mentem, spirituales 
de Diver- cogitationes concede (super stratum vigilanti,) et ad beatitu- 
Bis, et Ser. ^inem Tuam perducito, per Jesum Christum Filium Tuum, 
Donum et Salvatorem nostrum. Amen. 


Dom.xyiii. Lord, I beseech Thee, give me grace to avoid the infections 
ObedienT ^ t ^ ie ^ ev ^> an ^ w ^h a pure heart and mind to follow Thee, 
tia. the only true God, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Ps. li. 17. Lord, I offer up unto Thee my evening sacrifice ; Thy 
Poeniten- sacrifice, even a troubled spirit, a broken and a contrite 

heart, which Thou wilt not despise, in Jesus Christ our Lord. 


O Domine, supplex Te oro, respice me, et purga mentem 

meam et cogitationes meas ab impuris concupiscentiis, et ab 

< [See the prayer Conversi ad Do- this last Sermon (Op., torn v col 250 
mmum," printed in full at the end of D.), and referred to in the other places.] 


omni inquinameiito carnis et spiritus, ct ab omni diabolica 
operatione, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

O Domine, ineffabilem misericordiam Tuam clem enter Misericor- 
ostende, et simul exue me a peccatis quse commisi, et eripe ia * 
me a poenis quas merui, per Christum Dominum nostrum. 

O God, forasmuch as without Thee I am not able to please Dom. xix. 
Thee, grant that the working of Thy mercy may in all things post Trm - 
direct and rule my heart, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 



O Lord, give me that grace that I may remember Thee PS. ixiii. 6, 
upon my bed, and think upon Thee when I am waking. ^ 8l -l 
Thou hast been my helper ; therefore under the shadow of 
Thy wings I will hope to pass through the darkness of this Nox. 
night, in the comfort of Jesus Christ, my Lord and only 
Saviour. Amen. 

O Lord, make mine eyes prevent the night watches, that Ps. cxix. 
I may be occupied in Thy words. Amen. 

O Lord, Thou which hast made the night for man to rest 
in, as well as the day to labour, grant, dear Father, that I 
may so take my bodily rest, that my soul may continually 
watch for my deliverance out of this mortal life ; and that Somnus. 
my sleep be not excessive, according to the insatiable desires 
of the flesh, but sufficient to relieve and maintain nature; 
to live and serve Thee in all sober and godly conversation, 
through the aid and assistance of Jesus Christ, my only Lord 
and Saviour. Amen. 




Ps. xvii. 5. O HOLD Thou up my goings in Thy paths, that my foot 
steps slip not. Amen. 

S. Aug. de Subveni, Domine mi Jesu, et accingere gladium Tuuni 
ca H ^n 8 " circa femur, potentissime. Omnium potentissime, egredere : 
Auxilium. occide me in me, ut vivam in Te, et desinant inimici persequi 

me. Amen. 

Ps. ixiii. 1. O God, Thou art my God, early will I seek Thee. My 

Consolatio. soul thirsteth for Thee, my flesh longeth greatly after Thee, 

in a barren and dry land, where no water is. O satisfy this 

thirst with Thy freshest waters of comfort, in Jesus Christ 

our Lord. Amen. 

Esai. O Lord, have mercy upon me ; I have waited for Thee : 

xxxni. 2. k e Thou my arm in the morning, and my help in the time of 
trouble ; that I may exalt Thy name, which dwellest on 
high, that I may live in the stability of Thy times, and that 
Thy fear may be my treasure, even for Jesus Christ His sake. 

Ascensio- O Almighty God and merciful Father, grant, I beseech 
nisDies. rp^ that as j do b e ii eve Tny only Son our Lord to have 
ascended into the heavens ; so I, and all Thy faithful servants, 
may in heart and mind thither ascend, and with Thee conti 
nually dwell. Amen. 

Dom. post O God, the King of Glory, who hast exalted Thine only 
Son Jesus Christ with great triumph into Thy kingdom in 
heaven, I beseech Thee leave neither Thy Church nor my 
poor self comfortless ; but send us Thy Holy Ghost to comfort 
us, and exalt us unto the same place whither our Saviour 
Christ is gone before, who liveth and reigneth with Thee, 
one God, world without end. Amen. 

a [Op., torn. viii. Append, col. 1546. A. B.] 



Hear my prayer, O God, and hide not Thyself from my Ps. lv. 2. 
petition. Take heed unto me, and hear me, how I mourn in Exaudire. 
my prayer, and am vexed. Give me strength and comfort 
in Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O God, the proud are risen against me, and the congre- Ps. Ixxxvi. 
gation of factious men have sought after my soul, and have " 
not set Thee before their eyes. But Thou, Lord God, art full 
of compassion and mercy, long-suffering, plenteous in good 
ness and truth. O turn Thee then unto me, and have mercy 
upon me : shew some token upon me for good, that they 
which hate me may see it, and be ashamed, because Thou, 
Lord, hast holpen me, and comforted me, in Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 

Assist me mercifully, O Lord, in these, and all other my Liturg. 
supplications and prayers, and dispose my ways towards the ng 
attainment of everlasting salvation ; that among all the 
changes and chances of this mortal life, I may ever be de 
fended by Thy most gracious and ready help, through Jesus 
Christ our Lord. Amen. 


O deliver me from them whose words are softer than Ps. lv. [21,] 
butter, when they have war in their heart ; and from them 22 
whose words are smoother than oil, while they are very entes. 
swords. Lord, I cast my burthen upon Thee, that Thou 
mayest sustain me, and not suffer me to fall for ever. 

Bless me, O Lord, when Thou chastenest me, and teachest Ps. xciv. 
me in Thy law ; that Thou mayest give me patience in time J, 2 ^ . 
of adversity, till the pit be digged up for the ungodly. O 
Lord, fail me not, neither forsake me, for I am part in Thine 
inheritance in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Almighty and merciful God, of Thy bountiful goodness Dom. xx. 
keep me from all things that may hurt me ; that I being p ^^ 
ready both in body and soul, may with a free heart accom- obedien- 
plish those things that Thou wouldest have done, through tia * 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 



S. Aug. 
cont. Epist. 

XXXVll. b 

Ps. cix. 1 


Prec. Mat. 
Coll. pro 

Et pro De- 


O seterne Deus, quamdiu hie in terris sum, supplex oro, in 
quantum terrena mihi serviunt, doceant me esse Dominum 
suum, sed a Te constitutum. In quantum molesta sunt, 
doceant me servire Tibi Domino meo, cui dum non obtem- 
pero, ilia in justam vindictam molesta esse solent. Ut sive 
ilia mihi serviant, sive non, ego semper serviam Tibi, in et 
per Jesum Christum Domiiium nostrum. Amen. 

Hold not Thy tongue, O God of my praise ; for the mouth 
of the ungodly, yea, and the mouth of the deceitful, is opened 
upon me. And they have spoken against me with false 
tongues, they compassed me about also with words of hatred, 
and fought against me without a cause. But 1 give myself 
unto prayer ; Lord, forgive them, and hear me. Amen. 

O God, which art the Author of peace and lover of con 
cord, in knowledge of whom standeth our eternal life, whose 
service is perfect freedom ; defend me, and all Thy servants, 
in all assaults of our enemies, that we, surely trusting in Thy 
defence, may not fear the power of any adversaries, through 
the might of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen, 

V s : 1 ; 

] Aug. de 
cap. vii. c 
Ps. cxl. 1, 


Coll. 1. 

Pro Pace. 


Die, O Domine mi Jesu, doce, discam a Te, quod doceam de 
Te. Amen. 

Deliver me, O Lord, from the man that is evil, and pre 
serve me from the cruel man, which imagines mischief in his 
heart, and stirs up strife all the day long. The proud have 
laid a snare for me, and spread their net abroad with cords, 
and set traps in my way. Lord, keep me from treacherous 
hands, and preserve me, that though they purpose, yet they 
may not be able to overthrow my goings, even for Jesus 
Christ His sake. Amen. 

O God, from whom all holy desires, all good counsels, and 
all just works do proceed, give unto me, and all Thy servants, 
that peace which the world cannot give ; that both our hearts 
may be set to obey Thy commandments, and also that by 
Thee we being defended from the fear of our enemies, may 
b [Op., torn. viii. col. 302. C.] c [Op., torn. viii. App. col. 1545. B.] 


pass our time in rest and quietness, through the merits of 
Jesus Christ our Saviour. Amen. 


Have mercy upon me, O God, have mercy upon me, for Ps. ivii. 1. 
my soul trusteth in Thee, and in the shadow of Thy wings Spes 
will I trust, till these and all other my afflictions be overpast. 
O send out Thy mercy and truth upon me, even for Jesus 
Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Domine misericors, qui ad cor altum non accedis, humilia S. Aug. 
animam meam. O Tu, qui non videris nisi a mundis cordi- g c a para- 
bus, veram cordis munditiem dato mihi. Sitio, O Domine, disi,cap.4. d 
da arrham hrereditatis futurse, saltern da guttam ccelestis Deum. 
pluvise, qua refrigerare possim sitim meam, quia amore ardeo. 
Nee hoc peto, Domine, propter merita mea, indignissimus 
enim sum qui gustem ; sed pro misericordia Tua, et meritis 
Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi. Amen. 

Almighty God, vouchsafe, I beseech Thee, to direct, Liturg. 
sanctify, and govern both my heart and body in the ways of n ^ 1- 
Thy laws, and in the works of Thy commandments, that tio. 
through Thy mighty protection, both here and ever, I may 
be preserved by night and by day, in body and in soul, 
through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen. 


O Lord, I cry unto Thee, hearken unto me, O God. Thou Ps. ixxvii. 
boldest my eyes waking : I am so feeble that I cannot speak: 2 
and in the night season my soul refuseth comfort ; yet even Tempore 
then give me grace especially that I may commune with ^ente^ 
mine own heart, and search out my spirits, and compose 
them in Thee, that I may rise to serve Thee. Amen. 

Da mihi, Domine, dormitum abeunti requiem corporis et Somnus. 
animse. Custodi me a caliginoso peccati somno, ab omni 
tenebrosa et nocturna mollitie. Ignita maligni tela dolose in 
me vibrata extinguito. Rebelliones carnis mese reprimito. 
Et omnem terrenam et muiidanam in me cogitationem 
sopito, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 
d [Op., torn. vi. App. col. 1455. A C ] 



Coll. in I humbly beseech Thee, O Father, mercifully to look upon 

Anglic* mv infirmities, and for the glory of Thy name s sake, turn 

from me and the rest of Thy servants, all those evils which 

Defensio. we most justly have deserved : and grant that in all our 

troubles we may put our whole trust and confidence in Thy 

mercy, and evermore serve Thee in holiness and pureness of 

living, to Thy honour and glory, through our only Mediator 

and Advocate, Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 




DEUS magne, Deus omnipotens, Deus summae bonitatis, s. Aug. 
quern inviolabilem et incorruptibilem credi et intelligi fas est; ^ b * \ 
Trina Unitas, quam Catholica Ecclesia colit, supplex oro, de Duab. 
expertus in meipso misericordiam Tuam, ne homines, cum cent* 1 
quibus mihi a pueritia in omni victu fuit summa consensio, Manich. 
in Tuo cultu a me dissentire permittas : nee vel me vel illos a 
veritate et salute, quse est in Christo Jesu. Amen. 

O Lord, I will call upon Thee, and early shall my prayer Ps. 
come before Thee. Lord, do not abhor my soul, neither hide 
Thy face from me, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Lord, make me to have a perpetual fear and love of Thy Dom. ii. 
holy name; for Thou never failest to help and govern them P ost nl 
whom Thou dost bring up in Thy steadfast love. Grant this Amare 
even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. Deum 

Almighty and everlasting God, which of Thy tender love Parasceue. 
towards man hast sent our Saviour Jesus Christ, to take Domin. 
upon Him our flesh, and to suffer death upon the cross, that 
all mankind should follow the example of His great humility; 
mercifully grant that I may both follow the example of His 
patience, and be made partaker of His resurrection, through 
the same Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Almighty God, I humbly beseech Thee graciously to Coll. l. 
behold Thy family, for the which our Lord Jesus Christ was ie1 . 
content to be betrayed, and given up into the hands of wicked 
men, and to suffer death upon the cross, who liveth and 
reigneth with Thee and the Holy Ghost, one God, world 
without end. Amen. 

Almighty and everlasting God, by whose Spirit the whole Coll. 2. 
body of the church is governed and sanctified, receive these die1 

[Op., torn. i. col. 59, A. B.] b [Op., torn. viii. col. 162. C.] 

D 2 


Pro omni- my supplications and prayers which I offer up before TheeJ 
bus< for all estates of men in Thy holy church, that every memberj 

of the same, in his vocation, may truly and devoutly serve 
Thee, through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. 


S. Aug. (le Diu est, O Domine, ex quo contra haereses laboravi, et sum} 
ca^r^ prene fatigatus. Veni, Domine mi Jesu, prseliator fortissime,j> 
Haereses. princeps exercitus Domini, qui diabolum vicisti et sseculum.t 

Apprehende arma et scutum, et exurge in adjutorium mihi.l 


Ps. cix. 20. Deal with me, O God, according to Thy name, for sweet is 
ance VC1 ^hy mercy. O deliver me, for I am helpless and poor, and) 

my heart is wounded within me. Lord, save my soul. 

Ps. xxv. 14. Mine eyes are ever looking unto Thee, O Lord; O pluck | 

my feet out of the net. Amen. 
Liturg. Almighty God, who hast promised to hear the petitions of 

them that ask in Thy Son s name, I beseech Thee mercifully j 

to incline Thine ears to me, now that in His name I make my | 
Exaudire. prayers and supplications unto Thee ; and grant that those 

things which I have faithfully asked according to Thy will, 

may effectually be obtained, to the relief of my necessity, 

and to the setting forth of Thy glory, through Jesus Christ 

our Lord. Amen, 


Ps.lxxix.8. O remember not my old sins, but have mercy upon me, 
and that soon, for I arn come to great misery. Help me, 
O God of my salvation ; O deliver me, and be merciful unto 
my sins, for Thy name s sake. Amen. 

Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto Thy name 
give the praise ; and that for Thy loving mercy and for Thy 
truth s sake. Amen. 

e et Fili et Sancte Spiritus, qui uni- 

Unita. tam Deitatem nobis declarasti, et sacrosanct^ solius Divini- 
c [Op., torn. viii. App. col. 1543. A. B.] 


tatis indivisam gloriam revelasti, et perfectam Trinitatis Tuse Dcitate 
sempiternitatem demonstrasti ; Da mihi, obsecro, fidem efcp 444d 
obedientiam in hac vita, et gloriam in futura, per et propter Dom. 
Redemptorem nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. 


O Lord God of Hosts, how long wilt Thou be angry with PS. Ixxx. 4. 
Thy poor servant that prayeth ? O turn me again, O God ; 
shew the light of Thy countenance, and I shall be whole. 

Tibi gloria, Tibi gloria, Domine ! Quanta apud Te cle- S. Chrys- 

, . , o , . ,. o -n os k lib- iii. 

mentise abyssus ? quanta patientise copia ? En, qui nommis de Sacer . 

Tui prsetextu ex ignobilibus et obscuris clari et illustres effecti 
sunt, honore abutuntur, et contra Te, qui honorem largitus 
es; audentque non audenda in sacrosancta mysteria Tua 
injurii. Probos quantum possunt extrudunt, ut homines 
perditis moribus prsediti summa cum quiete et licentia con- 
turbent omnia. O Domine, exurge, adjuva Ecclesiam Tuam, Ecclesia. 
et ne sin as animam meam in eorum consilium descendere, 
per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 


O Lord, I will cry day and night before Thee, let my Ps. 
prayer enter into Thy presence, incline Thine ear unto my l*^ 
calling ; for my soul is full of trouble, and my life draws Afflictio- 
nigh unto the pit. O let not Thine indignation lie too hard nes 
upon me, neither vex me with all Thy storms : but remember 
of what mould Thou hast made me, even for Jesus Christ His 
sake. Amen. 

O Domine, ne sit mihi inutilis pugna verborum, sed S. Hilar. 
incunctantis fidei constans professio. Conserva, oro, in me jpjjn^fl iie 
fidei incontaminatam religionem. Et, usque ad excessum Fides f . 
spiritus mei, hanc conscientia3 mese vocem dona mihi : ut, 
quod in regenerationis mea3 symbolo baptizatus in Patre et 
Filio et Spiritu Sancto professus sim, semper obtineam. Ut 

d [Opus spurium apud S. Athan. e [15. Op., torn. i. p. 394. D.] 
Op., torn. ii. p. 604. Paris. 1698.] f [ 56, 57. col. 1144. A. B.] 


Te habeam Patrem ; ut una Tecum Filium Tuum adorem, et 
Spiritum Sanctum Tuum promerear, per Jesum Christum 
Dominum nostrum. Amen. 


Ps. xcii. O Lord, be merciful unto me, and I will sing praises unto 
Thy name ; yea, I will tell of Thy loving-kindness early in 

cordia. the morning, and of Thy truth in the night season. O bless 
me, and fulfil all Thy works of grace in me, even for Jesus 
Christ His sake. Amen. 

Dona mihi, Domine, mentem vigilem, cogitationem so- 
briam, cor castum, somnum placidum, et ab omni diabolica 
imaginatione liberum. Et deinde excita me, Domine, hora 
orationis, ut prseceptis Tuis firmiter adha3ream, et memoriam 
retineam inviolatam judiciorum Tuorum. Amen&. 



Psal. cxix. Lord, remember Thy promise unto Thy servant, wherein 
Thou hast caused me to put my trust ; that Thy statutes 
may be my songs in the house of my pilgrimage ; and that 
I may remember Thy name in the night season. Amen. 

In manus Tuas, Domine, commendo animam et corpus 
meum : creasti enim et redemisti ea, Domine Deus veritatis. 
Commendo autem mecum et mea omnia, Tu enim mihi gra- 
tiose largitus es ilia pro beneplacito Tuo. In pace ergo me 
simul cubare et dormire facias, O Domine, qui solus me habi- 
tare facis secure, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. 
Amen h . 

Nal G Orat omnium Domine et effector, O Deus Tuorum Pater et 
x. aZ [0 P . ra Gubernator, O vitse et mortis Arbiter, O animarum Gustos et 
176. [A.- Benefactor ; q ui oninia facis, et tempestive, atque, ut Ipse 
C.] pro sapientise Tuse et administrationis altitudine nosti, artifice 

More. sermone transmutas ! me opportune tempore Tuo suscipe, 
tamdiu in came vitam meam moderatus, quamdiu conducibile 

* [Conf. Lane. And rewes, Free. Priv. h FConf ibid n 234 "1 
p. 230. Oxon. 1852.] 


fuerit mihiipsi et Ecclesise. Et suscipe, quseso, ob metum 
Tuum paratum, non turbatum, nee in extremo die terga 
vertentem, nee invito animo tanquam abstractum aut avulsum 
a mundo, sed ut prompte et alacriter ad beatam illam et seter- 
nam vitam proficiscentem, quae est in Christo Jesu Domino 
nostro, cui gloria in ssecula sseculorum. Amen. 

O Domine Deus meus, voca me, ut accedam ad Te : firma [S.] Aug. 
me, ne recedam a Te, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. 

1 [Al. Serm. ccxxv. Op., torn. v. col. 1415. D.] 




Ps.lix. 16. O LORD, I will sing of Thy power, and will praise Thy 
Laus Dei. merc y i n tne morning, for Thou hast been my defence and 

my refuge in the day of my trouble. Unto Thee, O my 

strength, will I sing ; for Thou, O God, art my defence, and 

ray merciful God. Amen. 

Ps. xc. 17. The glorious majesty of Thee, O Lord ray God, be upon 
Benedic- me . p ros p er Thou the work of my hands upon me, O prosper 

Thou my handy-work. Amen. 
Ps.cxix.18, O Lord, open mine eyes that I may see the wonders of 

;.. . Thy law. I am a stranger upon earth, O hide not Thy com- 

Illumma- . . -, -, t 

tio. mandments from me : for Thy testimonies are my delight and 

my counsellors. Lord, continue that favour to me, that so 
they may ever be. Amen. 

Prec. Mat. O Lord, our heavenly Father, Almighty and everlasting 

Gratia 10 God, who hast safely brought me to the beginning of this 

Auxilium. day, defend me in the same with Thy mighty power, and 

grant that this day I fall into no sin, nor run into any kind 

of danger ; but that all my doings may be ordered by Thy 

governance, to do always that which is righteous in Thy 

sight, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Ps.lxii.[2.] O my soul, wait thou still upon my God, for my hope is in 
Him : He is my strength and my salvation, He is my defence, 


so that I shall not fall. So Amen, Lord Jesu, Amen. 

OratioEze- O Lord God, be merciful unto every one that prepares his 
2Chron. whole heart to seek Thee, O Lord God, the God of his 
Impeiec- fathers tnou g n he be not according to the purification of the 
tio. sanctuary. Amen. 

* Lord > T walk in the midst of trouble ; I beseech Thee, 

II 1. t 

-. . . 

Inimici. refresh me. Stretch forth Thy hand upon the fury and the 


cunning of mine enemies, that Thy right hand may save me. 

make good Thy loving-kindness towards me, and despise 
not, I beseech Thee, the work of Thine own hands. Amen. 

I deal with the thing that is lawful and right ; O give me Ps. cxix. 
not over unto mine oppressors. Amen. Inimici. 

O make me, Thy poor servant, still to delight in that which Ver. 122. 
is good, that the proud do me no wrong, for Jesus Christ 
His sake. Amen. 

Almighty God, the fountain of all wisdom, who knowest Liturg. 
our necessities before we ask, and our ignorance in asking, 

1 beseech Thee to have compassion upon my infirmities ; and Infirmitas. 
those things which for my unworthiness I dare not, and for 

my blindness I cannot ask, "vouchsafe to give me, for the 
worthiness of Thy Son Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


O Lord, I will put my trust in Thee always : O let Thy Ps. ixii. 8. 
people do it with me, and I will pour out my heart before 
Thee, O God my hope. Amen. 

O that my ways were made so direct that I might keep Ps. cxix. 5. 
Thy statutes ! O Lord, direct them. Amen. dbSSi 

O Lord, teach me the way of Thy statutes, and I shall PS. cxix. 
keep it unto the end: yea, I shall keep it with my whole 33 >C 34 - 38 -] 
heart. O stablish Thy word in Thy servant, that I may fear Timor Dei, 
Thee, and that for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


O Lord, I will call upon Thee in my troubles, O deliver Ps.lxxxi.7. 
me and hear me ; and then especially at what time any storm *" 

falls upon me, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. tiones. 

Blessed art Thou, O Lord, O teach me Thy statutes ; that Ps. cxix. 
my whole heart may seek Thee, and that I may not go wrong viaru m 
out of Thy commandments : that I may take greater delight directio. 
in the way of Thy testimonies, than in all manner of riches. 


O praise the Lord, all ye His servants, ye that by night P S - cxxxiv. 
stand in the house of the Lord. With these, O Lord, I lift Laus Dei. 


up my hands to Thy sanctuary, and will praise Thy name, 
O Lord, be with me this evening in all the mercies of Jesus 
Christ my Saviour". Amen. 

Protectio. Miserse carnis meae infirmitatem Tu nosti, qui finxisti me : 
invisibilium hostium meorum vigilantiam Tu nosti, qui vides 
eos; protegat me ala bonitatis Tuse, per Jesum Christum 
Dominum nostrum. Amen a . 


Ps. cxxxix. O Lord, there is no hiding me from Thy presence : for if 
I should say, the darkness shall cover me, then shall my 
night be turned to day. For the darkness is no darkness 
with Thee, but the night is as clear as the day ; the darkness 

Confessio. and the light to Thee are both alike. Therefore, O God, 
I present myself open before Thee ; O cleanse my soul, that 
it may rejoice to be seen of Thee in Jesus Christ. Amen. 

Gratiarum Die jam transacto, gratias Tibi ago, Domine, gloriam Tibi 

Actio. tribuo, quod sine scandalo; hymnis effero, quod liber ab 
insidiis diem transegerim, per Jesum Christum Dominum 
nostrum. Amen. 

Ps.lxxi.l7, Thy righteousness, O God, is very high, and great things 

19, &c. are they which Thou hast done for me. O God, who is like 
unto Thee ? Thou hast brought me to great honour, and 

Laus Dei. comforted me on every side. Therefore will I praise Thee 
and Thy righteousness, O God, and unto Thee will I sing, 

Thou Holy One of Israel. My lips will be glad when 

1 sing unto Thee, and so will my soul which Thou hast deli 
vered. My tongue also shall talk of Thy righteousness all 
the day long: for many are confounded and brought to 
shame that have sought to do me evil. O Lord, continue 

Gratiarum Thy blessings to me, and multiply my thankfulness to Thee, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 



Ps. cxxi. 4. O Lord, Thou Keeper of Israel, which in the watch over 
Thy servants dost neither slumber nor sleep, be my keeper, 
and preserve me this night. O keep my soul. Amen. 
b [Conf. Lane. Andrewes, Prec. Priv. p. 230.] 


Lord, give me grace to make haste, and not prolong the Ps. cxix/ 
time to keep Thy commandments. That I may call my ^ ^ 
own ways to remembrance, and turn my feet to Thy testi- natio. 
monies. And then at midnight will I rise and give Thee 
thanks, because of Thy righteous judgments, O Lord, my 
strength and my Redeemer. Amen. 

Woe is me, that I am constrained to dwell with Mesech, Ps. cxx. 4. 
and to have my habitation among the tents of Kedar. For 
my soul hath too long dwelt among them that are enemies 
unto peace. Too long, O Lord, but that it is Thy good plea- Mora, 
sure to continue my dwelling in this vale of misery. Amen. 

Quid es, O Deus meus? Quid rogo nisi Dominum, Deus ? Adoratioet 
Quis enim Dominus prseter Dominum, aut quis Deus prseter DeTmeL " 
Deum nostrum ? Summe, optime, potentissime, misericor- S. Aug. 1. i. 
dissime et justissime, secretissime et prsesentissime, pulcher- 4 n ess> c> 
rime et fortissime, stabilis et incomprehensibilis, immutabilis, 
mutans omnia. Nunquam novus, nunquam vetus, innovans 
omnia et in vetustatem perducens superbos, et nesciunt. 
Semper agens, semper quietus, colligens et non egens. Por- 
tans, et implens, et protegens, creans, et nutriens, et per- 
ficiens. Quaeris, cum nihil desit Tibi. Amas, nee sestuas. 
Zelas, et securus es. Poenitet Te, et non doles. Irasceris, et 
tranquillus es. Opera mutas, non consilium. Kecipis quod 
invenis, et nunquam amisisti. Nunquam inops, et gaudes 
lucris. Nunquam avarus, et usuras exigis. Supererogatur 
Tibi ut debeas, et quis habet quicquam non Tuum ? Reddis 
debita, nulli debens : donas debita, nihil perdens. Et quid 
dicimus, Deus meus, vita mea, dulcedo mea sancta ? Aut 
quid dicit aliquis, quum de Te dicit ? Et vae tacentibus de 
Te, quouiam loquaces muti sunt. Miserere mei, Deus, ut 
loquar de Te, et glorificem nomen Tuum. Amen. 

b [Op., torn. i. coll. 135. C.D. 136. A.] 



Ps.xix. 13. LORD,, this is the time of fear; keep Thy servant from 
presumptuous sins, lest they get the dominion over me : that 
though my sins be many and great, yet I may be innocent 
from the great offence, even for Jesus Christ His sake. 

O Lord, make me worthy of the place to which Thou hast 
raised me in Thy Church, that all my endeavours may be to 
make truth and peace meet together. In this course give me 
understanding to discover my enemies, and wisdom to pre 
vent them : a heart to love my friends, and carriage that 
may bind them. Lord, make me love Thy Church, and the 
place where Thine honour dwelleth ; that as Thou hast 
honoured me above many others, so I may honour Thee above 
all, and spend whatsoever is acceptable in the poor remainder 
of my life to serve Thee in Thy Church, through Jesus Christ 
our Lord. Amen. 

Ps. cxix. O Lord, turn away mine eyes that they behold not vanity, 

Saivian. 1. and quicken Thou me in Thy way. Amen. 

lYeVnttiOTe" ]Domine misericors, quando a Te ipse exoratus, (nee enim 

Dei,p.222 a . unquam ita vivimus, ut exorare mereamur,) pacificos nobis 
dies, proventus uberes, divitem bonis omnibus tranquillita- 
tem, et abundantiam dederis super vota crescentem, ne sinas 
me tanta secundarum rerum prosperitate corrumpi, ne et Tui 
penitus obliviscar et mei : sed humilitatem et gratitudinem 
adauge, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 


Visita, quseso, Domine, habitationem meam, et omnes 
insidias inimici ab ea longe repelle : angeli Tui sancti habi- 
tent in ea, et nos in pace et sanitate custodiant, et benedictio 
Tua sit super nos semper, per Jesum Christum Dominum 
nostrum. Amen b . 

[P. 119. ed. Brcmae, 1688.] > [Brev. Rom - Orat - ad Completorium.] 



Let the words of my mouth, and the meditations of my Ps. xix.14. 
heart, be always acceptable in Thy sight, O Lord, my strength 
and my Redeemer. Amen. 

Lord, keep my tongue from evil, and my lips that they Ps. xxxiv. 
speak no guile ; that so I may eschew evil and do good, seek " " 
peace and ensue it. Amen, 

O Lord, give me the mouth of the righteous, that it may Ps. xxxvii. 
be exercised in wisdom, and that my tongue may be talking 31> 
of judgment. Amen. 

Lord, I have said in Thy grace, I will take heed unto my Ps. xxxix. 
ways, that I offend not in my tongue. Give me, O give me * 
that grace, that I may take this heed, that I may keep my 
mouth as it were with a bridle, especially when the ungodly 
is in my sight, be it never so much pain or grief unto me. 
Hear me, and grant, even for Christ Jesus His sake. Amen. 

Let the free-will offerings of my mouth please Thee, O Ps. cxix. 
Lord, and teach me Thy judgments. Amen. 

O Lord, set a watch before my mouth, and keep the door Ps. cxli. 3. 
of my lips ; and let not my heart be inclined to anything 
that is evil. Amen. 

O Lord, set a watch before my mouth, and a seal of wis- Eccius. 
dom upon my lips, that I fall not suddenly by them, and XJ 
that my tongue destroy me not. Amen. 


If I find favour in Thine eyes, O Lord, Thou wilt bring David fu 
me again, and shew me both the ark and the tabernacle, and | ! ^ xy 
set me right in Thy service, and make me joyful and glad in 25. 
Thee. But if Thou say, (O, for Jesus His sake, say it not,) 
I have no pleasure in thee ; behold, here I am, do with me 
as seemeth good in Thine own eyes. Amen. 

O Lord, though I be afflicted on every side, let me not be 2 Cor. iv. 8. 
in distress : though in want of some of Thy comforts, yet not 


of all : though I be chastened, yet let me not be forsaken : 
2Cor.iv.16. though I be cast down, let me not perish: and though my 

outward man perish, yet let my inward man be renewed 

daily, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 
Ps. xxxix. O Lord, whatsoever Thou shalt lay upon me, I will hold 

my peace, and not open my mouth, because it is Thy doing 

and my deserving. Amen. 
Ps.cxix.65. O Lord, Thou hast dealt graciously with Thy servant 

according to Thy word. For before I was troubled I went 

wrong, but now have I prayed that I may keep Thy law. 

And it is good for me that I have been in trouble, that so 

I may learn still to keep it better, in the mercies of Jesus 

Christ. Amen. 
Ver. 75. I know, O Lord, that Thy judgments are right, and that 

Thou of very faithfulness hast caused me to be troubled. 

O let Thy merciful kindness be my comfort, according to 

Thy word unto Thy servant, even for Jesus Christ His sake. 

Baruchiii. O Lord Almighty, O God of Israel, the soul that is in 

trouble, and the spirit that is vexed, crieth unto Thee. Hear, 

O Lord, and have mercy, for Thou art merciful, and have 

pity upon me, because I have sinned before Thee. For Thou 

endurest for ever, but unless Thou have mercy I utterly 

perish. Have mercy, therefore, even for Jesus Christ His 

sake. Amen. 
Ps. ix. 18. O Lord, remember Thy promise, that the poor shall not 

always be forgotten, nor the patient abiding of the meek 

perish for ever. Amen. 
Ps.xxxi.8, Lord, I will be glad and rejoice in Thy mercy, for Thou 

hast considered my trouble, and hast known my soul in 

adversities. Amen. 
Ver. 10. Have mercy upon me, O Lord, for I am in trouble, and 

mine eye is consumed for very heaviness, yea, my soul and 
12. my body. My strength faileth me because of mine iniquity, 

14. and my bones are consumed : I am even become like a broken 

15. vessel. For I have heard the blasphemy of the multitude, 

16. and fear is on every side. But my hope hath been and is in 
Thee, O Lord ; Thou art my God, save and deliver me, for 
Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Ps. xlii. 5. Why art thou so full of heaviness, O my soul, and why art 


thou so disquieted within me? O put thy trust in God, 
that I may yet give Him thanks for the help of His coun 
tenance. O my God, my soul is vexed within me, therefore 
will I remember Thee. Amen. 

Up, Lord, why sleepest Thou ? Awake, and be not absent Ps.xliv. 23 
from us for ever ; wherefore hidest Thou Thy face, and for- 
gettest our misery and trouble ? For our soul is brought 
low, even unto the dust, our belly cleaves unto the ground. 
Arise, O Lord, and help us, and deliver us for Thy mercies 
sake. Amen. 

In Thee, O Lord, have I put my trust, let me never be put Ps. xxxi. 1 
to confusion, deliver me in Thy righteousness. Bow down ^~ 4 ^ 
Thine ear to me, make haste to deliver me. Be Thou my 
strong rock and house of defence, that Thou mayest save me. 
Be also my guide, and lead me for Thy name s sake. Amen. 

O God, the enemy crieth so, and the ungodly cometh 011 p s . lv. 3 
so fast, that they threaten to overbear me, they are minded ^~~ 8 ^ 
to do me some mischief, so maliciously are they set against 
me. My heart is disquieted within me, and the fear of death 
is fallen upon me. Tearfulness and trembling and an 
horrible dread hath overwhelmed me. And I said, O that 
I had wings like a dove, that I might fly away and be at 
rest ; that I might make haste to escape the stormy wind 
and tempest. But be Thou my helper, and I will magnify 
Thee, O Lord, my strength and my Redeemer. Amen. 

O be Thou my help in trouble, for vain is the help of man. Ps. lx. 11. 

Gracious Father, the life of man is a warfare upon earth, Pericula. 
and the dangers which assault us are diversly pointed against 
us. I humbly beseech Thee, be present with me in all the 
course and passages of my life ; but especially in the ser 
vices of my calling. Suffer no malice to be able to hurt me, 
no cunning to circumvent me, no violence to oppress me, 
no falsehood to betray me. That which I cannot foresee, 
I beseech Thee prevent; that which I cannot withstand, 
I beseech Thee master; that which I do not fear, I beseech 
Thee unmask and frustrate ; that being delivered from all 
danger, both of soul and body, I may praise Thee the deli 
verer, and see how happy a thing it is to make the Lord of 
Hosts my helper in the day of fear and trouble. Especially, 


Lord, bless and preserve me at this time from, &c., that 

1 may glorify Thee for this deliverance also, and be safe in 
the merits and the mercies of Jesus Christ my only Lord 
and Saviour. Amen. 

Ps. ixxx. 5 O Lord, Thou hast fed me with the bread of affliction, and 
[~ 7 J given me plenty of tears to drink. I am become a very strife 

to my neighbours, and mine enemies laugh me to scorn. 

But turn Thee again, Thou God of Hosts, shew me the light 

of Thy countenance, and I shall be whole. Amen. 
Ps cix. 25, Help me, O Lord my God, O save me according to Thy 
W mercy ; and then the world shall know that this is Thy hand, 

and that Thou, Lord, hast done it. Amen, Lord Jesu, 

Ps.cxix.92. If my delight had not been in Thy law, I should have 

perished in my trouble. O continue my delight. Amen. 


Ps. xxxix. Deliver me, O Lord, from all my offences, and make me 

9 1] not a rebuke to the foolish. Take, I humbly beseech Thee, 
Thy plague away from Thy people, for we begin to be con 
sumed by means of Thy heavy hand. And for Jesus Christ 
His sake lay neither me nor mine under this uncomfortable 
disease. Amen. 

Ps. xci. 3 O Lord, deliver me from the snare of the hunter, and from 
the noisome pestilence ; O defend me under Thy wings, and 
keep me safe under Thy feathers, that I may not be afraid 
for any terror by night, nor for the arrow that flieth by day; 
for the pestilence that walketh in the darkness, nor for the 
sickness that destroyeth in the noon-day. Though thousands 
fall beside me, and ten thousands at my right hand, yet let 
it not come near me, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Ver. 10. O Lord, Thou art my hope, I beseech Thee let no evil hap 
pen unto me, neither let any plague come nigh my dwelling ; 
but give Thine angels charge over me to keep me in all my 
ways, O Lord, my strength and my Redeemer . Amen. 

Ps. Ixxix. O let the sorrowful sighing of them whom Thou hast visited 
come before Thee; and according to the greatness both of 


Thy power and mercy preserve Thou them that are appointed 
to die, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Lord, I beseech Thee favourably to hear the prayers of Domin. 
Thy humble servant ; that I and my family, which are justly 

punished for our offences, may be mercifully delivered by Si intret 
Thy goodness from this and all other infection, both of sonl 
and body ; that so we may live both to serve and to praise 
Thee, to the glory of Thy great name, through Jesus Christ 
our Lord and only Saviour. Amen. 

O Almighty God, which in Thy wrath in the time of King Liturg-. 
David didst slay with the plague of pestilence threescore and ng 
ten thousand, and yet remembering Thy mercy didst save 
the rest ; have pity upon us miserable sinners, that now are 
visited with great sickness and mortality ; and like as Thou 
didst then command Thine angel to cease from punishing, 
so it may now please Thee to withdraw from us this plague 
and grievous sickness, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

O Lord God, who hast wounded us for our sins, and con- Liturg. 
sumed us for our transgressions, by Thy late heavy and long- Q 

continued visitation, and in the midst of that judgment A . ctio P oat 

remembering mercy, hast redeemed us from death ; we offer n em. 

up unto Thee ourselves, our souls and bodies, (which Thou 

hast now delivered,) to be a living sacrifice unto Thee. And 

here I offer up unto Thee, most merciful Father, in the name 

of all Thy people, all possible praise and thanks, and shall 

ever magnify Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


O Lord, the sorrows of death compass me, and the snares Ps. xviii. 
of it are ready to overtake me. When Thou wilt dissolve my 3 ~ 5 
tabernacle, Thou alone knowest : therefore in this my trouble 
I will call upon Thee my Lord, and will complain unto my 
God. O be with me at the instant of my death, and receive 
me, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 



Ps.xxxi.6. Into Thy hands I commend my spirit, for Thou hast 
redeemed me, O Lord God of truth. 

Ps.xxxii.4. O Lord, Thy hand is heavy upon me day and night, 
and my moisture is become like the drought in summer. 
I acknowledge my sin unto Thee, O Lord, and my unright 
eousness have I not hid. O Lord, be merciful unto me. 

Ps. xxxix. O Lord, hear my prayer, and with Thine ears consider 

- my calling ; hold not Thy peace at my tears. For I am a 

stranger with Thee, and a sojourner, as all my fathers were. 

spare me a little, that I may recover my strength before 

1 go hence and be no more seen. Amen. 

[Liturg. O Domine, media vita in morte sumus, unde aut a quo 

Offf Mart.] quserimus auxilium, nisi a Te, Domine, qui tamen pro peccatig 

nostris merito infensus es nobis ? Sancte fortis, sancte mise- 

ricors Salvator, amarissimis pcenis mortis seternse ne tradas 

[Ps. ixxi. me. Ne projicias me in tempore segritudinis mese, quum 

rp g deficit virtus mea, ne derelinquas me. Domine, ante Te 

xxxviii. 9.] omne desiderium meum, et suspiria mea a Te non sunt abscon- 

dita. Nosti, Domine, nosti intima cordis mei ; ne, quseso, 

occludas precibus meis aures misericordise Tuse. Quin parce 

mini, O Domine sanctissime, O Omnipotens Deus, sanctus et 

Salvator maxime misericors, clignissime et seterne Judex, ne 

sinas me in hora mea novissima pro quocunque terrore mortis 

excidere a Te. Amen, O Domine Salvator Jesu. 

Ps. cxvi. O Lord, the snares of death compass me round about, the 

pains of hell get hold upon me. I have found trouble and 

heaviness, but will call upon Thy name, O Lord ; O Lord, 

deliver my soul. Deliver my soul from death, mine eyes 

from tears, and my feet from falling ; that I may walk before 

Thee in the land of the living. Amen. 

Ps. cxviii. Thou, O Lord, hast chastened and corrected me, but not 
given me yet over unto death. Open me the gates of right 
eousness, that I may go into them, and give thanks unto the 
Lord. Amen. 
[Ps. There is no health in my flesh by reason of Thy wrath. 

xxxviii 31 

neither is there any rest in my bones by reason of my sin. 
Yet, O Lord, be merciful unto me, and heal me, even for 
Thy name s sake. Amen, 


O Lord, I give Thee humble and hearty thanks for the Liberatio 
great and almost miraculous bringing of me bajsk from the g rav iB 8 imo 
bottom of my grave. What Thou hast further for me to do in <i uem 

i nc*ifli 

or to suffer, Thou alone knowest. Lord, give me patience Aug. 14, 
and courage, and all Christian resolution to do Thee service, 1629 c< 
and grace to do it. And let me not live longer than to 
honour Thee, through Jesus Christ. Amen d . 


O my God, though mighty nations gather together on Esai. viii. 
heaps, yet let them be broken in pieces ; though they take 9 ] 
counsel together, bring it to nought. For though they pro 
nounce a decree, yet it shall not stand, if Thou, O God, be 
with us. Be with us therefore, O God, for Jesus Christ His 
sake. Amen. 

Blessed be Thou, O Saviour of Israel, which didst destroy i Mace. iv. 
the assault of the mighty man, by the hand of Thy servant 30t 
David, and gavest the host of strangers into the hand of 
Jonathan ; shut up this army in the hand of Israel, and let 
them be confounded with their power, and with their horse 
men. Make them afraid, and consume their boldness and 
strength, that they may be astonished at their own destruc 
tion. Cast them down by the sword of them that love Thee ; 
that we which love Thy name may praise Thee and sing unto 
Thee. Grant this for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Lord of Hosts, give us strength that we may follow on PS. xviii. 
upon our enemies and overtake them, and not return till we 3 ^ ^ 38 ^ 
have destroyed them. O gird us with strength unto the 
battle, that we may smite them, that they may not be able 
to stand, but fall under our feet. And when Thou hast thus 
blessed us, make us fall down at Thy feet, and ever worship 
Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O make the wars to cease in all the world, break the bow, Ps. xlvi. 9, 
and knap the spear in sunder, and burn the chariot in the - 10 - 

c [This severe illness has already mitted Chancellor, April 28, 1630, he 

been noticed. (See above, p. 14, speaks of himself as still suffering 

note c .) The Archbishop continued from its effects. Hist, of Chancellor- 

to suffer from it till the following ship, p. 10.] 

March; and in his address to the d [The edition of 1663, ends at 

University of Oxford, on being ad- this place.] 

E 2 


fire ; that men may be still, and know tliat Thou art God, 
that Thou wilt be exalted among the heathen, and in the 
earth. Amen. 
Pa.xliv.lo, Lord, be not far off, put us not to confusion, but go out 

Bri 13 U * witl1 our armies and P ros P er tnem ^ tnat we may not turn our 

backs upon our enemies, while they that hate us spoil our 
persons, our honour, and our goods. O sell not us Thy poor 
people for nought; make us not a rebuke to our insolent 
neighbours, nor a scorn to them that are round about us. 
Our confusion by reason of our sins is daily before us, and 
the shame of our face hath covered us. But, Lord, we 
humbly beseech Thee forgive us our sins, and deliver us, for 
Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Ps. cviii. Hast Thou forsaken us, O God ? and wilt not Thou, 

U, [12.] Q Q Q ^ ^ forthwith our hosts? O help us against the 
enemy, for vain is the help of man. O Lord, help us. Amen. 

Liturg. O Almighty God, King of kings, and Governor of all 

things, whose power no creature is able to resist, to whom it 
belongeth justly to punish sinners, and to be merciful to 
them that truly repent; save and deliver us, we humbly 
beseech Thee, from the hands of our enemies; abate their 
pride, assuage their malice, and confound their devices ; that 
we, being armed with Thy defence, may be preserved ever 
more from all perils, to glorify Thee, who art the only giver 
of all victory, through the merits of Thy only Son our 
Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen. 

Liturg. Almighty God, who art a strong tower of defence unto 

Thy servants against the face of their enemies ; we give Thee 
Gratiarum J 
Actio. praise and thanks for our deliverance from those great and 

apparent dangers wherewith we were compassed. We ac 
knowledge it Thy great goodness that we were not delivered 
over as a prey unto them. And we humbly beseech Thee to 
continue such Thy mercies towards us, that all the world 
may know that Thou art our Saviour and mighty Deliverer, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O Lord, bless the King, all his commanders under him, 

[Pa. cxl. 7.] and all his soldiers. Cover all their heads, his especially, in 

[Ps. cxliy. the day of battle. Teach all their hands to war and their 

fingers to fight. And bless all the guides and conductors of 

his armies under him, with wisdom and courage, and faith- 


fulness, watchfulness and diligence, and whatsoever else may 
lead on good success. And set a happy end, we humbly 
beseech Thee, to all these bloody distractions, and restore 
peace, and preserve religion in integrity among us, even for 
Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


O Lord, when Thou makest inquisition for blood, remem- p s . ix. 12. 
ber and forget not the complaint of the poor. 

Arise, O Lord God, and lift up Thy hand ; forget not the Ps. x. 12. 
poor. Take his cause into Thy hand, for he commits himself 14< 
unto Thee, and Thou art the helper of the friendless. O be 
so still, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

praise the Lord, ye that fear Him, and magnify Him, all Ps. xxii. 
ye of the seed of Jacob : for He hath not despised nor abhorred "- ^ 
the low estate of the poor, He hath not hid His face from 
Him, but when he called unto Him, He heard him. O bow 
down Thine ear and hear him still, O Thou Holy One of 
Israel. Amen. 

1 am poor and needy, O God, make haste unto me : Thou Ps. Ixx. 5. 
art my helper and my deliverer, OLord, make no long tarry 
ing. Amen. 


Lord, turn Thee unto me, and have mercy upon me, for Ps. xxv.15, 
I am desolate and in misery. The sorrows of my heart are - 16 - 
enlarged, O bring Thou me out of my troubles. Look upon 
mine adversity and misery, and forgive me all my sins, through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Hear my crying, O God, give ear unto my prayer ; from Ps. Ixi. 1, 
the ends of the earth, whithersoever Thou shalt cast me, 3 ^ 
I will call upon Thee, when my heart is in heaviness. O set 
me upon the rock that is higher than I, to be my hope and 
a strong tower against my oppressors. Amen. 



Ps. Ixix. 

Ps. cxix. 


Ps. cxix. 


Save me, O God, for the waters aue entered into my soul. 
I stick fast in the deep mire, where no stay is, I am come into 
deep waters, and the streams run over me. They that hate 
me without a cause are more than the hairs of my head, and 
they which would destroy me causeless are mighty. O let 
not these waterfloods drown me, neither let the deep swallow 
me up, and let not the pit shut her mouth upon me. Hear 
me, O Lord, for Thy loving-kindness is great ; turn unto me 
according to the multitude of Thy tender mercies. Hide not 
Thy face from Thy servant, for I am in trouble, but draw 
near unto my soul, and redeem it, for Jesus Christ His sake. 

My soul melteth away for very heaviness ; comfort Thou 
me according to Thy word. Amen. 

O Lord, trouble and heaviness have taken hold upon me ; 
patience, good Lord, that for all this my delight may be in 
Thy commandments. Amen. 

Ps. xliv. 
r 17 i 


Ps. Ivii. 


14 O Lord, my sins have made me a rebuke to my neighbours, 
and to be laughed to scorn of them that are round about me. 
O suffer me not longer to be a by-word among the people. 
My confusion is daily before me, and the shame of my face 
hath covered me. The voice of the slanderer and blasphemer 
hath overtaken me. And though all this be come upon me, 
suffer me not, O Lord, to forget Thee, or to behave myself 
frowardly in Thy covenant, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

Destroy their tongues, O Lord, and divide them, for I have 
seen cruelty and strife in the city. But I will call upon 
Thee, O Lord, and Thou wilt save me. Amen. 

3, O Lord, send down from heaven, and save me from the 
reproof of them that would swallow me. Send out Thy 
mercy and truth, for my soul is among lions ; I lie among 
the children of men that are set on fire, whose teeth are 
spears and arrows, and their tongue a sharp sword. O deliver 
me, and I shall magnify Thy name for ever. Amen. 


I am become a monster to many, but Thou art my sure Ps. Ixxi. 7. 
trust. O be my anchor for ever. Amen. 

O remember, Lord, the rebuke that Thy servant hath, and Ps. ixxxix. 
how I do bear in my bosom the rebukes of many people. 
O remember me. Amen. 


O Lord, the ungodly laid wait for me to destroy me, yet Ps.cxix.95. 
make me the more thankful, and the more careful to consider 
Thy testimonies. Amen. 

O Lord, they draw nigh that of malice persecute me; Ycr. 150. 
therefore be Thou nigh at hand to help me, even for Jesus 
Christ His sake. Amen. 

Many, O Lord, they are that trouble me and persecute me, Ver. 157. 
yet do I not swerve from Thy testimonies : yes, Lord, I do 
daily swerve from them. Quicken me as Thou art wont. 

O take from me shame and rebuke, and I will keep Thy Ver. 22. 
testimonies. O take away the rebuke that I am afraid of, Yer. 39. 
for Thy judgments are good. O Lord, do this for Jesus 
Christ His sake. Amen. 


Lord, make me remember that the fear of Thee is clean, Ps. xix. 9. 
and that Thy judgments are true and righteous altogether. 

O Lord, give me that grace that I may so carry myself, 
and that courage that I may so bear up myself, as that I may 
fear none but Thee, nothing but that wherein I offend Thee, 
even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


O Lord, watch over Thy servant ; for my familiar friends Ps. xli. 9 
whom I trusted have laid wait for me. Be Thou merciful ^ 10; 1L - 


unto me, O Lord, and deliver me from them ; that even in 
this I may know Thou favourest me, that mine enemies are 
not able to triumph against me. Amen. 

PA. Ivii. 5, Exalt Thyself, O God, above the heavens, and Thy glory 
upon all the earth. For men have laid a net for my steps, 
they have pressed down my soul, they have digged a pit 
before me. Lord, I desire not that they should fall into the 

[Ps. xliv. midst of it themselves ; but I beseech Thee keep me out and 
deliver me, for Thy mercy s sake. Amen. 

Pri. Ixxi. Mine enemies lay wait for my soul, and take counsel 
together. They pursue me out of an opinion that Thou, 
O God, hast forsaken me. But go not far from me, O God ; 
my God, haste to help me. Amen. 

Ps.cxix.85 O Lord, the proud have digged pits for me; they persecute 
me falsely, O be Thou my help. They had almost made an 
end of me upon earth, yet suffer me not, I beseech Thee, to 
depart from Thy commandments, for Jesus Christ His sake. 
Amen., Lord, keep me from the snare which malicious men have 
laid for me, and from the traps of wicked doers. If they will 
not repent, let them fall into their own nets together, but let 
me ever escape them. Amen. 

Ps.cxlii.2. O Lord, I pour out my complaints before Thee; consider 

7 t 8 them, for I am brought very low. O deliver me from my 
persecutors, for they are too strong for me. Amen. 


Ps. v. 7. Lord, I will come into Thy house upon the multitude of 
Thy mercies, and in Thy fear will I worship towards Thy 
holy temple. O bless me that I may. Amen. 

Ps. xxviii. Hear the voice of my humble petitions, O Lord, when 
I cry unto Thee in this place, when I hold my hands towards 
the mercy-seat of Thy holy temple, even for Jesus Christ 
His sake. Amen. 

Ps. Ixi. 4. I will dwell in Thy tabernacle for ever, and my trust shall 
be under the covering of Thy wings. O Lord, hear our 
desires, and give an heritage unto those that pray unto Thee, 
and fear Thv name. Amen. 

FAMES. 57 

O my God, I will go into Thy gates with thanksgiving, Ps. c. 3, 4. 
and into Thy courts with praise : I will be thankful unto 
Thee, and speak good of Thy name : for Thou, Lord, art 
gracious, Thy mercy is everlasting, and Thy truth endureth 
from generation to generation. Amen. 

O Lord, I love the habitation of Thy house, and the place Ps.xxvi.8, 
where Thine honour dwelleth. O shut not up my soul with 
impenitent sinners, but give me plenty of Thy grace, even 
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


Be merciful, O Lord, and remember us, that we be not Ps. xxxvii. 
confounded in these perilous times, and that in these days of 
dearth we may have enough, and a free heart and hand to 
bestow it upon Thy poor ones, even for Jesus Christ His 
sake. Amen. 

O Lord, our sins have prevailed against us, yet be Thou Ps. ixv. 3. 
merciful unto our transgressions. O visit the earth, and * 
prepare corn for the inhabitants thereof. Crown the year 
with Thy goodness, and let no cloud drop other than fatness ; 
that the very hills may rejoice on every side, that the pas 
tures may be covered with sheep, and the valleys with corn, 
that Thy people may rejoice and sing unto Thee, through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O God, heavenly Father, who by Thy Son Jesus Christ Liturg. 
hast promised to all them that seek Thy kingdom and the ^ ng 
righteousness thereof all things necessary for their bodily 
sustenance, behold, we beseech Thee, the afflictions of Thy 
people, and grant that the scarcity and dearth (which we do 
now most justly suffer for our sins) may through Thy good 
ness be mercifully turned into cheapness and plenty, for the 
love of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O Lord, be mercifully pleased to give and preserve to our Litan. 
use the kindly fruits of the earth, so that in due time we ng 
may enjoy them, and praise Thee, through Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 





O God, heavenly Father, whose gift it is that the rain 
doth fall, the earth is fruitful, beasts increase, and fishes do 
multiply, send us, we beseech Thee, such moderate rain and 
showers, that we may receive the fruits of the earth to our 
comfort, and to Thy honour, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 



O Lord God, which for the sin of Man didst once drown 
all the world, except eight persons, and afterward of Thy 
great mercy didst promise never to destroy it so again; we 
humbly beseech Thee, that though we for our iniquities have 
worthily deserved a plague of rain and waters, yet upon our 
true repentance Thou wilt give us such weather, whereby we 
may receive the fruits of the earth in due season ; and learn 
both by Thy punishment to amend our lives, and for Thy 
clemency to give Thee praise and glory, through Jesus Christ 
our Lord. Amen. 


Ps. xc. 13 


Ps. cxix. 
116. 120. 

vi. xxxii. xxxviii. li. cii. cxxx. cxliii. 

O Lord, turn Thee again now at the last, and be gracious 
unto Thy servant. O satisfy me with Thy mercy, and that 
soon, so shall I rejoice and be glad all the days of my life. 
And when Thou hast forgiven my sins, O comfort me again 
after the time that Thou hast plagued me, and for the years 
wherein I have suffered adversity, O Jesus Christ my Saviour, 
and be merciful. Amen. 

O Lord, my flesh trembleth for fear of Thee, and I am 
afraid of Thy judgments; yet stablish me according to Thy 


word, that I may live, and let me not be disappointed of my 
hope, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

I have gone astray, like a sheep that is lost ; O seek Thy Ps. cxix. 
servant, that I may not forget Thy commandments, but 
return to Thee. Amen. 

O Lord, our iniquities testify against us ; for our back- Jer. xiv. 7, 
slidings are many, and we have sinned against Thee : yet, 
O Thou hope of Israel, Thou Saviour thereof in time of 
trouble, shew mercy for Thy name s sake ; and on me 
especially. For why shouldest Thou be as a stranger in my 
soul, or as a wayfaring man that turns aside to tarry but for 
a night ? O Lord, be and dwell in the midst of me, for Thy 
name is called upon me. Leave me not, O God of my 
salvation, but have mercy, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

For Thy name s sake, O Lord, be merciful unto my sin, Ps.xxv. 10. 
for it is great. Amen. 

O Lord Almighty, I acknowledge and confess I am not 
worthy to lift up mine eyes to heaven, much less to present 
myself before Thee with any confidence that Thou shouldest 
hear my prayers and grant my requests, if I consider my 
own deserving. For my conscience accuses me, and my sins 
witness against me; and Thou art a just and an upright 
Judge, and wilt not justify any sinner in His transgressions. 
O Lord, suffer me not to be swallowed up of death and 
desperation, but in the multitude of Thy mercies pardon me, 
O Lord, for Thy goodness sake. For though I am a worm 
and no man, yet Thou art my Creator, and I am the work of 
Thy hands ; yea, Thou art my Father, and I Thy son ; Thou 
my Shepherd, and I one of Thy straggling flock ; Thou my 
Redeemer, and I one of Thy people whom Thou hast dearly 
bought ; Thou my God, and I Thy creature. O correct me 
not in Thine anger, O Lord, neither punish me according to 
my deservings, but remember my weakness as well as my 
sin, and have mercy upon me, for my dearest Saviour s sake, 
Jesus Christ. Amen. 

Almighty and everlasting God, which hatest nothing that Coll. in 
Thou hast made, and forgivest the sins of all them that are Die Ciner * 
penitent, create and make in me a new and contrite heart, 
that I may worthily lament my sins, and acknowledge my 
wretchedness, and obtain of Thee, the God of all mercy, 


perfect remission and forgiveness, through Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 

Dom. xii. Almighty and everlasting God, which art always more 

post Ton. rea ^ y to near t h an we to pray, and usest to give more than 
either we desire or deserve; pour down upon me, most 
miserable sinner, the abundance of Thy mercy, forgiving me 
those things whereof my conscience is afraid, and giving me 
that which my prayer dares not presume to ask. Grant 
this for Jesus Christ His sake, our Lord and only Saviour. 

Dom. xxi. Grant, I beseech Thee, merciful God, to me Thy sinful 
Trm * but humble servant, pardon and peace, that I may be 
cleansed from all my sins, and serve Thee with a quiet mind, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Dom. xxiv. Lord, I beseech Thee, free me from all my offences, and 

post Tnn. ^y rj^y b oun tif u l goodness deliver me from the bands of all 
those sins which by my ignorance, frailty, or wilfulness 
I have committed. Grant this, even for Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 

Coll. in O God, merciful Father, that despisest not the sighing of 
a contr it e heart, nor the desire of such as be sorrowful; 
mercifully assist my prayers that I make before Thee in all 
my troubles and adversities, whensoever they oppress me : 
and graciously hear me, that those evils which the craft and 
subtilty of the devil or man worketh against me be brought 
to nought, and by the providence of Thy goodness so dis 
persed, that I Thy poor servant being overcome by no 
temptation, nor hurt by any persecution, may evermore give 
thanks unto Thee in Thy holy Church, through Jesus Christ 
our Lord. Amen. 

Lit. Angl. O Lord, of Thy great goodness I beseech Thee give me 
true repentance, and forgive me all my sins, negligences, and 
ignorances, and endue me with the grace of Thy Holy Spirit, 
that I may amend my life according to Thy holy word, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Liturg. God, whose nature and property is ever to have mercy 

and to forgive, receive my humble petitions; and though 
I am tied and bound with the chain of my sins, yet let the 
pitifulness of Thy great mercy loose me, and that for Jesus 
Christ His sake. Amen. 


Exaudi, quseso, Domine, supplicis preces, et confitentis 
Tibi parce peccatis, Tit pariter mihi indulgentiam tribuas 
benignus et pacem, per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. 

Omnipotens Deus, qui aquam de petra produxisti, educ 
de duritia cordis mei compunctionis lacrymas; ut peccata 
mea ita plangere valeam, ut remissionem eorum Te mise- 
rante accipiam, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. 
Amen e . 

Almighty God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Maker of Liturg. 
all things, Judge of all men, I acknowledge and bewail my commun 
manifold sins and wickedness, which I have from time to 
time most grievously committed, by thought, word, and deed 
against Thy Divine Majesty, provoking most justly Thy 
wrath and indignation against me. I do earnestly repent, 
and am heartily sorry for these my misdoings ; the remem 
brance of them is grievous unto me, the burden of them is 
intolerable. Have mercy upon me, have mercy upon me, 
most merciful Father. For Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ 
His sake, forgive me all that is past, and grant that I may 
ever hereafter serve and please Thee in newness of life, to 
the honour and glory of Thy name, through Jesus Christ our 
Lord. Amen. 

Almighty God, and my most merciful Father, who of Thy Ibidem, 
tender mercy hast promised forgiveness of sins to all them 
which with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto- 
Thee ; have mercy upon me, pardon and deliver me from 
all my sins, confirm and strengthen me in all goodness, and 
bring me to everlasting life, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

Piissime Domine, misericordissime Deus, sufficiat mihi quod S. Aug. 
hucusque peccavi, quod contempsi, quod foetoribus carnis mege 
satisfied, jam nunc Te inspirante voveo me a nequitia mea 
conversurum. Adjuva, Domine, et des ut impleam, in et per 
Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

e [Brev. Rom. Orat. ii. post Litan. f [Al. Serin, cxvii. in Append. Op., 
Cf. Liturg. Angl. Orat. i. in Com- torn. v. col. 2650. A.B.] 


ProLibera- I will magnify Thee, O Lord, for Thou hast set me up, 

iiSmicte ancl not made m y foes to trium p n ver me - Lor( ^ m y 

Ps. xxx. l God, I cried unto Thee, and Thou hast healed me ; Thou 
[ 4< 1 hast kept my life from them that go down into the pit. Sing 
praises unto the Lord, O my soul, and give thanks unto Him 
for a remembrance of His holiness. Amen. 

Ps. xxxv. 9, O my soul, be joyful in the Lord, and rejoice in His 
salvation. All my bones shall say, Lord, who is like unto 
Thee, which deliverest the poor from him that is too strong 
for him : yea, the poor, and him that is in misery, from him 
that spoileth him ? Amen. 

Ps. vii. 18. I will give thanks unto Thee, O Lord, according to Thy 
righteousness, and I will praise Thy name, O Lord most high. 
Ps. xlvii. O Lord, Thou art high and terrible, a great King over all 
Post Victo- tne eart h ; Thou hast subdued the people under us, and the 
riam in nations under our feet : therefore will I sing praises unto 

Thee, O God, who art greatly to be exalted. Amen. 
Ps. ivi. 12, Thy vows are upon me, O my God, I will render praise 
unto Thee, for Thou hast delivered my soul from death and 
my feet from falling, that I may yet walk before Thee, O my 
God, in the light of the living, and bless Thee. Amen. 
S. Aug. v Gratias Tibi, Deus ; Gratias Tibi vera et una Trinitas, una 
Hre& e 5 et trina Veritas, trina et una Unitas. Gratias Tibi, Deus 
cap. viU Pater, qui et Filium Tuum ostendisti, et mihi Doctorem 

dedisti. O et semper des in misericordiis antiquis. Amen. 
Ps. Ivii. 7. My heart is ready, O Lord, my heart is ready, I will sing 
and give praise ; yea, I will praise Thee among the people, 
and I will sing unto Thee among the nations. O let Thy 
mercy, which is great unto the heavens, and Thy truth, which 
reacheth unto the clouds, embrace me and preserve me to 
Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Ps. 5x. l , I will give thanks unto Thee, O Lord, with my whole 

I4*i " heart, I will speak of all Thy marvellous works; I will be 

glad and rejoice in Thee, yea, my songs will I make of Thy 

name, O Thou most highest. For Thou hast maintained my 

[Op., torn. viii. col. 1545. B.] 


right and my cause, Thou art set in the throne that judgest 
right. Lord, continue to be my defence against the oppressor, 
and my refuge in due time of trouble, that I may ever rejoice 
in Thy salvation Jesus Christ. Amen. 

My trust is in Thee, O God, and my heart is joyful in Thy Ps. xiii. 5, 
salvation. I will sing unto Thee, O Lord, because Thou hast ^ 
dealt so lovingly with me; yea, I will praise Thy name, 
O Lord most highest. Amen. 

praise the Lord with me, ye that fear Him, magnify Him, Ps. xxii. 
all ye of the seed of Jacob. My praise shall be of Thee in 23 5 * 
the great congregation, and my vows will I perform in the 

sight of them that fear Thee. Amen. 

What profit is there in my blood, when I go down to the Ps. xxx. 9 
pit ? Shall the dust give thanks unto Thee, or shall it declare *-" 
Thy truth ? Hear, O Lord, and have mercy upon me ; Lord, 
be Thou my helper. Thou hast turned my heaviness into 
joy ; Thou hast put off my sackcloth, and girded me with 
gladness ; therefore will I sing of Thy praise without ceasing. 
O my God, I will give thanks unto Thee for ever. Amen. 

1 will always give thanks unto Thee, O Lord, Thy praise Ps. xxxiv. 
shall ever be-in my mouth, My soul shall make her boast of 1 ^ 2< 4 - 
Thee, O my God, and the humble shall hear thereof, and be 

glad. For I sought Thee, O Lord, and Thou heardest me, 
and didst deliver me out of all my fear, even for Jesus Christ 
His sake. Amen. 

Let my mouth be filled with praise, and with Thy glory Ps. ixxi. 8. 
every day. Amen. 

Lord, who is like unto Thee ? For Thou hast shewed Yer. 20. 
me great troubles and adversities; but Thou wilt, I hope, 
return and quicken me ; Thou wilt return and take me out 

of this depth. Amen. 

1 will thank Thee, O Lord my God, with all my heart, and Ps. Ixxxvi. 
will praise Thy name for ever. For great is Thy mercy 12> 
towards me, and Thou hast delivered my soul from the 
nethermost hell. O deliver it still, for Jesus Christ His sake. 

O Lord, I give Thee humble and hearty thanks for the 
measure of knowledge which Thou hast given me of Thy 
truth; for giving me a love to it, and Thy Church; for 
quieting my soul in the midst of Thy Church s distractions ; 


for the measure of rest and repose which Thou hast given me 
in Thee, whereas no true content is found without Thee. 
Lord, I give Thee humble thanks likewise for the temporal 
blessings which Thou hast heaped on me ; the favour of my 
liege lord and sovereign ; the place to which Thou hast raised 
me; the means which Thou hast given me to do good. 
Lord, I cannot name all Thy blessings, how shall I thank 
Thee for them ? Lord, I will thank Thee for them by 
honouring Thee in them. O give a heart to desire all this, 
and grace to perform it ; that my sins may be forgiven me, 
and that I may be Thine, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

Ps. cxxxv. O praise the Lord, for He is gracious ; O sing unto His 
P s . name, for it is lovely. I will give thanks unto Thee, O Lord, 

with my whole heart, I will worship towards Thy holy temple, 
and praise Thy name; and that because of Thy loving- 
kindness and truth, for Thou hast magnified Thy name and 
Thy word above all things. Lord, give me grace to obey 
Thy word, and to honour Thy name for ever, in Jesus Christ 
our Lord. Amen. 


S. Matt. v. O Lord, I beseech Thee forgive mine enemies all their sins 
against Thee, and give me that measure of Thy grace, that 
for their hatred I may love them, for their cursing I may 
bless them, for their injury I may do them good, and for 
their persecution I may pray for them. Lord, I pray for 
them ; forgive them, for they know not what they do. Amen. 
Deus pacis et charitatis, da omnibus inimicis mihi pacem 
et charitatem, omniumque remissionem peccatorum, meque 
ab eorum insidiis potenter eripe ; per Jesum Christum Dorni- 
num nostrum. Amen. 


Ps. xxv. 19. O Lord, consider mine enemies how many they are, and 
they bear a tyrannous hate against me. Lord, deliver me 
from them. Amen. 


Almighty God, I humbly beseech Thee, look upon the Dom. iii. 
hearty desires of Thy humble servant, and stretch out the Q uadra - 
right hand of Thy Majesty to be my defence against all mine 
enemies, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Be merciful unto me, O God, for mine enemies would Ps. ivi. i, 
swallow me up, and many they are which fight against me, !] 
O Thou Most Highest ; they gather together and keep them 
selves close, they mark my steps, because they lay wait for 
my soul. But when I was afraid I trusted in Thee ; and 
when I cry, then shall mine enemies turn back. This Thou 
wilt make me know, when Thou art with me. Be with me 
therefore, O Lord, and let me see deliverance. Amen. 

O Lord, let not them that are mine enemies triumph over Ps. xxxv. 
me, neither let them wink with their eyes that hate me, either 
without a cause, or for Thy cause. Amen. 

O Lord God, in Thee have I put my trust, save me from Ps. vii. 1, 
all them that persecute me, and deliver me ; lest they devour "- 
my soul like a lion, and tear it in pieces while there is none 
to help. Lift up Thyself, O God, because of the indignation 
of mine enemies ; arise up for me in the judgment which 
Thou hast commanded, that my help may still be from Thee, 

God, who preservest them that are true of heart. Amen. 

Have mercy upon me, O God, consider the trouble which Ps. ix. 13. 

1 suffer of them that hate me, O Thou that liftest me up from 
the gates of death. Amen. 

Hear my voice, O God, in my prayer, preserve my life Ps. Ixiv. 
from fear of the enemy ; hide me from the conspiracy of the ^ 
wicked, and from the rage of the workers of iniquity. They 
have whet their tongues like a sword, and shoot out their 
arrows, even bitter words; Lord, deliver me from them. 


- Deus omnium fidelium Pastor et Rector, me famulum Menev. 
Tuum, quern pastorem Ecclesiae Cantuar. prseesse voluisti, L 0n <ioii. 
propitius respice ; Da mihi, humillime peto, verbo et exemplo Dioecesis h . 

h [He was elected Bishop of St. July 15, 1628 ; and Archbishop of 
David s, Oct. 10, 1621; of Bath and Canterbury, Sept. 19,1633. See the 
Wells, Aug. 16, 1626 ; of London, Diary under those respective dates.] 



quibus prsesum proficere. Ut una cum grege milii credito ad 
vitam perveniam sempiternam, per Jesum Christum Domi- 
num nostrum. Amen. 

S. Aug. lib. o Deus mi. Pater clementissime, gratia Tua ita in me 

22. contra . .,.. 

Faust. operetur, ut sim humms in recusando omne magnum mims- 

Mose ^ de Cerium, subditus tamen in suscipiendo, fidelis in servando, 
strenuus in exsequendo, in regendo populo vigilans, in corri- 
gendo vehemens, in amando ardens, in sustinendo patiens, in 
moderando prudens j ut pro iis quibus prsesum Deo me inter- 
ponam consulenti, opponam irascenti, in fiducia et meritis 
Jesu Christi Salvatoris nostri. Amen. 

Esai. lv. O Lord, as the rain cometh down from heaven, and returns 
not thither, but waters the earth, and makes it bud and 
bring forth, that it may give seed to the sower, and bread to 
him that eateth ; so let Thy word be that goeth out of my 
mouth; let it not return to me void, but accomplish that 
which Thou wilt, and prosper in the thing whereto Thou 
hast sent it, that the people committed to my charge may go 
out with joy, and be led forth in peace to Thy freshest waters 
of comfort, in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O Son of God, Thou which takest away the sins of the 
world, have mercy upon me in this heavy charge. Amen. 


Ps. ixi. 6 O Lord, grant the King a long life, that his years may 
endure as many ages : furnish him with wise and safe coun 
sels, and give him a heart of courage and constancy to pursue 
them. O prepare Thy loving mercy and faithfulness for him, 
that they may preserve him ; so will I always sing praises 
unto Thy name, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Ps. xx. l O Lord, hear the King in the day of his trouble, that Thy 
name, O God of Jacob, may defend him. Send him help 
from Thy sanctuary, and strength out of Sion. Grant him 
his heart s desire, and fulfil all his mind. Set his heart firm 
upon Thee, and upon other things but as they are in arid 
5 [Op., torn. viii. coll. 620. D. 621. A.] 


from Thee ; that we his servants under Thee may see with 
joy that Thou helpest Thine Anointed, and that Thou wilt 
hear him from Thy holy heaven, even with the wholesome 
strength of Thy right hand. And, O Lord, close not mine 
eyes till I see Thy favour shine out upon him, even for 
Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


O Lord, we humbly beseech Thee to keep Thy Church and Dom. v. 
household continually in Thy true religion, that they which j^n. pl " 
do lean only upon hope of Thy heavenly grace, may evermore 
be defended by Thy mighty power ; and that I may humbly 
and faithfully serve Thee in this Thy Church, through Jesus 
Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Gracious Father, I humbly beseech Thee for Thy holy 
Catholic Church, fill it with all truth, in all truth with all 
peace. Where it is corrupt, purge it ; w r here it is in error, 
direct it ; where it is superstitious, rectify it ; where any 
thing is amiss, reform it ; where it is right, strengthen and 
confirm it ; where it is in want, furnish it ; where it is divided 
and rent asunder, make up the breaches of it ; O Thou Holy 
One of Israel. Amen. 

O merciful God, since Thou hast ordered me to live in 
these times, in which the rents of Thy Church are grievous ; 
I humbly beseech Thee to guide me, that the divisions of 
men may not separate me either from Thee or it, that I may 
ever labour the preservation of truth and peace, that where 
for and by our sins the peace of it succeeds not, Thou wilt 
yet accept my will for the deed, that I may still pray, even 
while Thou grantest not, because I know Thou wilt grant it 
when Thou seest it fit. In the meantime bless, I beseech 
Thee, this Church in which I live, that in it I may honour 
and serve Thee all the days of my life, and after this be 
glorified by Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O Lord, Thou hast brought a Vine out of Egypt, and Ps. Ixxx. 8, 
planted it ; Thou madest room for it, and when it had taken ^ 


root it filled the land. O why hast Thou broken down her 
hedge, that all which go by pluck off her grapes ? The wild 
boar out of the wood rooteth it up, and the wild beasts of the 
field devour it. O turn Thee again, Thou God of Hosts, 
look down from heaven, behold, and visit this Vine, and the 
place of the vineyard that Thy right hand hath planted, and 
the branch that Thou madest so strong for Thyself. Lord, 
hear me, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

Ps. cxxvii. O Lord, except Thou buildest the house, their labour is 
1[ ~ 3l] but lost that build it; and except Thou, O Lord, keep the 
city, the watchman waketh but in vain. It is but lost labour 
to rise early, and take late rest, and to eat the bread of care 
fulness, if Thou bless not the endeavours that seek the peace 
and the welfare of Thy Church. Therefore, O Lord, build 
Thy Church and keep it, and take care for it, that there may 
be no lost labour among the builders of it. Amen. 
Ecclesia O Lord our God, the great, the mighty, and the terrible 
Posfe S sio 8t God 5 Tnou whidl kee P est covenant and mercy, let not all 
lies direp- the trouble seem little before Thee that hath come upon us, 

Neiiem ix u P on our P r i ests > u P on t ^ ie nouses built an ^ dedicated to Thy 
32, 33. name, upon the maintenance for them that serve at Thy altar, 
upon our kings, state, and people, since that day of affliction. 
Thou art just in all that is brought upon us : for Thou hast 
done right, but we have done wickedly. Yet, O Lord, have 
mercy, and turn to us again, for Jesus and His mercy s sake. 


Ps. xxxiii. O Lord, Thou which bringest the counsels of the heathen 
to nought, and makest the devices of the people to be of 
none effect, and castest out the counsels of princes when they 
have offended Thee ; have mercy upon this kingdom, forgive 
the sins of this people ; turn Thee unto them and bless them, 
that the world may say, Blessed are the people whose God is 
the Lord Jehovah, and blessed are the folk that He hath 
chosen to Him to be His inheritance. Lord, hear and grant, 
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


Lord, bless this kingdom, that religion and virtue may 
season all sorts of men : that there may be peace within the 
gates, and plenty within the palaces of it. In peace I beseech 
Thee so preserve it, that it corrupt not : in war so defend it, 
that it suffer not : in plenty so order it, that it riot not : in 
want so pacify and moderate it, that it may patiently and 
peaceably seek Thee, the only full supply both of men and 
states ; that so it may continue a place and a people to do 
Thee service to the end of time, through Jesus Christ our 
only Saviour and Redeemer. Amen. 

O Lord, according to all Thy righteousness, I beseech Dan. ix. 
Thee let Thine anger be turned away from this city and Thy 
people ; and cause Thy face to shine upon whatsoever is 
desolate therein, for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


O let the sorrowful sighing of the prisoners come before Ps. Ixxix. 

1 9 

Thee, and according to the greatness of Thy power preserve ^^ ^ 
Thou them that are appointed to die, even for Jesus Christ Sick, the 
our Lord. Amen. Afflicted 


Benedic, Domine Deus omnipotens, regnum hoc, ut sit in 
eo sanitas, castitas, victoria, virtus omnis, et gratiarum actio 
Deo Patri, et Filio, et Spiritui Sancto : et hsec benedictio 
maneat super hoc regnum, et super habitantes in eo, per 
Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 


O Lord, the zeal of Thine house hath even eaten me up, p s . 
and the rebukes of them which rebuked Thee are fallen 9 t 
upon me. Therefore I wept, and chastened myself with 
fasting, and that was turned to my reproof. I put on sack 
cloth also, and they jested upon me : they that sat in the 
gate also spake against me, and the drunkards made songs 


upon me. Bat, Lord, I make my prayer unto Thee, and 
I hope, in an acceptable time. O hear me in the multitude 
of Thy mercies, which are in Jesus Christ our Saviour. 


Dom. i. o Lord, which for our sake didst fast forty days and forty 
nights ; give us grace to use such abstinence, that our flesh 
being subdued to the spirit, we may ever obey Thy godly 
motions, in righteousness and true holiness, to Thy honour 
and glory, who livest and reignest one God with the Father 
and the Holy Ghost. Amen. 


Domin. Stir up, I beseech Thee, O Lord, thewills of Thy faithful 

Trin P St P e pH tnat tnev plenteously bringing forth the fruit of good 

works, may of Thee be plenteously rewarded, through Jesus 

Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Almighty God, the giver of all good gifts, who of Thy 
divine providence hast appointed divers Orders in the Church ; 
give Thy grace, I humbly beseech Thee, to all those which 
are to be called to any office and administration in the same, 
and so replenish them with the truth of Thy doctrine, and 
innocence of life, that they may faithfully serve before Thee, 
to the glory of Thy great name, and the benefit of Thy holy 
Church, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


1 Tim. v. O Lord, I am now at Thy altar, at Thy work ; keep me 
that I lay not my hands suddenly upon any man, lest I be 
partaker of other men s sins ; but that I may keep myself 
pure, in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Lord, give me grace, that as oft as they shall come in my 2 Tim. i. 6. 
way, I may put them in remembrance whom I have ordained, 
that they stir up the gift of God that is in them by the 
putting on of my hands, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

Grant, O Lord, I beseech Thee, that the course of this Dom. 
world may be so peaceably ordered by Thy governance, that 
Thy Church may joyfully serve Thee in all godly quietness, sia. 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Lord, I beseech Thee, let Thy continual mercy cleanse Dom. xyi. 
and defend Thy Church. And because it cannot continue post Trm 
in safety without Thy succour, preserve it evermore by Thy 
help and goodness, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Lord, I beseech Thee, keep Thy household the Church in Dom. xxii. 
continual godliness ; that through Thy protection it may be posfc Trm - 
free from all adversities, and devoutly given to serve Thee in 
good works, to the glory of Thy name, through Jesus Christ 
our Lord. Amen. 


Lord, send me not to the waters of Babylon, that I may Ps.cxxxvii. 
have no cause to weep when I remember Sion : that no man s * 
cruelty may lead me away captive, nor no man s scorn call 
upon me to sing in my heaviness. But that in my country 
where I learned to serve Thee, I may live to honour Thee all 
the days of my life, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


Lord, make me remember the bones of Thy saints, how Ps. cxli.; 
they lie scattered before the pit, even as when one heweth * 
wood upon the earth. O Lord, mine eyes look unto Thee, 
in Thee is my trust, O cast not out my soul. And if my 
bones also must be broken, O Lord, I beseech Thee give me 
courage and abundance of patience, that no torment may 
make my faith fall away from Thee, for Jesus Christ His sake. 



Prsevia. Qusecunque ab infantia usque ad momentum hoc, sciens 

vel ignorans, intus vel extra, dormiens vel vigilaris, verbis, 
factis vel cogitationibus, per jacula inimici ignita, per desi- 
deria cordis immunda peccavi Tibi, miserere mei, et dimitte 
mihi, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum k . Amen. 

Almighty God and most merciful Father, give me, I beseech 
Thee, that grace, that I may daily examine the inmost of my 
heart, and my most secret thoughts, how I stand before 
Thee. Lord, I confess all my sins, and my unworthiness to 
present myself at Thine altar. But Thou canst forgive sin, 
and give repentance; do both, gracious Father, and then 
behold I am clean to come unto Thee. Lord, make me a 
worthy receiver of that for which I come, Christ, and remis 
sion of sin in Christ : and that for His own mercy s sake and 
Thine. Amen. 

O Lord, into a clean, charitable, and thankful heart, give 
me grace to receive the blessed Body and Blood of Thy Son, 
my most blessed Saviour, that it may more perfectly cleanse 
me from all dregs of sin; that being made clean, it may 
nourish me in faith, hope, charity, and obedience, with all 
other fruits of spiritual life and growth in Thee ; that in all 
the future course of my life, I may shew myself such an 
engrafted member into the Body of Thy Son, that I may 
never be drawn to do anything that may dishonour His 
name. Grant this, O Lord, I beseech Thee, even for His 
merit s and mercy s sake. Amen. 

(^ O Lord God, hear my prayers, I come to Thee in a steadfast 
faith : yet for the clearness of my faith, Lord, enlighten it ; 
for the strength of my faith, Lord, increase it. And, behold, 
I quarrel not the words of Thy Son my Saviour s blessed 
Institution. I know His words are no gross unnatural con 
ceit, but they are spirit and life, and supernatural. While 
the world disputes, I believe. He hath promised me, if I 
come worthily, that I shall receive His most precious Body 
and Blood, with all the benefits of His passion. If I can 
receive it and retain it, (Lord, make me able, make me 
worthy,) I know I can no more die eternally, than that Body 
k [Conf. Lane. Andrewes, Free. Priv. p. 326.] 


and Blood can die, and be shed again. ^My Saviour is willing 
in this tender of them both nnto me : Lord; so wash and 
cleanse my soul, that I may now, and at all times else, come 
prepared by hearty prayers and devotion, and be made 
worthy by Thy grace of this infinite blessing, the pledge and 
earnest of eternal life, in the merits of the same Jesus Christ, 
who gave His body and blood for me. Amen. 

Almighty God, unto whom all hearts be open, all desires Coll. pro 
known, and from whom no secrets are hid \ cleanse the 

thoughts of my heart by the inspiration of Thy Holy Spirit, dis - 
that I may perfectly love Thee, and worthily magnify Thy 
name, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Pater de ccelis Deus, qui unigenitum Tuum pro nobis ad Litan. 
v v , brevis. 

mortem tradidisti. 

Fili Redemptor mundi Deus, qui sanguine Tuo pretioso 
nos a peccatis abluisti. 

Spiritus Sancte Paraclete Deus, qui corda sanctorum Tua 
gratia visitas et confirmas. 

Sacra, summa, sempiterna, beata, benedicta Trinitas; 
Pater bone, Fili pie, Spiritus benigne : cujus opus vita, amor 
gratia, contemplatio gloria : cujus majestas ineffabilis, potestas 
incomparabilis, bonitas insestimabilis : qui vivorum Dominus 
es simul et mortuorum : Te adoro, Te invoco, et toto cordis 
affectu nunc et in sseculum benedico. Amen. 

O Domine Jesu, da vivis misericordiam et gratiam : da Tuis 
regimen et lucem perpetuam : da ecclesise tuse veritatem et 
pacem ; da mihi miserrimo peccatorum pcenitentiam et 
veniam. Amen. 

Domine, errantes, oro, corrige, incredulos converte, Eccle 
sise fidem auge, haereses destrue, hostes versutos detege, 
violentos et impoenitentes contere, per Jesum Christum Do- 
minum nostrum. Amen 1 . 

Misericors Pater, pro beneficiis, quse mihi largiti sunt in 
terris benefactores mei, prsemia seterna consequantur in ccelis m . 
Oro etiam, ut cum his pro quibus oravi, aut pro quibus orare 
teneor, et cum omni populo Dei, introduci mihi detur in 
regnum Tuum, et ibi apparere in justitia, et satiari gloria, 
per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum 11 . Amen. 

1 [Conf. Lane. Andrewes, Free. Priv. m [Ibid. pp. 274, 275.] 
p. 273.] n [Ibid. p. 275.] 


[Ps. cxlii. O Lord, consider my complaint, for I am brought very low. 

[Ps Ixxx Lord > llow lon S wilt Tnou be an g r y witn Tii y servant that 
4-J prayeth ? O Lord, give me grace and repentance, and Thou 

canst not be angry with my prayer. O Lord, I am Thine, 
save me, and deliver me not into the will of mine enemies, 
especially my ghostly enemies. O Lord, I am Thy servant, 
Thy unprofitable, wasteful servant, yet Thy servant . O Lord, 
set my accounts right before Thee, and pardon all my mis- 
spendings and mis-reckonings. O Lord, I am Thy son, Thy 
most unkind, prodigal, run-away son, yet Thy son. O Lord, 
though I have not retained the love and duty of a son, yet 
do not Thou cast off (I humbly beg it) the kindness and 
compassion of a Father ?. O Lord, in Thy grace I return to 
Thee ; and though I have eaten draff with all the unclean 
swine in the world, in my hungry absence from Thee, yet 
now, Lord, upon my humble return to Thee, give me, I be 
seech Thee, the bread of life, the Body and Blood of my 
Saviour, into my soul, that I may be satisfied in Thee, and 
never more run away from Thee, even for Jesus Christ His 
sake, that gave Himself for me. Amen. 

Coll. 3. in Misericors Deus, Creator omnium hominum, qui nihil 

c> odisti eorum quse condidisti, nee vis mortem peccatoris, sed 

magis ut convertatur et vivat; miserere omnium Judseorum, 

Turcarum, Infidelium, et Hsereticorum. Aufer a-b iis igno- 

rantiam, duritiem cordis, et contemptum verbi Tui : et reduc 

eos, misericors Domine, ad gregem Tuum, ut serventur inter 

reliquias veri Israelis, ut fiat unum ovile, et unus Pastor, Jesus 

Christus Dominus noster, qui vivit et regnat, &c. Amen. 

Bum altari Tanquam pro tribunali Tuo tremendo (ubi nullus erit per- 

fieripo S s- sonarum respectus) reum memet peragens, ita hodie antequam 

sit. Si non prseveniat me dies judicii mei coram sancto Tuo altari pro- 

tum mane. , m ,. T m 

& c- stratus, coram Te et stupendis angelis Tuis a propria consci- 

entia dejectus, profero improbas et nefarias cogitationes et 
actiones meas. Kespice, oro, Domine, humilitatem meam, 
et remitte omnia peccata mea, quse multiplicata sunt super 
capillos capitis mei. Quodnam enim est malum, quod non 
designavi in anima mea: quin et multa et nefanda opere 
perpetravi. Reus enim sum, O Domine, invidias, guise, &c. 
Omnes sensus meos, omnia membra mea pollui. Sed incom- 
[See Bp. Andrewes Manual for the Sick, p. 187.] P [Ibid. p. 188.] 


parabilis est multitude viscerum Tuorum, et ineffabilis miseri- 
cordia bonitatis Tua3, qua peccata mea toleras. Quare, O Rex 
omrii admiratione major, O Domine longanimis, misericordias 
Tuas mirificato in me peccatore : potentiam benignitatis Tuse 
manifestato, clementissimse propensionis Tuse virtutem ex- 
serito et me prodigum reverentem suscipito, per Jesum 
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

O Lord God, how I receive the Body and Blood of my fmmediato 
most blessed Saviour Jesus Christ, the price of my redemp- ceptionem 
tion, is the very wonder of my soul, yet my most firm and Panis. 
constant belief upon the words of my Saviour. At this time 
they are graciously tendered to me and my faith : Lord, 
make me a worthy receiver, and be unto me as He hath said. 

Lord, I have received this Sacrament of the Body and Immediate 
Blood of my dear Saviour. His mercy hath given it, and my tionem CeP 
faith received it into my soul. I humbly beseech Thee speak utriusque 
mercy and peace unto my conscience, and enrich me with all Sf 
those graces which come from that precious Body and Blood, 
even till I be possessed of eternal life in Christ. Amen. 

O qui sursum Patri assides et hie nobiscum invisibiliter 
versaris, venito et sanctificato prsesentia hsec dona ; eos item 
pro quibus, et eos per quos, et ea propter quse offeruntur. 
Amen *. 


Gracious Father, I humbly beseech Thee, bless the Duke 
of Buckingham with all spiritual and temporal blessings, but 
especially spiritual. Make and continue him faithful to his 
prince, serviceable to his country, devout in Thy truth and 
Church ; a most happy husband and a blessed father ; filled 
with the constant love and honour of his Prince, that all Thy 
blessings may flow upon himself and his posterity after him. 
Continue him a true-hearted friend to me, Thy poor servant, 
whom Thou hast honoured in his eyes. Make my heart 

i [Conf. Lane. Andrewes, Free. Priv. Buckingham, Laud s intimate friend 
P- 240.] and patron.] 

r [George Villiers, first Duke of 


religious and dutiful to Thee, and in and under Thee true, 
and secret, and stout, and provident in all things which he 
shall be pleased to commit unto me. Even so, Lord, and 
make him continually to serve Thee, that Thou mayest 
bless him, through Jesus Christ our only Lord and Saviour. 
Amen s . 

The O most merciful God and gracious Father, the Prince hath 

Journey 1 P ut hi mse lf to a g reat adventure. I humbly beseech Thee 
make a clear way before him : give Thine angels charge over 
him, be with him Thyself in mercy, power, and protection ; 
in every step of his journey; in every moment of his time ; 
in every consultation and address for action ; till Thou bring 
him back with safety, honour, and contentment, to do Thee 
service in this place. 

Bless his most trusty and faithful servant, the Lord Duke 
of Buckingham, that he may be diligent in service, provident 
in business, wise and happy in counsels ; for the honour of 
Thy Name, the good of Thy Church, the preservation of the 
Prince, the contentment of the King, the satisfaction of the 
State. Preserve him, I humbly beseech Thee, from all envy 
that attends him ; and bless him, that his eyes may see the 
Prince safely delivered to the King arid State, and after it 
live long in happiness to do them and Thee service, through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

The Isle of O most gracious God and merciful Father, Thou art the 
u Lord of hosts ; all victory over our enemies, all safety against 
them, is from Thee ; I humbly beseech Thee go out with our 
armies, and bless them. Bless my dear Lord the Duke, that 
is gone Admiral with them, that wisdom may attend all his 
counsels, and courage and success all his enterprises ; that 
by his and their means Thou wilt be pleased to bring safety 

s [Prynne (Breviate, p. 13) remarks match was in contemplation. See 

on this and the following prayers : several entries in the Diary relating 

" What a professed votary and crea- to this secret expedition. Prynne 

ture this Bishop was to the D. of observes, (Breviate, p. 14,) that this 

Buckingham, will appear by these "voyage was purposely plotted to 

his special prayers for him, written pervert him in his religion, and 

by his own hand, in his Book of reconcile him to Eome, is apparent 

private prayers and devotions, found by this . . prayer."] 

in his chamber at the Tower ... [The fatal expedition to La Ro- 

much used, as is evident by the foul- chelle. See a detailed account in 

ing of the leaves with his fingers."] D Israeli s Charles I. vol. ii. pp 49, 

1 [Of Prince Charles and Bucking, seq.] 
ham, in 162, when the Spanish 


to this Kingdom, strength and comfort to Religion, victory 
and reputation to our Country : and that he may return with 
our navy committed to him, and with safety, honour, and 
love both of Prince and people. Grant this for Thy dear 
Son s sake, Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O merciful God, Thy judgments are often secret, always His death, 
just. At this time they were temporally heavy upon the poor 23? 1628*. 
Duke of Buckingham, upon me, upon all that had the honour 
to be near him. Lord, Thou hast, I doubt not, given him 
rest, and light, and blessedness in Thee. Give also, I beseech 
Thee, comfort to his lady, bless his children, uphold his 
friends, forget not his servants. Lay open the bottom of all 
that irreligious and graceless plot that spilt his blood. Bless 
and preserve the King from danger, and from security in 
these dangerous times. And for myself, O Lord, though the 
sorrows of my heart are enlarged, in that Thou gavest this 
most honourable friend into my bosom, and hast taken him 
again from me, yet blessed be Thy Name, O Lord, Thou hast 
given me patience. I shall now see him no more till we meet 
at the Resurrection. O make that joyful to us, and all Thy 
faithful servants, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 


O Lord, cast me not off in the time of mine age, forsake Ps. Ixxi. 9. 
me not now my strength begins to fail me. Amen. 

Forsake me not, O God, in mine old age, now I am Yer. 18. 
grey-headed, until I have declared Thy strength unto this 
generation, and Thy power to all them that are to come. 

O Lord, though Thou hast shortened the days of my Ps. Ixxxix. 
youth, yet cover me not with dishonour. Hide not Thyself 44 
from me for ever, but remember how short my time is, and 
make me remember it, O Lord. Amen. 

x [Murdered by John Felton, at 29, 1628. Prynne (Breviate, p. 14) 
Portsmouth, on his way to take com- states this prayer was " much daubed 
mand of the second expedition to through frequent use with his fin- 
La Rochelle. See the Archbishop s gers."] 
Diary, Aug. 12, 23, 24, and Nov. 


Ps. xc. 12. O Lord, teach me to number my days, that I may apply 

my heart unto wisdom. Amen. 

Ps. cii. 2. O Lord, hide not Thy face from me in the time of trouble ; 
Ver. 3. for my days are consumed away like smoke, and my bones 
Ver. 11. are burnt up like a fire-brand. My days are gone like a 
Ver. 23. shadow, and I am withered like grass. Thou, O Lord, hast 

brought down my strength in my journey, and shortened my 
Ver. 24. days. But, O my God, take me not away but in the timeliness 

of my age, that I may continue to serve Thee, and be faithful 

in Thy service, till Thou remove me hence. Amen. 


lCov.x.13. O Lord, as Thou art faithful, so suffer me not, I beseech 
Thee, to be tempted above that I am able ; but give an issue 
with the temptation, that I may be able to bear it. Amen. 

Omnipotens Deus, respice preces meas, et libera cor meum 
a malarum cogitationum tentationibus, ut Te miserante dig- 
num esse possim Spiritus Sancti habitaculum, per Jesum 
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

Deus, qui diligentibus Te facis cuncta prodesse, da cordi 
meo inviolabilem charitatis Tuse affectum et nulla un- 
quam tentatiorie mutabilem, per Dominum nostrum Jesum 
Christum. Amen. 

Misericors Deus, da mihi in fide Tua constantiam, et in 
charitate firmitatem, ut nullis tentationibus ab earum inte- 
gritate possim divelli, per Jesum Christum Dominum nos 
trum. Amen. 


Ps.cxlii. 9. O Lord, have mercy upon me, and bring my soul out of 
prison, that I may give thanks unto Thy Name, even in Jesus 
Christ our Lord. Amen. 

Ps. cxlvi. O Lord, blessed is the man that hath Thee for his help, 
4 - 6 > 17, 8.] an( j w h ose k^ j s j n Tk ee< o Lord, help me and all them 


to right that suffer wrong. Thou art the Lord, which looseth 
men out of prison, which helpest them that are fallen. 

Lord, help and deliver me, when and as it shall seem best 
to Thee, even for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Lord, Thine indignation lies hard upon me ; and though Ps. 
Thou hast not (for Thy mercy is great) vexed me with all 
Thy storms, yet Thou hast put my acquaintance far from me, 
and I am so fast in prison that I cannot get forth. Lord, 

1 call daily upon Thee, hear and have mercy, for Jesus 
Christ His sake. Amen. 

O Lord, Thou which bringest the prisoners out of captivity, Ps.lxviii. 
while Thou lettest the runagates continue in scarceness, 
have mercy upon me, and deliver me out of the prison and 
affliction in which I now am ; and give me grace, that being 
free, I may faithfully and freely serve Thee all the days of 
my life, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 


O Domine, in multis deliqui, et improbe egi, et tristitia 
affeci Spiritum Tuum Sanctum. Exacerbavi viscera cle- 
mentice Tuae, cogitatione, sermone, opere, noctu et interdiu, 
palam et in occulto, consulto et inconsulto. O si constituas 
peccata mea in conspectu meo; O si rationem a me exigas 
peccatorum in se noil ignoscibilium, quse scienter commisi, 
quid faciam ? quo fugiam ? Sed, O Domine, ne in furore 
Tuo arguas me, nee in ira Tua corripias me. Miserere mei, 
non solum quia infirmus sum, sed quia figmentum sum 
Tuum. Obsecro Te, ne intres in judicium cum servo Tuo : 
si enim iniquitates observaveris, Domine, Domine, quis in 
judicio consistet ? Non ego certe, si quis alius. Ego enim 
sum peccati pelagus, et non sum dignus in ccelum suspicere 
pra3 multitudine peccatorum meorum, quorum non est nume- 
rus ; probra, injurias, &c., et mille prreterea nefandse passiones 
sunt, a quibus non destiti. Quibus enim non corruptus sum 
peccatis ? Quibus non sum constrictus malis ? Inutilis 
factus sum Tibi Deo meo, et hominibus. Quis me in talia 
prolapsum suscitabit ? In Te, Domine, confido, qui es Deus 


meus : esto mihi Salvator secundum viscera compassionis 
Ture, et miserere mei secundum magnam misericordiam 
Tuam, et ne retribuas mihi secundum opera mea, sed con- 
verte Te ad me, me ad Te. Remitte omnia quse in Te 
peccavi : serva me propter misericordiam Tuam, et ubi 
abundavit peccatum, superabundet gratia Tua ; et laudabo et 
glorificabo Te per omnes dies vitse mese. Tu enim es Deus 
pcenitentium, et Salvator peccantium. Tibi gloria per Jesum 
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 


April 11, O eternal God and merciful Father,, with whom do rest the 

More Pa- sou ^ s f them that die in Thy faith and favour, have mercy 

tris. upon me, and grant that my life may be a preparation to die, 

Mercurii. an d my death an entrance to life with Thee. As upon this 

;tNov.24, ^ a y^ ^ pi ease d Thee to take my dear father to Thy mercy, 
More Ma- when I was yet young. O Lord, he was Thy servant, Thy 
meek, humble, faithful servant ; and I assure myself he is in 
rest, and light, and blessedness. Lord, while I am here 
behind in my pilgrimage, shower down Thy grace upon me. 
Thou hast been more than a father to me ; Thou hast not 
suffered me to want a father; no, not when Thou hadst 
taken him from me. O be pleased to be a father still, and 
by Thy grace to keep me within the bounds of a son s 
obedience. Thou hast given me temporal blessings beyond 
desert or hope; O be graciously pleased to heap spiritual 
blessings on me, that I may grow in faith, obedience, and 
thankfulness to Thee ; that I may make it my joy to perform 
duty to Thee. And after my painful life ended, bring me, 
I beseech Thee, to Thy joys, to Thy glory, to Thyself; that 
I and my parents, with all Thy saints and servants departed 
this life, may meet in a blessed glorious resurrection, ever to 
sing praises and honour to Thee, in and through Jesus Christ 
our Lord. Amen. 

y [His father was a clothier in sister of Sir William Webbe, of Berk- 

the parish of St. Lawrence, Reading ; shire, a salter, and Lord Mayor of 

his mother, the widow of John Robin- London in 1591.] 
son, also a clothier, was Lucy Webbe, 


O Deus meus, respice servum Tuum, et miserere mei secun- Dec. 26, 
dum viscera misericordise Tuse. Scandalum ecce factus sum era t 

Nomini Tuo, dum ambition! mese et aliorum peccatis servio. et Festum 
Quin et hoc, licet aliorum suasu, oblatrante tamen conscientia n i. Com. 

perpetravi. Obsecro, Domine, per misericordias Jesu, ne 
intres in judicium cum servo Tuo, sed exaudi sanguinem Ejus 1609. 
pro me perorantem : nee hoc conjugium sit animse mese 
divortium a sinu Tuo. O quanto satius fuisset, si vel hujus 
diei satis memor, martyrium cum proto-martyre Tuo potius 
perpessus essem, negando quod urgebant, aut non satis fidi, 
aut noil satis pii amici mei. Pollicitus sum mihi tenebras 
peccato huic, sed ecce statim evolavit, nee lux magis aperta, 
quam ego qui feci. Ita voluisti, Domine, prse nimia miseri- 
cordia Tua implere ignominia faciem meam, ut discerem 
quaerere Nomen Tuum. O Domine, quam gravis adhuc est 
memoria peccati hujus etiam hodie, etiam post tot et toties 
repetitas preces a tristi et confusa anima mea coram Te 
profusas. O Domine miserere, exaudi preces depressi et 
humiliati valde servi Tui. Parce, Domine, et remitte peccata, 
quse peccatum hoc et induxerunt et sequuta sunt. Nam 
confiteor, Domine, iterum et eodem die revolventis anni, nee 
satis, adhuc cautus, aut satis humilis factus in aliud grave 
peccatum incidi; lapidatus iterum non pro, sed a peccato. 
Nunc plene suscita me, Domine, ne moriar ultra in peccatis 
meis ; sed des ut vivam, et vivens gaudeam in Te, per merita 
et miserationes Jesu Christi Salvatoris nostri. Amen. 

O merciful God, Thou hast shewed me much mercy, and Julii 28, 
done great things for me ; and as I was returning, instead of 

thankfulness, I wandered out of my way from Thee, into a E - B a 
foul and a strange path. There Thou madest me see both my 6,16/1-2 !> 
folly and my weakness ; Lord, make me ever see them, ever 
sorry for them. O Lord, for my Saviour s sake forgive me 
the folly, and strengthen me against the weakness for ever. 
Lord, forgive all my sins, and this ; and make me by Thy 

z [It is thus noticed in the Diary : Robert, Lord Eich, for adultery with 

" My Cross about the Earl of Devon s himself. The Earl persuaded his 

marriage, Dec. 26, 1605." Chaplain, then Dr. Laud, to marry 

This marriage was celebrated be- them at Wanstead, on St. Stephen s 

tween Charles, Lord Mounljoy, Earl of day, 1605.] 

Devonshire, and Penelope, daughter a [The entry in the Diary is, .... 

of Walter, Earl of Essex; who had " Cum E. B. July 28, 1617. primo."] 

been divorced from her husband, b [See below, note e .] 

LAUD. VOL. in. 


grace Thy most true, humble, and faithful servant all the 
days of my life, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 
Sept. 26, O misericors Pater, quo me vertam ? Qui et exeundo et 
V^nerfe? 6 revertendo peccavi contra Te. Abii cum prodigo prodigus in 
Ignis et longinquam regionem. Dissipavi substantiam meam, Tuam 
hide? U a luxuriose. Ibi primum sensi omnia consumpta, et me dig- 
num non meliori quam porcorum consortio : nee tamen aut 
vita ilia immunda, aut fames gratise, de reditu ad meliorem 
frugem vel cogitare fecit. Reversum jam ab itinere infausto 
ecce judicia Tua, Domine, insequuntur me. Ignis corripit 
tecta sub quibus sum ; vidit enim Deus, nee multum distulit, 
sed ignis accensus est in Jacob, et ira ascendit in Israel. Et 
scelera (non dubito) mea conflagrationem collegio minitaban- 
tur, et mihi. Nam dum igni exstinguendo intentior sum, 
parum abfuit, quin ab igne extinguerer. Quam ecce miseri- 
cordia Tua, Domine, vix sine miraculo me flammis eripuit. 
Nam dum arnica manus astantis me vi quadam amovit, eodem 
instanti ex eodem loco, ubi pedem figere decrevi, prorupit 
inclusus ignis, in flammas subsidunt gradus, et ego, si ibi inve- 
nisset incendium, una periissem. O peccata mea nunquam 
satis deflenda ! O misericordia Tua, Domine, nunquam satis 
prsedicanda ! O pcenitentia nunquam mihi magis necessaria ! 
O gratia Tua, Domine, humillime et jugiter imploranda ! 
Surgo, O Domine Pater, et ecce venio ; lento quidem et insta- 
bili gressu, sed venio, et confiteor : peccavi enim in ccelum et 
contra Te, nee dignus sum vocari films Tuus. Sim, O Domine, 
quid vis, modo Tuus. Ablue peccata mea in sanguine Filii 
Tui, ut sim Tuus. Et concede, obsecro, ut sicut turn terror, 
ita quotidie memoria ignis hujus exurat fasces omnes et reli- 
quias peccatorum meorum : ut me cautiorem factum melior 
ignis charitatis et devotionis in amorem Tui et in odium 
peccati accendat, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. 

Feb. 5, O Domine misericors, glorificetur beatissimum nomen 

1628, die m 

Martis luum : ecce enim ego, dum pro officio regem sequor, et Tui, 

JuHano et numanorum casuum immemor, et mihi prsefidens, infausto 
Fendonem in via saltu in terram infidam incidi, et tendonem fregi d . 

c [" St. John s College on fire under d [" Feb. 5. (1627-8.) Tuesday. 
the staircase in the Chaplain s Cham- The straining of the back sinew of my 
ber, by the library, Sept. 26, 1617."] right leg, as I went with His Majesty 


Levatus in currum, Hamptoniam perveni. Cruciatus tails fuit, fregi, et 
qualem nervi sentire solent. Et certe in febrem ferventiorem 
ipse angor conjecisset, nisi ingens defluxus sanguinis me ab inter am- 
illo metu liberasset. Magna infirmitate laboravi, et fere per j n cubiculo 

biennium claudus incessi. Infirmitatem aliquam adhuc sentio. * n T . urri 
m-i .-,... London. 

sed, gratise immortales Tibi, O beatissima Trmitas, usum satis Anno 
perfectum crurium dedisti mihi, et confirmasti, prseter omnium 1( 
exspectationem, gressus meos. Dirigas nunc eos, O Dornine, 
in viis mandate rum Tuorum, ut nunquam vel inter Te et 
falsum cultum, vel inter Te et mundum claudicem ; sed recta 
pergam, et viam testimoniorum Tuorum curram, quum dilatasti 
cor meum. Oro itaque, ne differ as vel dilatationem cordis, vel 
confirm a tionem pedum in semitis justificationum Tuarum, per 
et propter Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

O eternal God, and my most merciful Father, as this day Mail 11, 
the fury of the enraged multitude was fierce upon me and my nouse a t y 
house, to destroy me and to pillage it, it pleased Thee in Lambeth 
mercy to preserve both, and bring some of them to shame violent 
and punishment. I have sinned many ways against Thee, 

Lord, and this was a loud call of Thine, and a merciful, to 
bring me to repentance, which I beseech Thee give me grace 
to hear and obey. But what I have done to hurt or offend 
them, that should stir up this rage against me, I know not. 
Lord, in Thy mercy look down upon me ; fill my heart with 
thankfulness for this great deliverance, and suffer me not to 
forget it, or the examination which I took of myself upon it. 
And as for them and their like, let them not have their 
desire, O Lord, let not their mischievous imaginations 
prosper against me, nor their fury lay hold upon me; lest 
they be too proud, and lest I end my weary days in misery. 
Yet forgive them, O Lord, for they know not why they did 

to Hampton Court. I kept in till night my house at Lambeth was beset 

1 preached at the opening of Parlia- with 500 of these rascal routers. I had 
ment, but I continued lame long notice, and strengthened the house as 
after."] well as I could ; and God be thanked, 

e ["March 6, Sunday. After Ser- I had no harm: they continued there 

mon, as 1 was walking up and down full two hours. Since, I have fortified 

my chamber, before dinner, without my house as well as 1 can ; and hope 

any slip or treading awry, the sinew all may be safe. But yet libels are 

of my right leg gave a great crack, continually set up in all places of note 

and brake asunder in the same place in the city. 

where I had broken it before, Feb. 5, " My deliverance was great : God 

1627-8."] make me thankful for it." Diary in 

{ ["May II. Monday night. At mid- an. 1640.] 

G 2 


it. And according to Thy wonted mercy preserve me to 
serve Thee, and let the same watchful protection which now 
defended me, guard me through the remainder of my life ; 
and this for Thine own goodness sake, and the merits of my 
Saviour Jesus Christ. Amen. 

Dec. is, O eternal God and merciful Father, I humbly beseech 
Icc^edT^ Thee look down upon me in this time of my great and 
the House gr i e vous affliction. Lord, if it be Thy blessed will, make 

of Com- 5 i .1 - j * 

mons of mine innocency appear, and free both me and my prolession 
from a11 scandal tmi s raised on me. And howsoever, if Thou 
be pleased to try me to the uttermost, I humbly beseech 
Thee, give me full patience, proportionable comfort, content 
ment with whatsoever Thou sendest, and an heart ready to 
die for Thy honour, the King s happiness, and this Church s 
preservation. And my zeal to these is all the sin (human 
frailty exceptcd) which is yet known to me in this particular, 
for which I thus suffer. Lord, look upon me in mercy, and 
for the merits of Jesus Christ pardon all my sins many and 
great, which have drawn down this judgment upon me, and 
then in all things do with me as seems best in Thine own 
eyes; and make me not only patient under, but thankful 
for whatsoever Thou dost, O Lord, my strength and my 
Redeemer. Amen. 
October O eternal God and merciful Father, after long imprison- 
I received TOent I am now at last called to answer; I most humbly 

additional beseech Thee to strengthen me through this trial, to preserve 


and sum- the patience with which Thou hast hitherto blessed me 
l through this affliction. Suffer no coarse language, or other 
provocation, to make me speak or do anything that may 
misbecome my person, mine age, my calling, or my present 

["Dec. 18. Friday. I was accused papers as pertained to my defence 

by the House of Commons for High against the Scots. I stayed at Lam- 

Treason, without any particular charge beth till the evening, to avoid the 

laid against me ; which they said gazing of the people. 1 went to Even- 

should be prepared in convenient ing Prayer in my chapel. The Psalms 

time. Mr. Denzell Hollys was the of the day, Psal. xciii. and xciv., and 

man that brought up the message to chap. 1. of Esai, gave me great com- 

the Lords. Soon after, the charge was fort. God make me worthy of it, and 

brought into the Upper House by the fit to receive it. 

Scottish Commissioners, tending to "As I went to my barge, hundreds 

prove me an Incendiary. I was pre- of my poor neighbours stood there, 

sently committed to the Gentleman and prayed for my safety, and return 

Usher; but was permitted to go in his to my house. For which I bless God 

company to my house at Lambeth, for and them." Diary, in an. 1640.] 
a book or two to read in, and such 


condition. And, Lord, I beseech Thee, make me able to 
clear to the world that innocency which is in my heart con 
cerning this charge laid against me. Grant this, O Lord, 
for Jesus Christ His sake. Amen. 

O merciful Lord, I have had a long and a tedious trial j Nov. 1 , 
and I give Thee humble and hearty thanks for the wonderful ir^ ve( j 
strength that I have received from Thee in the bearing up of summons 
my weakness. Lord, continue all Thy mercies towards me, tbe^ 

for the storm gathers and grows black upon me, and what it House of 

r Commons 

threatens is best known to Thee. After a long trial I am next morn- 
called to answer in the House of Commons, and that not to mg h> 
evidence, but to one single man s report of evidence, and that 
made without oath. What this may produce in present or 
in future, Thou knowest also. O Lord, furnish me with 
patience and true Christian wisdom and courage, to bear up 
against this drift, and send not out Thy storms to beat upon 
me also ; but look comfortably upon me to my end, in and 
through the merits of Jesus Christ, my Lord and only 
Saviour. Amen. 

h [These last two prayers must have this place, either by Laud for his own 

been written by the Archbishop dur- use, or by the original Editor ; but as 

ing the time that he was deprived of the MS. is lost, this latter point can- 

his Book of Prayers, (as stated on the not be ascertained.] 
next page,) and afterwards inserted in 





8 b * 

2C * 


PRAYERS added since the restoring of this book to me, which 
was taken from me in a search made by Mr. Prinne, 
May 31, 1643 ; and with much difficulty restored unto me 
Nov. 6, 1644 

O DOMINE, ad adventum Tuum secundum paratus sim, ne 
talem me non invenias, qualem voluisti irivenire, qui omnia 
pro me passus es, ut invenires talem, cui non supplicia 
inferres, sed prsemia redderes sempiterna. Amen. 

O Domine, cum Christi adjutorio sic agere studeam, ut Te 
tarn pium Dominum, non solum hospitem recipere possim, 
sed etiam perpetuum habitatorem habeam, per Jesum 
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. 

O aeterne Deus, auxilium Tuum imploro, ut veram discre- 
tionem, et perfectam charitatem prsestare mihi pro Tua 
pietate digneris, cui est gloria et imperium cum Patre et 
Spiritu Sancto in ssecula sa3culorum. Amen. 

O Domine misericors, qui tanta mihi beneficia concessisti, 
des insuper mihi cum omni humilitate fidem rectam tenere, 
charitatem integram cum omnibus hominibus conservare, 
mundo corde et casto corpore Tibi Domino meo servire, usque 
ad finem vitee serio laborem, ut post labores desiderabilem 
illam vocem audire possim ; Euge serve bone, intra in gau- 
dium Domini tui. Amen. 


O Lord, quicken and comfort my soul, for I have sinned 
against Thee. Lord, I call to mind all the years of my life 

a [Al. Senn. ccxxxviii. in Append. c [Al. Serm. Ixvi. in Append. Op .. 

Op., torn. v. col. 2968. A.B.] torn. v. coll. 2491. D. 2492. A.] 

b [Al. Serm. xxxviii. in Append. d [Al. Serm. xli. in Append. Op., 

Op., torn, y, col. 2414. A.B.] torn. v. col. 2422. B.C.] 


past in the bitterness of my soul for my sin. My misdeeds 
have prevailed against me, O be Thou merciful unto my sin ; 
O for Thy Name s sake be merciful unto my sin, for it is 
great. Amen. 

Namely and especially, O Lord, be merciful unto me, &c. 

Herein, O Lord, be merciful unto Thy servant. O Lord, 
lay not these, nor the rest, unto my charge. 

O let the depth of my sin call upon the depth of Thy 
mercies, of Thy grace. Lord, let it come, that where my sin 
hath abounded, grace may superabound. 

Lord, I believe, help Thou my unbelief. 

O Lord, though Thou kill me, yet will I put my trust in 

Though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, 
yet will I fear no evil : for I hope verily to see the goodness 
of the Lord in the land of the living. 

O let this cup pass from me ; nevertheless, if it may not 
pass from me, but that I must drink of it, Thy will be done. 

Thou art the Lord, do what seemeth good in Thine own 

For I will take it as the cup of salvation, and give thanks 
to Thy Name, O Lord. 

O Lord, grant that all the days of my appointed time upon 
earth I may wait, when my changing shall come. 

O that Thou wouldst hide me in the grave, and keep me 
secret until Thy wrath be past, and appoint me a time in 
which Thou wilt remember me ! 

Say unto my soul, O say it now, I am Thy Salvation. 

Command my spirit, whenever Thou wilt command it, to 
be received up to Thee in peace. 

O bid me come unto Thee : say unto me, This day shalt 
thou be with Me in Paradise. 

Lord, thus, and now, let Thy servant depart in peace, that 
mine eyes may see Thy salvation e . 

Lord, Thou blessed Trinity, three Persons and one God, 
have mercy upon me. 

1 commend myself into Thy hands as to a faithful Creator. 

* [Compare Andrewes Manual for the Sick. Engl. Works, vol. vii. pp. 

208, 209.] 


Lord, receive Thine own creature, not made by any strange 
god, but by Thee, the only living and true God. 
Ts. Despise not, O Lord, the work of Thine own hands. 

cxxxvm. 8. j ^^ crea ted to Thine own image and likeness ; O suffer 

uen. 11. 24. not Thine own image to be defaced, but renew it again m 

righteousness and true holiness. 

I commend myself into Thy hands, as to a most gracious 
Redeemer; for Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of 

O Lord, I am the price of Thy blood, of Thy most precious 
blood ; O suffer not so great, so invaluable a price to perish. 

Lord, Thou earnest down from heaven to redeem that 
which was lost ; suffer not that to be lost which Thou hast 

1 commend myself into Thy hands, as to my most blessed 

O Lord, I am weary and heavy laden, and I come to Thee 
to be refreshed by Thee. Behold, O Lord, I have been 
the temple of Thy Holy Spirit ; I have, I confess, strangely 
polluted it ; yet destroy me not, but dedicate me anew, and 
sanctify me to Thyself yet once again. 

Dan.ix.l9. O Lord, I wear Thy Name; tis Thy Name that is called 
upon me. For Thy Name s sake, therefore, be merciful unto 
me. O spare, Lord, if not me, yet Thine own Name in me. 
And do not so remember my sin, O Lord do not, as that 

Neb. i. 11. in remembering it, Thou forget Thine own Name. I have 
desired to fear Thy Name, to love and to honour Thy Name. 
And I now desire to depart this life in the invocation and 
confession of Thy Name. Lord, I confess it, and call upon 
it, O come, Lord Jesu. Amen f . 

Peccavi, O Domine ! 

1. Sed non negavi Te : O nunquam prsevaleat Inimicus ut 

2. Sed credo; O Domine, adauge fidem, et non confundar in 
set er num. 

3. Sed spero; et quse spes mea nisi Tu solus? suscipe me 
secundum eloquium Tuum, et non confundar ab exspecta- 
tione mea. 

f [Compare Andrewes Manual for the Sick. Engl. Works, vol. vii. pp. 188, 189.] 


Sed prseparavi et direxi cor meum ad Te queer endum : et 
etiamsi non secundum munditiem sanctuarii, tamen linum 
fumigans et quassam arundinem nee exstinguas nee frangas, 
O Domine Jesu. 

Sed patienter sustineo castigationem Tuam, et taceo quia 
Tu fecisti. 

Sed remitto debitoribus meis, et Tu pollicitus es remissio- 
nem remittent!. 

Sed projicio me in Te ; ne Te subtrahas, et venientem ad 
Te ne ejicias foras. 

Sed in nominis Tui confessione et invocatione opto de- 

Quare non propter me, O Domine Jesu, aut quicquam 
mei, sed propter Temetipsum, propter Nomen Tuum, propter 
gloriam Nominis Tui, et veritatem Tuam, propter miseri- 
cordias Tuas multas, magnas, mirificas, propter Christum 
Mediatorem, et Spiritum Paracletum, suscipe reversum ad se, 
et revertentem ad Te. Amen&. 

Et ideo, O Domine Deus meus ! 

Inter Te et me, 
Christum Sacerdotem, Agnum, Sacrificium ; 

Inter Satanam et me, 
Christum Eegem, Leonem, Triumphum ; 

Inter peccatum et me, 
Christi innocentiam in vita ; 

Inter poenam peccatorum et me, 
Christi satisfactionem, passionem, sanguinem; 

Inter defectum justitiae et me, 
Christi justitiam, obedientiam absolutam ; 

Inter defectum ad prsemium et me, 
Christi meritum ; 

Inter defectum doloris pro peccatis, et me, 
Christi lacrymas, et sudorem ; 

Inter defectum fervoris in orando et me, 
Christi intercessionem ; 

Inter accusationem Satanse vel proprise conscientiae, 

et me, 

[Conf. ibid. pp. 189, 190.] 


Christum Advocatum ; 

Inter concupiscentiam et me, 

Christ! charitatem ostendo, offero, commemoro. Acceptum 
habe, Domine, propter Christum Ipsum. Amen h . 

Peccavi, O Domine f 

Sed non abscondo peccatum. 

Sed non excuse. 

Sed ultro fateor. 

Sed recogito in amaritudine animse. 

Sed meipsum propter peccata in Te odi : des gratiam, ut 
judicem et vindicem; ut non sine venia exeam e vita hac mihi 
miserrima. Amen. 

Ps.lxxviii. O Lord, I have not only sinned, but provoked Thee with 
many and grievous sins ; yet, I beseech Thee, remember that 
I am but flesh, even a wind that passeth, and cometh not 

Et plus potest ad salutem misericordia Servatoris, quam ad 
perniciem nequitia mei peccatoris. Amen. 

S. August. O Domine Jesu, non habebas Tu quare morereris, et 
S. Joan! 1 niortuus es pro me : ego habeo quare des gratiam, ne de- 
digner mori, et paratus sim. Amen. 

O Domine Jesu, propter illam amaritudinem quam pro me 
miserrimo sustinuisti in cruce ; maxime in ilia hora, quando 
nobilissima anima Tua egressa est de benedicto corpore Tuo, 
deprecor Te, miserere animse inese in egressu suo, et perdue 
earn in vitam seternam. Amen. 


Deus, sub cujus nutibus vitse nostrse momenta decurrunt, 
suscipe, quseso, preces meas pro segrotantibus famulis Tuis, 
pro quibus humillime misericordise Tuse auxilium imploro. Ut 
reddita sibi sanitate, gratiarum Tibi in Ecclesia Tua referant 
actiones, per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. 

h [Compare Andrewes Manual for 190, 191.] 
the Sick. Engl. Works, vol. vii. pp. l [ 13. Op., torn, iii. col. 1706. B.C.] 



Escistimasne ? 

Nullum morbum aut crucem casu evenire cuiquam, vel 1. 
tern ere, 

Quin immitti a Deo, citra cujus providentiam neminem 2. 
morbo laborare ? 

Deum autem sapientissimum, ut nihil unquam permittat 3. 
contingere, nisi quum expedit ? 

Expedire itaque tibi morbum hunc vel crucem, quern vel 4. 
quam tibi nunc immisit Deus. 

Porro Deum paterno erga nos animo esse. Patrem autem, 5. 
sive indulgeat sive castiget, seque Patrem esse : nee minore, 
et forsan majore, hoc quam illud amore facere. 

Bona tibi diu dedisse, nunc mala dare ; sed nee mala hsec, 6. 
nisi ut majoris boni causa sint, nempe ut redeas ad Ilium. 

Gratise esse hoc, quod toties a te repulsus, tamen nee sic 7. 
deserat ; quin visitet te denuo, et requirat te. 

Si sic ; subdes hac in re Divinse voluntati voluntatem tuam, 
sacrincium omnium (post Christi) Deo gratissimum k . 

Confiterisne ? 

Non tarn bene vixisse te quam oportuit ? imo vixisse te 1. 
male, ssepeque et graviter peccasse ? 

Estne peccatum aliquod prseter vel supra csetera? vel 2. 
suntne peccata aliqua, quse gravent conscientiam tuam, ut 
peculiaris absolutionis beneficio tibi sit opus ? 

Estne scrupulus aliquis circa ea quse sunt fidei, vel reli- 3. 
gionis ? 

Recogitasne annos elapsos vitse tuse in amaritudine animaj 4. 

Cuperesne majorem pro iis amaritudinem sentire, quam 5. 
sentis? et gauderesne, si sentires? et doletne, quod majorem 
non sentias? 

Petisne illuminari de iis quse ignoras, vel oblitus es, ut de 6. 
iis poenitere possis ? et pcenitetne id etiam quod vel ignoras, 
vel oblitus es ? 

k [Compare Andrewes Manual for the Sick. Engl. Works, vol. vii. p. 181.] 


7. Estne propositum, si vixeris, judicandi te, et vindicandi in 
teipsum quod deliquisti? 

8. Estne propositum, si vixeris, emendandi vitam, et devitandi 
turn media, turn signa eorum, quse hacterms peccasti ? 

9. Hoccine sancte promittis ? 

10. An petis de hoc promisso admoneri te libere 1 ? 

Credisne ? 

1. QuEe in Symbolo sunt fidei Christianse semel sanctis 
traditse ? 

2. Te servari noil posse, nisi ea credas ? 

3. Lsetarisne et gratias agis Deo, quod in hac fide natus es, 
vixisti, et jam morieris in ea? 

4. Petisne ipse, et visne nos tuo nomine a Deo supplices 
petere, ne deficiat in te fides lisec ad ipsum, atque adeo ne in 
ipso mortis articulo ? 

5. Petisne etiam, ut fructus fidei hujus, et prsecipue mortis 
Jesu Christi, utcunque in vita tua periit, tamen ne pereat in 
morte ? 

6. Si te sensus defecerit, aut dolor seu debilitas eousque per- 
tulerit, ut qusedam tibi excidant contra religionem, seu prae- 
cepta ejus, visne haberi pro non dictis ? et renunciasne iis 
tanquam non tuis m ? 

Remittisne ? 

1. Illis, qui te quocunque modo Iseserint, sicut tibi vis 
remitti ? 

2. Petisne a Deo, ut Ipse quoque illis remittat ? 

3. Kemittisne illis satisfactionem ad quam tenentur ratione 
illorum, quibus te verbo vel facto Iseserunt ? 

4. Yisne hoc illis, qui in te peccarunt, tuo nomine significari; 
te illis quantum in te est noxas omnes remisisse ? 

5. Remissurusne esses, si graviora et plura in te deliquissent ? 

6. Gauderesne, si plures jam haberes quibus remittere possis, 
quo inde uberius tibi remissio peccatorum tuorum a Deo 
impertiri possit n ? 

1. Tu ipse si quos Isesisti, petisne ab iis veniam, ut et tibi 

remittant ? 

1 [Compare Andrewes Manual for the Sick. m [Ibid. p. 185.] 

Engl. Works, vol. vii. pp. 184, 185.] " [Ibid, p, 186. J 


Ecquos imprimis commeministi, et vis significari illis hoc 2. 
tuo nomine ? 

Quum remissio nulla sperari potest peccatorum contra 3. 
octavum vel nonum prseceptum Legis Divinse, nisi fiat resti- 
tutio ; paratusne es restituere illis rem, quibus in re fami- 
liari, et illis famam, quibus in fama detraxisti; idque sine 
dolo, et dilatione? 

Recordarisne qui tandem sint. 4. 


Credo, Domine, (Tu mese incredulitati subvenito,) esse Te 
Unum Deum, Patrem, Filium, Spiritum Sanctum. 

Pro summa Tua beriignitate et potentia, creasse coelos et 
t err am. 

Pro immensa charitate omnia in Christo recapitulasse. 

Qui caro factus et conceptus est. Natus. Passus. Cruci- 
fixus. Mortuus. Sepultus. Descendit. Resurrexit. 
Ascendit. Assedit. Ilevertetur. Retribuet. 

Virtute et operatione Spiritus Sancti, ex universo vocasse 
Ecclesiam ad sanctitatem. 

In ea nos consequi bonorum participationem, et peccatorum 

In ea nos exspectare carnis resurrectionem_, vitam seternami 3 . 

Credo, Domine, (O supple defectus fidei mese !) 

Patris benevolum affectum. 

Omnipotentis potentiam salutarem. 

Creatoris providentiam in custodia ; gubernatione, consum- 
matione mundi. 

Credo magnum pietatis mysteriurn, propter nos liomines, 
pro nostra salute Dium in carne revelatum, Filium Patris, 
Unctum Spiritus, Dominum Jesum. 

Conceptum esse, et natum; ad purgandani impuritatem 
conceptionis et nativitatis nostrse. 

Passum esse; quse nos oportuit, (inexplicabilia) ne nos 

[Conf. ibid. pp. 186, 187.] P [Conf. Andrewcs, Free. Priv. pp. 44. 46.] 


Crucifixum, mortuum, et sepultum ; ne hsec pro eo timea- 
mus subire. 

Descendisse ; quo nos oportuit, et ne nos omnino. 

Resurrexisse, ascendisse, consedisse ; ubi nihil nobis, et ut 
nos quoque. 

Adventurum Judicem mundi, ut nos assumat. 

Credo Eum esse, 

In conceptione et generatione, naturae purgatorem; 

In passione crucis, mortis sepulturse, redemptorem personse; 

In descensu, triumphatorem inferni et mortis ; 

In resurrectione, primitias dormientium ; 

In ascensione, prsecursorem ; 

In sessione, paracletum sive advocatum ; 

In secundo adventu et judicio, consummatorem fidei q . 

Sic loco 

Abaddon^ Jesum intueor. 

Satanse, Mediator em. 

Diaboli, Paracletum. 

Delatoris, Intercessorem. 

Captivantis, Eedemptorem. 

Aculei, Christum r . 

Credo autem et Spiritus vim vivificam, sanctificantem, 
Invisibiliter, extra, efficaciter, tanquam ventus, 
In increpatione, compunctione, doctrina, commonefactione, 
advocatione_, consolatione^ attestatione, di^Pusione charitatis, 
illuminatione cognitionis. 

Credo prseterea Spiritus Sancti corpus mysticum vocato- 
rum ex universo mundo^ ad fidem veritatis et sanctitatem 
vitse ; 

Membrorum vero corporis reciprocam participationem ; 
Praeterea remissionem peccatorum in prsesenti, spem vero 
resurrectionis et translationis ad vitam seternam 8 . 

Domine, adde mihi fidem; non fidem quselegem annihilet; 

rper charitatem operantem, 
Sed fidem < operibus efficacem, 

Lvincentem mundum ; 

i [Conf. Andre wes, Preces Priv. pp. r [Ibid. p. 341.1 

112. 114. 340.] [Ibid. p. 342.] 


Sanctissimam denique, ut Te amem ut Patrem, verear ut 
Omnipotentem ; 

Ut fideli Creator! animam in beneficentia committam ; 

Ut in me Christus formetur ; ego vero conformer imagini 

Ut pro iis, quse pro me passus est, agam gratias ; Ipsi com- 
patiar : pro Ipso patiar, quodcunque Ipsi visum fuerit ; 

Ut pro Ejus cruce, morte, sepultura ulciscar, crucifigam, 
interimam, sepeliain, quod istis causam prsebuit, peccatum ; 

Ut pro descensu ad inferos, vivus frequenti meditatione 
descendam in infernum ; 

Ut conformer resurrection! Ejus^ in novitatem vitse resur- 

Ascensioni vero, quse sunt supra meditans, et quserens ; 

Ut et consessus sim memor, quoties dono aliquo coelestis 
consolationis egeo ; et quoties in invocatione frigeo ; 

Adventus autem, et judicii nunquam obliviscar ; 
. Tubse resonantis sonum semper audiam, et semper orem, 
donee ad dextram constitutus sim. Amen*. 


O anima mea ! 

An egisti Deo pro acceptis beneficiis gratias? 1. 

An petiisti gratiam a Deo pro cognitione et expulsione 2, 
peccatorum ? 

An exegisti a te ipsa rationem de admissis prcesenti die 3. 
peccatis, cogitatione, verbo, opere, per singulas horas ex quo 
evigilasti ? 

An expetiisti veniam de delictis? An proposuisti cum 4. 
Dei gratia emendationem ? 

Benedicta sit sancta et individua Trinitas nunc et semper, 
et in ssecula sseculorum. Amen. 

* [Conf. Andrewes, Tree. Priv. p. 341.] 




O Domine, stellam ducem non sum meritus, tribue tamen, 
quxso, mihi iter prosperum, tempus tranquillum, reditum 
felicem. Ut, angelo Tuo sancto comite et custode, ad eum 
quo pergo locum, deinde ad domum propriam, et demum ad 
seternre salutis portum, pervenire feliciter valeam, per Jesum 
Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen u . 

Adesto, quseso, Domine, et me famulum Tuum eustodi; 
esto mihi in lubrico baculus, in naufragio portus. Ut, Te 
duce, quo tendo prospere perveniam, et demum incolumis ad 
propria redeam, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. 
Amen x . 

Exaudi, Domine, supplicationes meas, et viam famuli Tui 
dispone : ut inter omnes vitse et via? hujus varietates, Tuo 
semper protegar auxilio, per Jesum Christum Dominum 
nostrum. Amen y. 

O Domine, salvum me fac servum Tuum sperantem in Te. 
Mitte mihi auxilium de Sancto,, et de Sion tuere me. Esto 
mihi turris fortitudinis a facie Inimici. Nihil proficiat Ini- 
micus in me, et nlius iniquitatis non opponat nocere mihi. 
O prosperum iter faciat mihi Deus salutarium nostrorum. 
Domine, exaudi orationem meam, et clamor meus ad Te 
veniat, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen z . 


Hammer- O Lord, merciful and gracious, this Thy people are pre- 

Chapel, paring to build a place for Thy service : accept, I humbly 

March 11, beseech Thee, their present devotion, and make them perfect 

both in their present and future duty; that while Thou 

givest them ease to honour Thee, they may with the greater 

alacrity go on in Thy service. And now, O Lord, I have by 

Thy mercy and goodness put to my hand to lay the first 

stone in this building; tis a corner-stone, make it, I beseech 

u [Vide Itinerarium apud Brev. 
* [Ibid.] 

y [Liturg. Angl. e Miss. Sarisb.] 
[Vide Itinerarium a pud Brev. 


Thee, a happy foundation, a durable building. Let it rise 
up, and be made, and continue, a house of prayer and devo 
tion through all ages ; that Thy people may here be taught 
to believe in Jesus Christ, the true Corner-stone, upon whom 
they and their souls may be built safe for ever. Grant this 
for the merit of the same Jesus Christ, our most blessed Lord 
and Saviour ; to Whom, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, 
be ascribed all power, majesty,and dominion, this day and 
for ever. Amen 8 . 

* [See Prynne s Remarks on this Prayer, Cajit. Doom, p. 125-] 

LAUD. VOL. in. 



For the MOST gracious God, we humbly beseech Thee, as for this 

"/Pariia-^ kingdom in general, so especially for the High Court of Par- 
ment,l625. liament, under our most religious and gracious King at this 
Jej^niTob time assembled ; that Thou wouldest be pleased to bless and 
Pestem direct all their consultations, to the preservation of Thy glory, 
STmT" tne good of Tnv Church, the safety, honour, and welfare of 
our Sovereign and his kingdoms. Lord, look upon the 
humility and devotion with which they are come into Thy 
courts. And they are come into Thy house in assured con 
fidence upon the merits and mercies of Christ, our blessed 
Saviour, that Thou wilt not deny them the grace and favour 
which they beg of Thee. Therefore, O Lord, bless them with 
that wisdom which Thou knowest necessary to speed and 
bring great designs into action, and to make the maturity of 
his Majesty s and their counsels the happiness and the bless 
ing of this commonwealth. These, and all other necessaries, 
for them, for us, and Thy whole Church, we humbly beg in 
the name and mediation of Jesus Christ, our most blessed 
Lord and Saviour. Amen. 

For the O eternal God, and our most gracious Father, Thou art 

1625^ ^ ie -kord f Hosts, and the strength of all nations is from 

Thee; if Thou keepest not the city, the watchman waketh 

a [This Prayer occurs at the begin- and Jan. 18, 1625.] 

ning of the Form of Common Prayer, b [Directed to be used in the same 

together with an Order of Fasting, &c. Form of Prayer, after the Prayer for 

London, 1625, in the preparing of the King s Majesty in the Communion 

which Archbishop Laud (then Bishop Service. It was in this year that an 

of London), Bishop Andrewes, and expedition was sent out under the 

others, had a part. See Diary. June 24, Duke of Buckingham to Cadiz.] 


but in vain ; and no victory can wait upon the justest designs, 
upon the wisest counsels, upon the strongest armies, if Thou 
teach not their hands to war, and their fingers to fight. 
Thou art the steady hope of all the ends of the earth, and of 
them which go and remain in the broad sea. Lord, at this 
time we need Thy more special assistance both by land and 
sea; and for the mercy of Christ deny us neither. Be with 
our armies, and the armies of our allies and associates by 
land; be with our navy at sea. Be not from the one, nor 
from the other, in power and in great mercy, until Thou hast 
brought them back with honour and a settled peace. Lord, 
turn our enemies sword into their own bosom ; for we sought 
peace and ensued it, and while we did so, they did more than 
make themselves ready to battle. We are Thy servants, 
truly and heartily sorry for our sins. Lord, forgive them, 
and then we will trust upon Thee, that Thou wilt pour down 
all Thy blessings upon this and all other designs and actions 
of this State, undertaken for Thy glory, the honour of our 
most gracious King Charles, and the peace and welfare of 
this Church and commonwealth. Grant this, we humbly 
beseech Thee, for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Mediator 
and Advocate. Amen. 

Most gracious God, we humbly beseech Thee pardon and In Time of 
forgive all our many, great, and grievous transgressions, 

We may not hope Thou wilt take off Thy punishments, until sonable 
Thou hast forgiven our sins : we may not think Thou wilt 
forgive our sins, until our humiliation and repentance come 
to ask forgiveness. We have been too slow to come, and 
now Thou hast apparelled Thy mercy in justice, to force us 
to Thee. Lord, we believe ; but do Thou increase our faith, 
our devotion, our repentance, and all Christian virtues in us. 
At this time the vials of Thy heavy displeasure drop down upon 
us, and while we smart under one judgment, Thou threatenest 

c [In the same Form of Prayer, after " Junii 18. Dies Sabbati erat. Ini- 

the Prayer for the Church Militant, tium dedit primo sub serenissimo E. 

Compare the following extracts from Carolo parliamento, toties dilato. In- 

Diary : terfuere dux de Shiveruz et alii nobiles 

"Junii 16. Die Jovis. Eex et Ee- Gallise; Episcopus etiam, qui Reginas 

gina Londinum venerunt. Salutave- inservivit. Metu pestilentise, quae turn 

runt aulam ad horam quintam. Dies cospit grassari, abstinuit Eex a pompa 

erat tristior, et nubibus operta. . . Mag- illius diei ; ne populus in multitude 

nus e coelo cecidit imber. nem conflueret."] 

H 2 


the rest. The pestilence spreads in our streets, and so as if 
it sought whom to devour. No strength is able to stand 
against it, and it threatens to make families, nay cities, deso 
late. While the pestilence eats up Thy people, we hear the 
sound of war, and the sword calleth for such as it would 
devour. In the meantime, the heavens are black over us, 
and the clouds drop leanness; and it will be famine, to 
swallow what the pestilence and the sword shall leave alive, 
unless Thou send more seasonable weather to give the fruits 
of the earth in their season. Our sins have deserved all this, 
and more, and we neither do nor can deny it. We have no- 
whither to go but to mercy : we have no way to that, but by 
the all-sufficient merit of Thy Son our blessed Saviour. 
Lord, for His merit and mercies sake look down upon us 
Thy distressed servants; command Thine angel to stay his 
hand; and remember that in death we cannot praise Thee, 
nor give thanks in the pit. Go forth with our armies when 
they go, and make us remember that all our strength and 
deliverance is in Thee. Clear up the heavens over us, and 
take not from us the great plenty with which Thou hast 
crowned the earth : but remember us, O Thou that feedest 
the ravens when they call upon Thee. Lord, we need all Thy 
mercies to come upon us, and Thy mercies are altogether in 
Christ, in whom, and for whose sake, we beg them of Thee, 
who livest and reignest in the unity of the Spirit, one God, 
world without end. Amen. 

In Danger O eternal God and most merciful Father, we humbly 
1626 d mies> beseech Thee be merciful unto us, and be near to help us in 
all those extremities which our sins threaten to bring upon 
us. Our enemies are strengthened against us, by our multi 
plied rebellions against Thee. And we deserve to suffer 
whatever our enemies threaten. But there is mercy with 
Thee, that Thou mayest be feared. O Lord, show us this 
mercy, and give us grace so to fear Thee, as that we may 
never be brought to fear or feel them. And whensoever Thou 
wilt correct us for our sins, let us fall into Thy hands, and 

d [One of the Collects for the Day, used in these dangerous times of War 
in the Form of Prayer necessary to be and Pestilence, &c. Lond. 1626. ] 


not into the hands of men. Grant this for Jesus Christ His 
sake, our only Mediator and Redeemer. Amen. 

O eternal God and most gracious Father, we have deserved 
whatsoever Thy law hath threatened against sinners. Our 
contempt of Thy divine worship is great, and we hear Thy 
word, but obey it not. Forgive us, O Lord, forgive us these 
and all other our grievous sins. Give us light in our under 
standing, readiness and obedience in our will, discretion in 
our words and actions; true, serious, and loyal endeavours 
for the peace and prosperity of Jerusalem, the unity and glory 
of this Church and State ; that so we may love it and prosper 
in it, and be full of grace in this life, and filled with glory in 
the life to come, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen e . 

O most merciful God, we give Thee praise and thanks for Gratiarum 
the wonderful ceasing of the late raging pestilence in the pgJiiJntia 
chief city of this kingdom, and other places. Lord, show us extincta. 
yet further mercy, and look upon all parts of this land with 
tender compassion. Keep back the destroying angel, that he 
enter not into places that are yet free, nor make further 
waste in those which are already visited. Comfort them that 
are sick, preserve them that are sound, receive them that die 
to mercy, that living and dying, they and we may continue 
Thy faithful servants, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

O most gracious God and loving Father, we have felt Thy in Danger 
manifold mercies, 110 nation more ; and we have committed Jgfg g mies 
sins against Thee, few nations greater. Enter not into judg 
ment with us, O Lord, but for Christ and His mercy s sake, 
pacify Thine anger, and save us from the malice and cruelty 
of our enemies. They are our crying sins that have called 
them upon us. Let it be an addition to Thy wonted mercy, 
to restrain their fury. To this end, Lord, put Thy bridle 
into their mouths, and Thy bit between their teeth. Frus 
trate their designs, and let them find no way in our seas, nor 
any path in our floods ; but scatter them with Thy tempest, 

e [Abridged from the Prayer di- in the Evening Prayer of the same 

rected, in the same Form, to be used Form, slightly altered.] 

after the Prayer, " We humbly beseech * [Slightly altered from Prayer in 

Thee."] the same Form, to be used after Prayer 

f [One of the Collects for the Day for Church Militant.] 


and follow them with all Thy storms ; that we being delivered 
by Thy hand, may bless and honour Thy name, devoutly 
serving Thee all our days, through Jesus Christ our Lord. 

1626. O Lord, Thou gracious Governor of all the kingdoms of the 

earth, look down, we beseech Thee, in mercy upon this realm, 
and upon all other Reformed Churches. Save and deliver 
us and them from the hands of all such as threaten our 
destruction. Protect the person of our gracious Sovereign, 
direct his counsels, go forth with his armies, be unto him and 
to us a wall of brass, and a strong tower of defence against his 
and our enemies ; that so we being safe through Thy mercy, 
may live to serve Thee in Thy Church, and ever give Thee 
praise and glory, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

For the O eternal God and merciful Father, all peace and strength 
bearing 1 of ^ kingdoms is from Thee; and lineal succession is Thy 
the Queen s great blessing, both upon princes and states ; the great 
I628 h . means to preserve unity and confirm strength. We there 
fore. give Thee humble and hearty thanks, as for all Thy 
blessings, so especially at this time for Thy great mercy and 
loving-kindness to our dread Sovereign, his Royal Queen, 
and this whole State, in giving her Majesty hope of her long- 
desired issue, thereby filling their and our hearts with glad 
ness. Lord, go along with Thine own blessings to perfect 
them. Be with her in soul and in body, preserve her from 
all dangers, keep her safe to and in the hour of travail, that 
there may be strength to bring forth her joy and our hope. 
And make her a joyful mother of many children, to the glory 
of Thy great Name, the happiness of his Majesty, the security 
of this State, and the flourishing of the Church and true 
religion amongst us. Grant this, even for Jesus Christ His 
sake, our only Lord and Saviour. Amen. 

For the O eternal God and merciful Father, since lineal succession 

bearingof" is under Tliee the reat security of kingdoms, and the very 

h [ T h !f- 5^ Chil ? f the Royal of a son - He was christened, and 

parents died almost immediately after died within short space. This was 

its birth. See the following entry in Ascension Eve. The next day being, 

the Diary:- -"May 13 Wednesday. May 14, Ascension Day, patio ante 

This day, about three of the clock, the medium noctem, \ buried him at 

Queen was delivered before her time Westminister."] 


life of peace, we therefore give Thee most humble and hearty theQueen s 
thanks for the great blessing which Thou hast again begun i 6 2 J 9. bt ^ 
to work for our gracious King Charles and this whole State, 1631 l . 
in giving the Queen s Majesty further hopes of a desired arid 
happy issue. And as we give Thee humble and hearty 
thanks for this, so we pray Thee to perfect this great 
blessing thus begun, to preserve her from all dangers, and 
to be with her by special assistance in the hour of travail. 
Lord, make her a happy mother of successful children, to 
the increase of Thy glory, the comfort of his Majesty, the 
joy of her own heart, the safety of the State, and the pre 
servation of the Church and true religion among us. Grant 
this even for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Saviour and 
Redeemer. Amen. 

O most merciful God and gracious Father, Thou hast given A Thanks- 
us the joy of our hearts, the contentment of our souls for theQueen s 
this life, in blessing our dear and dread Sovereign, and his ^. afe De - 
virtuous royal Queen, with a hopeful son, and us with a happy 
prince, in Thy just time and his to rule over us. We give p^ e of 
Thy glorious Name most humble and hearty thanks for this. Charles, 
Lord, make us so thankful, so obedient to Thee for this 
great mercy, that Thy goodness may delight to increase it 
to us. Increase it, good Lord, to more children, the prop 
one of another against single hope ; increase it to more sons, 
the great strength of his Majesty and his throne; increase it 
in the joy of his royal parents, and all true-hearted subjects ; 
increase it by his Christian and happy education both in 
faith and goodness ; that this kingdom and people may be 
happy in the long life and prosperity of our most gracious 
Sovereign and his royal consort. And when fulness of days 
must gather time, Lord, double his graces \ and make them 
apparent in this his heir, and his heirs after him, for all 
generations to come, even for Jesus Christ His sake, our 
Lord and only Saviour. Amen. 

1 [A copy of the form for this year I was in the house three hours before, 

could not be found ; the same form, and had the honour and the happiness 

however, was used in 1635, and nearly to see the Prince, before he was full 

the same in 1644.] one hour old."] 

k [" Maii 29. Saturday. Prince l [See Racket s remark on this 

Charles was born at St. James s, paulo expression, Life of Williams, par. ii. 

ante horam primam post meridiem; p. 96.] 



Nov. 4 

A Thanks- O most gracious God and loving Father,, we give Thee, as 
fhlQue^n s we are bound, most humble and hearty thanks for Thy great 
safe De- mercy extended to us and this whole State, in blessing the 
happy aU Queen s Majesty with a happy deliverance in and from the 
great pains and perils of childbirth. We humbly beseech 
Thee to continue and increase this blessing ; to give her 
strength that she may happily overcome this and all dangers 
else; that his most gracious Majesty may long have joy in 
her happy life : that she may have joy in his Majesty s 
prosperity ; that both of them may have comfort in the royal 
Prince Charles, the new-born Princess the Lady Mary, and 
with them in a hopeful, healthful, and successful posterity j 
that the whole kingdom may have fulness of joy in them ; 
and that both they and we may all have joy in the true 
honour and service of God ; that both Church and kingdom 
may be blessed, and their royal persons filled with honour in 
this life, and with eternal happiness in the life to come, even 
for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Lord and Saviour. Amen. 

1632 " 

A Thanks- O eternal God and merciful Father, we give Thee all 
for hi? humble and hearty thanks for our most gracious Sovereign 
Majesty s Lord King Charles, both for the gentleness of Thy hand in 
fromYhe a disease otherwise so troublesome and fearful, and for the 
merc ^ umess f Thy hand in taking it off so soon and so 
happily. We know, and acknowledge before Thee, our sins, 
and what grievous punishments they have deserved : but, 
Lord, we beseech Thee still to remember us in mercy, and 
long to bless our gracious King with life, and health, and 
strength, and happiness, and above all, with the fear of Thy 
holy Name ; that so he may continue under Thee, and over 
us, a father of the State, a patron of the Church, a comfort 
to his royal Queen, till he see his children s children, and 
peace upon Israel. Grant this, good Lord, even for Jesus 
Christ His sake. Amen. 

m [From a Thanksgiving for the 
safe delivery of the Queen, and happy 
birth of the young princesse. Im- 
printed at London, by Kobert Barker, 
&c. 1631. The birth is thus noticed 
in the Diary : "Novemb. 4. Friday, 
The Lady Mary, Princess, born at 
St. James s, inter horas qnintam et 
matutinas. It was thought 

she was born three weeks before her 
time." The Princess Mary married 
William II. Prince of Orange, and 
was the mother of King William III.] 
" [" Decemb. 2. Sunday. The 
small pox appeared upon his Majesty, 
but, God be thanked, he had a very 
gentle disease of it." Diary, an, 


Most gracious God and loving Father, we give Thee all A Thanks- 
humble and hearty thanks for Thy great mercy in blessing 

the Queen s Majesty with a happy deliverance in and from ^ fe De " 
the great pains and peril of childbirth. We humbly beseech happy 

Thee to continue Thy mercies towards her, that she may ^mes 

happily overcome this and all other dangers ; that his most Duke of 
gracious Majesty may long have joy in her most happy life, 
and both of them comfort in the royal Prince Charles, and 
the rest of their princely issue ; particularly in the new-born 
prince, the Duke of York; that they all may prove a 
healthful, hopeful, and a successful posterity; that both 
Church and kingdom may have fulness of joy in them ; that 
their Majesties royal persons may be filled with honour in 
this life, and with eternal happiness in the life to come ; and 
this even for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Saviour and 
Redeemer. Amen. 

O eternal God and merciful Father, by whom alone kings A Prayer 
reign, Thou Lord of Hosts, and giver of all victory, we ^[ 

humbly beseech Thee to guard our most gracious Sovereign Majesty 
Lord King Charles ; to bless him in his person with health Northern 

and safety, in his counsels with wisdom and prudence, and in 

J tion. 

all his actions with honour and good success. Grant, blessed 1639 p. 
Lord, that victory may attend his designs, and that his liege 
people may rejoice in Thee ; but that shame may cover the 
face of Thine and his treacherous enemies. Give him, 
blessed Father, so to settle his subjects in peace, and the true 
fear of Thy Divine Majesty, that he may return with joy and 
honour, and proceed long to govern his kingdoms in peace 
and plenty, and in the happiness of true religion and piety, 
all his days. These blessings, and whatsoever else shall be 
necessary for him, or for ourselves, we humbly beg of Thee, 
O merciful Father, for Jesus Christ His sake, our only 
Mediator and Redeemer. Amen. 

["Novemb. 24. Sunday. In the The King s expedition is thus noticed 

afternoon I christened King Charles s in the Diary: " Mar. 27. Wednesday. 

second son, James, Duke of York, at Coronation Day, King Charles took 

St. James s." Diary, An. 1633.] his journey northward against the 

P [This Prayer was directed to be Scottish covenanting rebels. God of 

said in all churches in the time of His infinite mercy bless him with 

Divine service, next after the Prayer health and success."] 
for the Queen and the Royal Progeny. 


For the O eternal God and merciful Father, by whom alone kings 
in hfs reign, Thou Lord of Hosts and giver of all victory, we 

Northern h um blv beseech Thee both now and ever to guide and pre- 

Expedi- * T , T ,-. ,~, 

tion. serve our most gracious Sovereign Lord King Charles ; to 

bless him in his person with health and safety, in his 
counsels with wisdom and prudence, and in all his actions 
with honour and good success, especially against those his 
traitorous subjects, who, having cast off all obedience to their 
anointed Sovereign, do at this time in rebellious manner 
invade this realm. Grant, blessed Lord, that victory may 
attend his Majesty s designs, that his liege people may 
rejoice in Thee; but that shame may cover the faces of 
Thine and his treacherous enemies. Enable him, blessed 
Father, so to vanquish and subdue them all, that his loyal 
subjects being settled in peace, and the true fear of Thy 
holy Name, he may return with joy and honour, and con 
tinue to govern his kingdoms in peace and plenty, and in the 
happiness of true religion and piety, all his days. These 
blessings, and whatsoever else shall be necessary for him, or 
for ourselves, we humbly beg of Thee, O merciful Father, 
for Jesus Christ His sake, our only Mediator and Redeemer. 


O Lord, forgive me all my sins that are past. O Lord, 
strengthen me against all temptations, especially the tempta 
tions of, &c. 

O Lord, fill my heart with thankfulness : and I do give 
Thee most humble and hearty thanks for the great deliver 
ance of me from the rage and fury of the multitude. O Lord, 
let the same wings of Thy merciful protection be spread over 
me all the days of my life. O Lord, give me a faithful, 
a patient, a penitent, a persevering heart in Thy service ; that 
so I may with comfort daily, nay hourly, expect when my 
changing shall come. So Amen, Lord Jesu. Amen. 

i [Directed to be used in the same North in haste, upon information that 

place as the preceding Prayer. The the Scots were entered the Monday 

expedition is thus noticed in the before into England, and meant to be 

Diary: "Aug. 20. Thursday. His at Newcastle by Saturday."] 
Majesty took his journey toward the 



Our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath left power to His Church 
to absolve all sinners which truly repent and believe m Him, 
of His great mercy forgive thee thine offences. And by His 
authority committed to me, I absolve thee from all thy sins, 
in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
Ghost. Amen. 


God, who of His mercy hath given you grace to give 
yourself to His Church, preserve and keep you in His truth, 
free both from superstition and profaneness. The Lord bles"s Numb, vi, 
and keep you. The Lord make His face shine upon you, 24 
and be merciful unto you. The Lord lift up His countenance 
upon you, and give you peace in conscience, and constancy 
in truth. And by the power of ministration committed to 
me by our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, I re-admit you 
into the fellowship of His Church, in the name of the Father, 
and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. 






T R Y A L 


The Moji Reverend Father in God, 
and Blejfed Martyr 9 


Lord Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury. 

Wrote by HIMSELF, during his 
Imprisonment in the Tower. 

To which is prefixed 


Faithfully and entirely Publifhed from the Original Copy. 


Martijj. 1695. JO. CANT 


Printed for Hit. (ZDJtffodl, at the Rose and Crown in St. 
Church-Yard, M DC XCV. 


THAT the reader may be satisfied, how it came to pass, 
that an history wrote of, and by, a person of so great a 
character in this nation, and by him designed for the public, 
hath lain hid, and been suppressed for near fifty years; 
through whose hands it hath passed ; and by what means, 
and by whose labour it is at last published ; he may be 
pleased to take the following account. 

The Most Reverend Archbishop, the author and subject of 
this history, was very exact and careful in keeping all papers 
which concerned himself, or any affairs of Church and State, 
passing through his hands ; not only kept a journal of his 
own actions, but from time to time, took minutes of whatso 
ever passed at Council Table, Star Chamber, High Com 
mission Court, &c. ; digested all his papers in most exact 
order ; wrote with his own hand on the back or top of every 
one, what it concerned, when it was received, when wrote or 
answered, &c. 

This his enemies knew full well ; and therefore, when after 
they had caused him to be impeached of high treason, of 
endeavouring to introduce Popery and arbitrary government, 
and to be imprisoned upon the impeachment in the end of 
the year 1640; and had now in vain laboured for two years 
and a half, to find out evidence to prove this their accusation; 
but the more they sought, they found to their confusion, so 
much the greater evidence of the contrary : after they had 
in vain ransacked all papers left by the Archbishop in his 
study at Lambeth, and examined all his intimate friends and 
subaltern agents upon oath ; when nothing did appear, they 
hoped to find somewhat against him, either in his private 


journal of his life, which they knew to be kept by him, or in 
those papers which he had carried with him from Lambeth 
at his first commitment, in order to his future defence. 
Upon these hopes, they with great privacy framed an order 
for the searching his chamber and pockets in the Tower, in 
May 1 643 ; and committed the execution of it to his inve 
terate enemy, William Prynne; who thereupon took from 
the Archbishop twenty- one bundles of papers, which he had 
prepared for his defence : his Diary, his Book of Private 
Devotions, the Scotch Service Book, and directions accom 
panying it, &c. And although he then faithfully promised 
restitution of them within three or four days, yet never 
restored any more than three bundles , employed such 
against the Archbishop at his trial, as might seem prejudicial 
to his cause ; suppressed those which might be advantageous 
to him ; published many, embezzled some ; and kept the rest 
to the day of his death. 

As soon as Prynne was possessed of the Archbishop s 
papers, he set himself with eager malice to make use of 
them to his defamation, and to prove the charge of Popery 
and abetting arbitrary government, by the publication of 
many of them. His first specimen in this kind was a 
pamphlet, which came out in August following, entituled, 
Rome s Masterpiece/ in five sheets in quarto, containing the 
papers and letters relating to the plot, contrived by Papists 
against the Church and State then established in England, 
and discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeild. But never did 
malice appear so gross and ridiculous together, as in this 
case. For from this plot, if there were any truth in it, it 
appeared, that the life of the Archbishop was chiefly aimed 
at by the plotters, as the grand obstacle of their design ; and 
one who could by no arts be wrought to any connivance of 
them, much less concurrence with them. This pamphlet 
being, after the publication of it, carried to the Archbishop 
in the Tower, he made several marginal annotations on it, 
in answer to Prynne s falsifications and malicious calumnies 
intermixed therein. Which copy, coming afterwards into 
the hands of Dr. Baily, the Archbishop s executor, was by 
him given to the learned antiquary, Mr. Anthony Wood, and 
by him transmitted to me, in order to be placed among the 


other papers and memorials, which are to follow this history, 
according to the Archbishop s own direction. 

But Prynne s malice could not be abated by the shame of 
one miscarriage. In the next place, he bethought himself 
of publishing the Archbishop s Diary, as soon as his trial 
ended, wherein it had been often produced as evidence 
against him. This then he published in the beginning of 
September, 1644, in nine sheets in folio, with this title, 
A Breviat of the Life of/ &c., (intending it, as he saith, "for 
a prologue to the much desired History of his Trial/ ) but 
neither entire, nor faithfully, as far as he did publish it ; but 
altered, mangled, corrupted, and glossed in a most shameful 
manner; accompanied with "desperate untruths," as the 
Archbishop complains in this history ; and therefore added : 
" For this Breviat of his, if God lend me life and strength to 
end this (History) first, I shall discover to the world the base 
and malicious slanders with which it is fraught." il This the 
archbishop wrote, when he despaired that ever his Diary 
should be recovered out of those vile hands, in which it then 
was, and be published faithfully and entirely ; which would 
be the most effectual discovery of the baseness and malice of 
Prynne therein. 

Yet notwithstanding so vile and corrupt an edition of it, 
all those who have wrote anything of this excellent prelate, 
have been forced to make use of it ; not being able to gain 
the sight of the original, nor perhaps so much as suspecting 
any such fraud in the edition of it. Particularly, it is much 
to be lamented, that Dr. Heylin, who wrote the History 
of the Archbishop s Life/ with great care and elegance, was 
forced, in most things, to borrow his account from this 
corrupted edition of his Diary, and hath thereby been led 
into many arid great errors. Others also have, since him, 
taken up and divulged many false opinions concerning the 
Diary itself; as that it was wholly wrote in Latin by the 
Archbishop, that it was by himself entituled A Breviat of 
his Life/ and that it was translated and published entire by 

B [See History of Troubles and Archbishop, evidently intended as 

Trial, p. 254. in marg. Some MS. materials for a reply, Mill be found in 

notes on Prynne s Breviat, by the this edition at the end of the Diary.J 
LAUD. VOL. in. 


The true and faithful publication of it, which I have made 
from the original, now in my hands, will not only supply the 
defect of what the Archbishop intended in the words before 
related, but never effected; but will also undeniably assert 
his innocence from those greater accusations formerly brought 
against him, and will further clear him from many later 
assertions of lesser moment. I will name but one, which is 
to be found in the Life of Archbishop Williams, wrote by 
Bishop Hacket, and lately published. Therein (pp. 63, 64) 
Dr. Laud is taxed of high ingratitude against Williams, who 
is there in a long relation represented as his great benefactor, 
and who particularly gained of King James the bishopric of 
St. David s for him, by his great and restless importunity, 
when the king had determined not to promote him, as 
unworthy of his favour, for reasons there expressed. I ques - 
tion not Bishop Racket s veracity, or that Archbishop 
Williams did indeed relate this to him. But then Williams 
will be found strongly to have prevaricated, when he pre 
tended that Laud owed that preferment to his kindness, and 
thereupon taxed him of ingratitude. For from what is 
related in the following Diary, at June 29, 1621, it appears 
indeed that Williams stickled hard to gain the bishopric of 
St. David s for Laud, not out of any kindness to him, but for 
his own ends, that so himself might retain the deanery of 
Westminster, with the bishopric of Lincoln, (to which he 
was then nominated,) which otherwise had slipped from him ; 
the king having designed to give it to Dr. Laud, upon the 
avoidance of it by the promotion of Dr. Williams to the see 
of Lincoln. But whatever may be in this matter alleged 
against Dr. Laud; 1 am sure, no art or colour can defend 
that bitter revenge of Archbishop Williams, related in this 
history b ; which prompted him to move earnestly in the 
House of Lords, that the jurisdiction of the Archbishop 
of Canterbury (then a prisoner in the Tower) might be 
sequestered, and put into the hands of his inferior officers ; 
which by his importunity he obtained, to the great prejudice 
of the Church, and no small infamy of himself. 

I do not pretend to justify the whole proceeding of Arch 
bishop Laud, during the whole course of his power and 
b [History of Troubles and Trial, chap. xi. p. 183, in marg.] 


government, against Archbishop Williams. I do rather 
lament it, as the great misfortune both of themselves and the 
Church at that time, that two such eminent prelates, equally 
endued with extraordinary learning, wisdom, and greatness 
of mind, should be engaged in constant opposition and 
enmity to each other, at first raised by mutual distrust and 
emulation, and ever after kept up and fomented by reciprocal 
injuries and false representations on each side. But that the 
blame of this misfortune should be cast wholly on the one 
side ; that unworthy reflections should be made and published 
in prejudice of Archbishop Laud; that he should be accused 
of base ingratitude, of impotent malice, of insatiable revenge ; 
while the other is represented as the most calm, most inno 
cent, and most heroical person imaginable ; I cannot without 
some indignation observe in the beforementioned historian, 
otherwise of eminent worth and character, who, to approve 
his gratitude to his patron and promoter, hath grossly 
neglected the laws of history, and cared not how injuriously 
he treated the memory of Archbishop Laud, that he might 
justify the quarrel and heighten the encomium of Archbishop 
Williams. Upon this account, and with this design, Williams 
is pretended to have been the great patron and benefactor of 
Laud, to have " procured him his first rochet c ," & c v that so 
the latter might appear guilty of the highest ingratitude 
against the other. Hence these reflections are frequently 
repeated : " Of all men, Bishop Laud was the man whose 
enmity was most tedious and most spiteful against his great 
benefactor, Williams d ." This dealing of Laud " is past 
excuse, and can bear no apology e ." And " the cause of his 
(Bishop Williams s) incessant molestations for twelve years 
was his known enemy, Bishop Laud. Could he so soon 
forget him that first made him a bishop f ?" &c. "The 
undoing of his brother was so much in his mind, that it was 
never out of his dreams %." In other places Laud is repre 
sented as utterly implacable and irreconcilable in his malice 
against Williams ; is accused of "impotent malevolence 11 ;" 
and his "implacable spite against a Bishop, his raiser, and 

c Racket s Life of Archbishop Wil- e [Ibid, p.] 66. 

Hams, par. 1. p. 64. [Lond.1693.] par. f Par. 2. pp. 85. 115. 

2. p. 115. s p. 85, &c. 

d Par. 2. p. 65. h P. 129. 

I 2 


now " (by being a prisoner in the Tower) " become a spectacle 
of pity/ said to be "unpardonable 1 ." Again, lie is traduced 
to have been possessed with " a revengeful mind k ." Whereas 
to the other this lofty encomium is bestowed, that " there did 
not live that Christian that hated revenge more than he, or 
that would forgive an injury sooner \" These, and many 
like passages, are as far remote from truth and justice as they 
are from that sincerity and impartiality which become an 

I had intended to have said no more upon this head. But 
I cannot prevail with myself to pass by an heinous accusation, 
formerly brought against Archbishop Laud, concerning his 
having altered the oath administered to King Charles I. at 
his coronation, in favour of the crown and prejudice of the 
people. Which accusation it hath pleased an honourable, 
reverend, and learned person very lately to renew in a public 
speech m , in these words : " The striking out of that part of 
the ancient oath in King Charles his time at his coronation, 
by Archbishop Laud, (that the king should consent to such 
laws as the people should choose,) and instead of that, 
another very unusual one inserted, saving the king s prero 
gative royal. And I could tell you of somewhat more of 
that kind, done since, in the time of the late King James ; 
at the time of his coronation there was much more struck 
out of the Coronation Oath : which might well be worth the 
inquiring, how it came about/ I must not presume to 
oppose anything delivered by an oracle of the law, in a court 
of judicature, to a great auditory, upon a solemn occasion. 
However, I beg leave to acquaint the reader that a full and 
undeniable justification of Archbishop Laud from this charge 
may be found in this History, chap. xxxiii. n I may further 
presume, that the author of this speech is too just and 
honourable to intend, by the latter clause, any reflection upon 
another Archbishop who administered the Coronation Oath 
to King James II. Or if any reader should be so ill informed 
as to misconceive his Lordship herein, I hope it will be no 

1 [Racket s Life of Archbishop Wil- Lord Mayor, October 1693, pp. 4, 5. 

Hams, par. 2. p. 129. Lond. 1693.] [Lond. 1693.] 

k P. 131. " [History of Troubles and Trial, 

1 P. 230. pp. 318, seq. in marg.] 
m L. C. Baron Atkyn s Speech to the 


offence to say, that it would be no difficult matter to justify 
in this case the proceeding of the one Archbishop as clearly 
as this History doth the other. 

I may further add, that the entire publication of this Diary 
contributes very much to illustrate the history of those times ; 
and that both it and the following History discover many 
secrets (before unknown) in matters of Church and State, 
and correct many errors, commonly taken up and received 
in relation to either. To give one particular instance; I 
know a certain demagogue, who would fain be esteemed, and 
is generally accounted by those of his party, to know more 
of the secret history of the transactions preceding and accom 
panying the Grand Rebellion than the whole world besides, 
who hath confidently related, that when the Earl of Strafford 
entered into the service of King Charles I. and began to be 
employed as chief minister of State, he covenanted with him 
that no session of parliament should be called or held during 
his ministry. Now the falsity of this report appears from 
what the Archbishop hath wrote in his Diary at Dec. 5, 1639, 
that the first movers for calling a parliament at that time 
were the Earl of Strafford arid himself. Nothing also can 
reflect more honour upon the memory of any person than 
what the Archbishop (in the following History, chap, ix.) 
relateth of the Earl s rejecting the unworthy proposition 
made to him by Mr. Denzell Hollis, in the name of the 
leading men of the House of Commons ; a matter wholly 
unknown before . 

But to proceed with Prynne. Soon after the martyrdom 
of the Archbishop, whether prompted by his unwearied 
malice, or by his eternal itch of scribbling, or incited by the 
order of the House of Commons, made March 4, 1644-5, 
" desiring him to print and publish all the proceedings concern 
ing the Archbishop of Canterbury s trial :" he immediately set 
himself to defame the Archbishop, and justify the proceedings 
of the rebel parliament against him, more at large. To 
which purpose, he published, in 1646, in sixty- six sheets in 
folio, his Necessary Introduction to the History of the 
Archbishop of Canterbury s Trial : which in the Preface he 
calleth " a new discovery of sundry plots, and hidden works 

[History of TrouMe? and Trial, p. 177, in marg.] 


of darkness : " containing bitter invectives and accusations 
against the whole proceedings of the Court, from the time of 
the treaty about the Spanish match to that day; and labour 
ing to prove that both King James and Charles designed to 
overthrow the established religion, and to introduce popery, 
using Archbishop Laud as their chief instrument in that bad 
design : an accusation, which neither himself, nor any other 
man in his wits, ever believed. 

Soon after this, in the same year 1646, was published by the 
same author, Canterbury s Doom ; or the First Part of a com 
plete History of the Trial of the Archbishop/ in 145 sheets in 
folio, containing (as himself acknowledgeth) only the history 
of the preliminaries of the trial till the commencement of it, 
" together with the Commons evidence, his answers to it, and 
their replies upon him, in maintenance of the first general 
branch of their charge of high treason against him, to wit, 
his traitorous endeavours to alter and subvert God s true 
religion by law established among us, to introduce popery, 
and to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of 
Rome P." The remaining part of the trial he engaged (by 
promise i made both in the beginning and end of that book) 
" to complete and publish with all convenient speed ;" but 
never made good his undertaking ; nor, as I believe, ever did 
intend it. For he well knew, that however what was urged 
against the Archbishop at his trial in this matter, and was 
largely amplified in his History, in proof of the Archbishop s 
endeavour to subvert the established religion, carried with it 
some show of truth in the judgment of a then miserably 
deluded people, who were cheated into a belief (cursed be the 
wilful authors of that cheat, which in great measure yet 
continueth) that good works, building, repairing, conse 
crating and adorning churches, bowing at the name of Jesus, 
prostration to God in prayer, wearing copes, retaining the 
use of canonical hours in prayer, and such like decent usages 
and ceremonies, were downright popery (for these and such 
like were the proofs of that accusation brought against the 
Archbishop), yet that all which they did or could produce in 

P Epist. Bed. [p. 1.] that of the Earl of Strafford. Collect. 

i Kushworth also promised to pub- par. 3. vol. ii. p. 833 ; but never did 

lish such an exact history of the trial effect it. 
of this Archbishop, as he had done of 


confirmation of their other heads of accusation against the 
Archbishop, carried not with it the least appearance of proof. 
For which reason, Prynne began the History of his Trial 
with the charge and proofs of popery ; although that was not 
the first, but the last head of accusation brought against 
him, and canvassed in the course of his trial. 

However, the godly cheat, once begun, was by any means 
to be continued; and therefore it was pretended by Prynne, 
and other adversaries of the Archbishop, that although, " to 
give him his due," (for such are Prynne s own words, p. 462,) 
" the Archbishop made as full, as gallant, as pithy a defence 
of so bad a cause, and spake as much for himself, as was 
possible for the wit of man to invent, and that with so much 
art, sophistry, vivacity, oratory, audacity, and confidence, 
without the least acknowledgment of guilt in anything/- 7 &c.; 
yet that after all, the crimes objected being undeniably proved 
against him, and himself thereupon despairing of being able 
to justify and clear his innocence, either to the then present 
or to succeeding times, " did burn all the notes of his answers 
and defence before his death, of purpose to prevent their 
publication after it." Which calumny Prynne hath twice 
(in Epist. Dedic., [p. 7.] and p. 461) repeated, pretending to 
have received the knowledge of it from the Archbishop s 
own Secretary, Mr. Dell. 

The falsity of this base report appears sufficiently from this 
History, wrote by the Archbishop, and now published. He 
had begun to compose it before the end of the year 1641, 
and continued it from time to time, till the 3d of January, 
1644-5, which was the seventh day before his execution. 
For, on the 4th of January, being acquainted that sentence 
had passed upon him in the House of Lords, he conveyed 
the original copy of his History into safe hands, and prepared 
himself for death. That he had begun it before the end of 
1641, and augmented it from time to time, appears evidently 
from several places of it. And although in the narration of 
his Trial, many things said or alleged in the recapitulation 
on the last days, be interwoven with the history of every 
day s trial, yet all those passages were added by him after 
wards on the blank pages, which he had for that purpose left 
over-agaiiist every written page in the original copy ; and 


from thence were, according to his directions, transcribed in 
the other copy into one entire narration. Hence it comes to 
pass, (which the reader will easily observe,) that the Arch 
bishop writing down the transactions of every day, as they 
happened, hath left so many plain indications of haste, and 
sometimes of heat. Some things seem to have been wrote 
while his spirits had not yet recovered a sedate temper ; 
many improprieties of language committed, and other defects 
admitted, which the Archbishop himself being sensible of, 
had wrote in the first leaf of his book : Non apposui manum 
ultimam. W. CANT. 

That the most reverend author wrote this History for the 
public vindication of himself, cannot be doubted. Nay, 
himself more than once amrmeth, that he intended it for the 
vindication of himself to the whole Christian world : and 
chiefly indeed for the defence of himself and the Church of 
England in foreign parts, where wrong notions are generally 
entertained of the constitution of our Church, as being for 
the most part taken from the writings of some puritanical 
divines among us. For this reason the Archbishop earnestly 
desired (which desire is thrice in this work expressed r ) that it 
might be carefully and exactly translated into Latin, and 
printed; that he might thereby appeal " to the judgment of 
the learned in all parts of Christendom." To this end himself 
had procured the Liturgy, which he had composed for the 
Church of Scotland to be turned into Latin, that it might be 
published with it. " To the end/ saith he, that the " book 
may be extant, and come to the view of the Christian world, 
and their judgment of it be known, I have caused it to be 
exactly translated into Latin ; and if right be done me, it 
shall be printed with this History s ." This Latin translation 
of the Scotch Liturgy, as also the English original copy of 
the first draught of it, are now in my hands ; and shall one 
or both of them be hereafter (God willing) published in the 
Collection of Memorials. It should seem that when the 
Archbishop designed a Latin edition of his History, he 
despaired that the generality of this nation, then miserably 

r [See History of Troubles and Trial, This translation was executed by Peter 

Chap. iv. pp. 138. 143, in marg.] Heylin. See his Life prefixed to his 

[Ibid. chnp. vii. p. J6f>, in marg. Historical Tracts, p. xiii. Lond. 1681.] 


distempered in matter of religion, would ever so far regain 
the use of their wits as to be able to pass an impartial judg 
ment upon his cause. But, God be thanked, the Church, for 
which he suffered, and which was ruined with him, was in 
a short time after beyond hope reestablished ; and therewith 
sobriety returning into the minds of men, no place is now so 
fit for the publication of this History as our own island ; and 
no language more proper for it than our own, which is the 
original wherein it was wrote. 

It should seem that what was already wrote of this History, 
in May, 1643, when Prynne searched the Archbishop s 
chamber in the Tower, and seized his papers found there, 
escaped his ravenous hands. Whether after the Archbishop s 
death, and the completion of it, the copy of it came into his 
hands, I cannot certainly affirm, (the reason of my uncer 
tainty I shall relate presently,) but do believe that it did. 
Which if it did, I suppose he having got notice of it, seized 
it by virtue of an order of the House of Commons, March 4, 
1644-5, empowering him to " send for all writings," &c. 
relating to the Archbishop of Canterbury his trial. 

To proceed. All the Archbishop s papers taken from him 
by Prynne, either out of his study at Lambeth soon after his 
commitment, or out of his chamber and pockets in the Tower, 
or seized after his martyrdom, remained in Prynne s hands 
until his death. When Archbishop Sheldon, well knowing 
that the papers of his predecessor, Archbishop Laud, had 
been unjustly seized and detained by him, procured an order 
of the King and Council, deputing Sir William Dugdale and 
some others to view his study, and, taking thence all the 
books and papers formerly belonging to Archbishop Laud, 
to deliver them into his hands. This was accordingly done ; 
and the books and papers being seized, brought to Archbishop 
Sheldon ; although very much diminished in number, and 
embezzled, since they had come into Prynne s hands. For 
he seems either to have printed many of them from the 
originals, to save the labour of transcribing them, or to have 
burned them, or otherwise employed them to common uses, 
when once printed. So that very few of those papers, which 
Prynne had published in the several pamphlets and books 
before named, came into Archbishop Sheldon s hands. And 


not a few, even of those which had not been published, were 
found wanting. Particularly the papers of Archbishop Laud, 
concerning the conversion of his godson, Mr. William Chil- 
lingworth, which the Archbishop saith were taken away from 
him by Mr. Prynne, and being by him produced at the Com 
mittee for drawing up his charge, were there examined. 

Whether the copy of this History was seized at this time 
in Mr. Prynne s study, or came to Archbishop Sheldon by 
other means, I cannot certainly affirm ; but this I am assured 
of, that Archbishop Sheldon, having about this time got into 
his hands the copy of this History, and having now gained 
also the other papers of Archbishop Laud, sent for the truly 
reverend and learned Dr. William Sancroft, then Dean of 
St. Paul s, and delivered both to him, ordering him to publish 
the History, with such papers as were necessary to it, with 
all convenient speed. This Dr. Sancroft willingly undertook ; 
but upon reading of the History, found the copy to be so 
very vicious, that it would not be fit to be published till the 
original might be recovered, whereby the defects of it might 
be supplied and corrected. Hereupon they set themselves 
to search after the original; which at last they found in 
St. John s College in Oxford, having been deposited there (as 
I suppose) by Dr. Richard Baily, formerly President of that 
College, and executor to the author. 

After this was done, a new scruple was started concerning 
the language wherein it should be published. Archbishop 
Sheldon was desirous it might be translated into, and pub 
lished in Latin, in compliance with the desire and intention 
of the author. The Dean of St. Paul s, on the other side, 
was of opinion that it would be more useful to the public, 
and serviceable to the memory of the author, to publish it in 
English. This difference of opinion protracted the edition 
of it from time to time, until at last, Archbishop Sheldon 
continuing resolved in his opinion, the Dean yielded to his 
authority, and only desiring that some learned civilian might 
be joined with him, who might render the forms of pleading 
in apt Latin expressions, prepared himself for the under 
taking. But in the interim Archbishop Sheldon dying, the 
Dean was most deservedly chosen to succeed him in the 
Archbishopric. Whereby being involved in constant public 


business both of Church and State, he was forced to lay aside 
his design of publishing this history, yet not without hopes 
of finding, at some time or other, opportunity to perform it : 
for which reason he devolved not the care of it upon any 
other, but kept it by him, and in the meantime endeavoured 
to get into his hands all other papers relating to Archbishop 
Laud or his cause. 

But in vain did he hope to find so much leisure while the 
administration of the chief office in the Church took up his 
whole care and thoughts. What he could not then do he 
hoped to accomplish after his retirement into Suffolk, in 
August 1691 ; yet neither then did he set about it until the 
middle of the year 1693, when opening his papers, he began 
to collate the copy with the original, to divide the history into 
chapters, to examine the citations, to write down several direc 
tions and memoranda for his own use in preparing the edition, 
to note what places deserved to be amended or considered, 
to write several observations on the margin, to draw up a 
catalogue of the memorials to be added as an Appendix to the 
History, to note which of them were in his hands, and which 
being wanting to him were to be sought elsewhere*. 

He was earnestly employed about this matter ; and the 
original and copy, with many of the papers belonging to it, 
lay on his scrutoire before him ; and himself was then writing 
certain queries, memoranda, and directions for his use 
therein, in a loose paper ; when a violent fever seized him, 
August 25, which having confined him to his bed full thirteen 
weeks, he at last surrendered up his pious soul to God, the 
24th of November, on Friday, early in the morning, in the 
77th year of his age. 

As soon as he had reason to apprehend that his sickness 
would prove mortal, remembering what he was last employed 
about, the edition of this History, he was desirous to see me, 
that so he might commit the care of it to me. But so it was, 
that I hearing of his sickness, and not knowing anything, 
either of this History being in his hands, or of his intentions 
about it, took a journey into Suffolk, to wait upon him as in 
duty bound, (having the honour and the happiness to be his 
chaplain,) whither I came on the last day of October. He 
* [See MSS. Lamb. No. 577, p. 289.] 


was then pleased to acquaint me with his design, related to 
me how the History, with the other papers of Archbishop 
Laud, came into his hands,, how he had often prepared himself 
for the perfection of this edition, and was at last hindered 
by his present sickness. In fine, he laid his commands upon 
me to perfect what he had begun, and to publish the History 
as soon as might be ; and then immediately caused to be 
delivered to me the original and copy of the History, with 
the Diary, and all other papers of Archbishop Laud, or his 
own, relating to them, which then laid upon or about his 
scrutoire or could be found in his study. His voice was then 
very weak and his spirits faint, so that he could not give to 
me that perfect account by what means the copy came into 
Archbishop Sheldon s hands, which I had desired of him. 
For he having omitted to tell me that distinctly, and I desiring 
satisfaction in that and some other questions about this book, 
he could only answer me : " These are material questions ; 
but I am weary with speaking, and my spirits are faint. 
I cannot make to you any further answers herein." After 
which I never presumed to trouble him with the question. 

However, having observed, upon reading the book, and 
looking over the papers, that many even of those memorials 
were wanting, which I found that my most reverend patron 
had in his written notes marked to be in his hands, I took 
the boldness, when I next waited on him (on November 22 
following), to acquaint him with this defect. Whereupon 
he immediately ordered me to search all his papers, (the 
greater part of which had not been opened nor put in order 
since his removal from Lambeth,) which I began forthwith 
to do, and thereby found many papers relating to this History, 
or other papers of Archbishop Laud, scattered and divided 
among several parcels of other writings. But before I had 
searched half-way, evident signs of approaching death appear 
ing in him, I quitted the search at that time, and renewed it 
not again till several weeks after his death, when I looked 
over the remaining part of his papers, and, with the leave of 
his executors, took thence whatsoever related to, or might be 
subservient to this design. 

In this latter search I found many things; but neither first 
nor last could find several papers of Archbishop Laud of great 


moment, which I am well assured were in the hand of my 
late Lord Archbishop Sancroft, because I find them testified 
so to be in the catalogue of Archbishop Laud s papers in his 
hands,, drawn by himself. Among these is a large Answer 
of Archbishop Laud to a speech made by William Lord 
Viscount Say and Seal against the civil power of bishops, 
and printed by him, London, 1642 U . His answer to the 
speech of the same Lord against the Liturgy, and printed, 
London, 1641, I found, and have published in the end of this 
volume, as well because it contains many historical passages 
of the Archbishop s own life and actions, as for that it is 
nowhere referred to in this History, and so could not well be 
placed among the memorials intended for the Second Part. 
Archbishop Laud had also wrote a large and elaborate 
Answer to the speech of Nathaniel Fiennes, son to the Lord 
Say, against the new Canons, made in the end of the year 
1640, and printed London, 1641, which he referreth to in 
this History x . This also was in the hands of my late Lord 
Archbishop Sancroft; as I find as well by the written cata 
logue before mentioned, as by a particular paper of observa 
tions made by him upon it, toward the completion and 
illustration of it^; whereby it appears to consist of above fifty 
pages in folio. But this, after a tedious and diligent search, 
I could not find. Which will not appear incredible to those 
who know what a vast multitude of papers and collections 
my late Lord Archbishop Sancroft left behind him ; and 
therein more perhaps wrote with his own hand, than any 
man, either of this or the last age, ever did write. 

Having obtained all the papers which could be found, I set 
myself to perfect the edition of this History, which I have at 
last performed, yet with greater trouble and labour than can 
easily be imagined. I caused the Diary to be exactly tran 
scribed, adjoined an English translation to the Latin part of 
it, diligently collated the copy of the History with the 
original, the Articles and other memorials with the printed 
copies, if any such were; added what observations I thought 

u [ It was afterwards printed in the x [See History of Troubles and Trial, 

volume containing Archbishop Laud s chap. xxix. p. 284, in marg.] 

" llemains," which was published by y [See MSS. Lamb. No. 577, at the 

Edmund Wharton, after his son s end of his notes on the History.] 
death. See vol. vi. of this Edition.] 


necessary in the margin ; have everywhere religiously retained 
the author s own words and expressions throughout, (although 
therein, I must confess, against the judgment of my most 
reverend patron expressed in his written notes ;) have only 
amended the orthography (which both in original and copy 
was monstrously vicious) ; inserted some words, where the 
sense was imperfect, but have always included such in 
crotchets ; and in some places substituted Greek words instead 
of Latin in citations out of Greek Fathers or authors. So 
that the reader may be assured this History is faithfully con 
veyed to the public. 

I have retained all my late Lord Archbishop Bancroft s 
observations, whether wrote in the margin of the book or 
elsewhere, if considerable, subjoining to them the letters 
W. S. A. C. I have subjoined to many of my own observa 
tions of greater moment, the letters H. W. And where 
Archbishop Laud had added anything in the margin, I have 
adjoined the letters W. C. 

As for the collection of memorials and other papers, which 
by the author s direction should have accompanied this 
History; finding that they could not be published in the 
same volume without swelling it to too great a bulk, I have 
reserved them for a Second Part, and (if God grant me life 
and health) will cause them shortly to follow, and therewith 
give to the public what further account of them I shall then 
judge necessary. 

The originals, both Diary and History, I intend at my 
death to leave to St. John s College in Oxford z , where the 
author, the Archbishop, was bred, to which place he ever bore 
so great a love, and where his body now remaineth. Which 
intention of mine I chose here to mention, that the President 
and Fellows of that College may hereafter, if they shall think 
so fit, demand them from my executors. 

To conclude : although private and personal matters or 
affections ought not readily to be admitted to accompany 
a work of such a public nature, yet I cannot forbear to say, 
that it is an inexpressible satisfaction to me, that in the 
edition of this work I have been able to serve the illustrious 

z [They were delivered to the College before his death. See the note at the 
beginning of the History.] 


author of it, and my most reverend deceased patron, and the 
Church of England, at the same time: and more particularly, 
that I account it the most fortunate transaction of my whole 
life to have contributed herein to the vindication of the 
memory and the cause of that most excellent prelate and 
hlessed martyr, to whom I have always paid a more especial 
veneration, ever since I was able to form any judgment in 
these matters, as firmly believing him to have taken up and 
prosecuted the best and most effectual method, (although then 
in great measure unsuccessful, through the malignity of the 
times,) and to have had the noblest, the most zealous, and 
most sincere intentions therein, towards reestablishing the 
beauty, the honour, and the force of religion, in that part of 
the Catholic Church (the Church of England) to the service 
of which I have entirely devoted my life, my labours, and my 


Feb. 2, 1693-4. 



" cJi . 

To the Following 


Containing the 

D I A K Y 


Moft Reverend Father in God 



Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury: 


From His Birth to the middle of the Year, MDCXLIII. 
Being the Seventieth Year of His Age. 

Faithfully and Entirely Publifhed from the Original Copy, 

Wrote with His own Hand. 
The Latine part rendered into Englifh, and adjoined. 


Printed for 2&t.<{)tffoeU, at the Rofe and Crown in St. Paul s 
Church- Yard, 1694. 


Opposite the first page is written the following entry : 

Mors. April 11. 1594. Die Mercurii. 
Mors. Novemb. 24. 1600. (day erased.) 

Dayes of 
to me. 


fP. M 
I M. JV 

> n^i 

} Conjug. Devon. Decemb. 26. 1605. die Jovis, et Festo 

LS. Stephani. Et E. M. a 

r cum E. B. Julii 28, 1617. Die Lunae. 

I Ignis: &c: Septemb: 26. 1617. Die Vener. 

Tendonem fregi. Feb. 5. 1628. Comp. 


(Five lines erased.) 

Mors Ducis Buckinghamiae Aug. 

23. 1628. Dies erat Saturni 

Litera. D. 

Exaudita causa per Ja: K. . . . 

Aug. 29. 1611. 

The great hearinge of y e .... 

disorders, at Woodstock .... 
L Charles Aug: 23. 1631. 

["Et E. M." inserted afterwards.] 






NATUS fui Octob. 7. 1573. I WAS born Octob. 7. 1573. A.D. 1573. 
Efedingi 1 .] In infantia pene at Reading. In my infancy 
perii morbo, &c. I was in danger of death by 

sickness, &c. 

I came to Oxford, July 1589. AD. 1589. 

I was chosen Scholar of St. John s, June 1590. A.D. 1590. 

I was admitted Fellow of St. John s, June, an. 1593. A.D. 1593. 

My father died, April 11, 1594. die Mercurii. A.D. 1594. 

I proceeded Bachelor of Arts, June 1594 2 . 

I had a great sickness, 1596. A.D. 1596. 

And another, 1597. A.D. 1597. 

I proceeded Master of Arts, July 1598. A.D. 1598. 

I was Grammar Reader that year ; and fell into a great 
sickness at the end of it. 

My mother died November 24, 1600 3 . A.D. 1600. 

I was made Deacon, 4 Januar. 1600. comput. AngL 

I was made Priest, April 5, 1601, Palm Sunday 4 : both by A.D. 1601. 
Dr. Young, Bishop of Rochester \ [Viz. Both Orders were 
conferred by him. H. W.] 

1 [Only the first letter of this word now legible.] 

2 [This line originally written before the entry relating to his father, but 
afterwards erased.] 

3 [This entry was originally omitted, and afterwards inserted in marg.] 
* [ Palni Sunday : inserted in inarg.] 

a [The Bishopric of Oxford being to the election of John Bridges, Jan. 
then vacant. Tt continued so from the 1603. ] 
death of Bishop Underbill, May 1592, 

K 2 



A.D. 1602. I read a Divinity Lecture in St. John s College, an. 1602 b .j 
It was then maintained by Mrs. Maye c . I was the last that 
read it d . 

1 Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond, Mar. 24, 1602. 
comp. Angl. 

A.D. 1603. I was Proctor of the University; chosen May 4, 1603. 
I was made Chaplain to the Earl of Devon, Septemb. 3, ! 
1603 2 . 

Adject a est spes mea de Hope was given to me of 
A. H. Jan. 1, 1603 3 . Which A. H. Jan. 1, &c. I first be-| 
after proved my great happi- gan to hope it, Jan. 21, &c. 
ness 6 . Incaepi sperare, Januar. 
21, 1600. comp. Angl. 
A.D. 1604. I was Bachelor in Divinity, Julii 6, being Friday, 1604 f . 

My cross about the Earl of Devon s marriage 4 , Decemb. ! 
A.D. 1605.26, 1605 s. 

1 [ Jacobus Rex inserted in marg.] 2 [This entry in marg.] 

3 [After this a word erased.] 4 [Opposite this entry an " X " in marg.] 

b [He held at the same time Case s 
Exhibition for Students in Divinity. 
Wood, Hist, of Colleges, &c. p. 540.] 

c [Mrs. May was the widow of Rich. 
May, Merchant Tailor. Her daughter 
Joan married Sir W. Herrick, to whom 
Laud addressed a letter when Presi 
dent of St. John s, respecting the re 
pairs of the College. See Mchol s 
Leicestersh. vol. iii. pp. 150, 151. 163. 
The letter will be found in vol. vi. of 
this Edition.] 

d [It was, probably, in reading this 
Lecture that he maintained the con 
stant and perpetual visibility of the 
Church of Christ through the Church 
of Rome and not through obscure 
sects, (Heylin, Cypr. Angl. p. 49,) 
which brought on him the opposition 
of Abbot.] 

e [See Prynne s Remark on this pas 
sage, and the Archbishop s reply, at 
the end of the Diary.] 

f [Prynne, Breviate, p. 2, remarks : 
" His supposition, when he answered 
in the Divinity Schools for his degree, 
concerning the efficacy of Baptism, 
was taken verbatim out of Bellarmine ; 
and he then maintained there could 
be no true Church without Diocesan 
Bishops ; for which Dr. Holland (then 
Doctor of the Chair) openly repre 

hended him in the schools for a sedi 
tious person, who would reimbark the 
Reformed Protestant Churches bejond 
the seas, and now sow division between 
us and them, who were brethren, by 
this novel popish proposition." When 
the former of these charges was urged 
against the Archbishop at his trial, 
he replied that he had his supposition 
then by him, " and if any tenet of that 
question be the same with Bellar- 
mine s, or that there be any line taken 
out of him, but what I cite for my 
own advantage against him, I will 
utterly forfeit my reputation of any 
learning to your lordships." (Hist, 
of Troubles, p. 380 in marg.) He had 
before stated (ibid.) that Abbot ap 
proved his opinion, and that the grace 
for his degree passed without any op 

s [The circumstance here alluded 
to is explained above, p. 81. His 
participation in the affair ever weighed 
heavily on Laud s mind. It must be 
remembered, in extenuation of his 
conduct, that such marriages were by 
many divines considered lawful. See 
Bp. Cosin s Argument on the Disso 
lution of Marriage. (Works, vol. iv.) 
A paper by the Earl of Devonshire in 
defence of his marriage is preserved 



The quarrel Dr. Ayry II picked with me about my Sermon A.D. 1606. 
at St. Mary s, Octob. 21, 1606. 

I was inducted into the vicarage of Stanford in Northamp- A.D. 1607. 
tonshire, November 13, 1607 \ 

The advowson of North Kilworth in Leicestershire given A.D. 1608. 
tome, April 1608. 

My acquaintance with C. W. began. 

in Lamb. MSS. Numb. 943. p. 47. 

j Prynne, (Breviate, p. 2,) to make the 

matter more odious, speaks of Lady 

; Eich as another man s wife, choosing 

j to forget the fact of the divorce.] 

h [Henry Airay, Provost of Queen s, 

and Vice-Chancellor that year. He 

had written a " Treatise on Bowing at 

i the Name of Jesus/ in which he con- 

i demned the practice. Wood gives the 

following account : 

" The business being bandied to 
and fro for several weeks, Mr. Laud 
cleared himself so much, that he 
avoided a public recantation in the 
Convocation, which most of the Heads 
of Houses and Doctors intended to be 
done ; yet such was the report that 
they raised upon him, as if he was a 
Papist, or at least very popishly af 
fected, that it was a scandal for any 
person to be seen in his company, or 
to give him the usual compliment or 
time of the day, as he passed the 
streets. Many were the censures that 
then passed upon him, as a busy and 
pragmatical person, and much upon 
that account did he at present suffer. 
" All that I shall say more of this 
matter shall be from a letter of Thomas 
Earl of Dorset, Chancellor of the 
University, to his Vice Chancellor, 
Dr. Airay, dated 24 of December this 
year (1606), which, speaking much in 
commendation of the person we now 
speak of, I cannot without guilt of 
concealment omit it. And because 
I may deal as clearly with you as you 
have done with me, I will let you 
know both the way and the matter 
that moved me to write these my let 
ters unto you, which is this : Mr. Dr. 
Paddie (lately of St. John s Coll.) in 
the same day wherein my letter to 
you was dated, came unto me, and 
informed me that a late Sermon was 
made by one Mr. Lawde of Oxford, a 
verie excellent learned man, (as he 
then termed him,) and of very honest 
and good conversation, at which Ser 
mon (as he said) himself was present, 
and in his opinion heard nothing that 

might give any just cause of offence. 
Nevertheless he said that he was con- 
vented for the same before you once, 
and that it was purposed that he 
should be convented before you again 
on the Wednesday past of this week, 
which was within two days after his 
speech unto me. He said farther 
that some two or three very learned 
men about the Court had seen and 
considered of his Sermon, and had 
given approbation of the same. Finally 
he concluded, that he understood Mr. 
Lawd did mean, if you did proceed 
against him, to appeal from you, the 
which he doubted would be a scandal 
to the University, and minister matter 
to the world to bruit that we are 
there distracted, which he wished 
rather might be, that we are united. 
And as upon this information of his, 
being my good friend, a man religious, 
learned, and one whom 1 love and 
trust, I yeilded to his last motion, 
which was that I would take the cause 
into my own hands, and call two or 
three learned Divines, and so order 
and compound it as shall be thought 
fit. Only in this I differed from his 
desire, that I would rather move my 
Lord of Canterbury and the Bishop of 
London to joyne with me therein, 
than to call inferior Divines unto 
me. But now having received this 
information from yourself, who are the 
publick magistrate, and to whose decla 
ration I ought to give much more 
information than unto any private, 
and being one whom I both love and 
trust, I am fully resolved to remit and 
remand the same cause to you again, 
leaving the whole course and proceed 
ings therein to your judgment, learn 
ing, justice, &c." Wood s Annals, ad 
an. 1606. pp. 289, 290.] 

1 [6 Nov. 1607, Will. Laud, cler. 
S. T. B. institutus ad vie. perpet. eccl. 
paroch. de Stanford, ad pres. Tho. 
Cave, mil. per resign, Rob. Waller, 
ult. incumb. ; resign, ante 2 Dec. 1609. 
Keg. Dove, Ep. Petrib. Rennet, apud 
Wood, Ath. vol. iii. p. 121.] 


A.D. 1608. I proceeded Doctor in Divinity in the Act, anno 1608 k . 

I was made Chaplain to Dr. Neile, then Lord Bishop of! 
Rochester, August 5, 1608. 

After my unfortunateness with T. (whose death was in July, 
1604,) the first offer in this kind that I had after was by] 
M. Short, June 1606; then by P. B. not accepted. 
A.D. 1609. My first Sermon to King James at Theobald s, Septemb. 
17, 1609 1 . 

I changed my advowson of North Kil worth for Westj 
Tilbury in Essex 1 ; to which I was inducted, Octob. 28, 1609,1 
to be near my Lord of Rochester, Dr. Neile. 

My next unfortunateness was with E. M. 2 , Decemb. 30, 
being 3 Saturday, 1609 4 . A stay in this. 

A.D. 1610. My Ld. of Rochester, Dr. Neile, gave me Cuckstone in| 
Kent, Mail 25, 1610. 

I resigned my fellowship in St. John s Coll. in Oxford, 
Octob. 2, 1610, and left Oxford the 8th of the same month. 

I fell sick of a Kentish ague, caught at my benefice, 
Novemb. 5, 1610, which held me two months. 

I left Kuckstone, and was inducted in Norton, Novemb. 
1610, by proxy 5 . 

In the midst of this sickness, the suit about the President 
ship of St. John s began" 1 . 

The Lord Chancellor Elsmere s 11 complaint against me to 
the King at Christmas, 1610. He was incited against me by 
Doctor Abbot , Lord Archbishop of Canterbury elect?. 

1 [The whole passage from The quarrel (see previous page), to Septemb. 
17, 1609. worn out of MS.] 

2 [A word here erased.] 3 [Opposite this entry in marg. 3 | 
4 [A word here erased.] 5 [This entry added in marg.] 

k [< June 6. Wood, F. 0. i. 327.] see of Canterbury March 4, 1610-11 ; 

1 [1609, 26 Oct. Will. Laud cler. elected by the Chapter, March 18. 

admiss. ad eccl iam de West Tilbury, Bancroft died Nov. 2, 1610. It was 

per resign. Job. Boake S. T. B. ad pres. expected that Bp. Andrewes would 

regis. Reg. Bancroft, Ep. Lond. Ken- have succeeded. (Heylin, Cypr. Angl. 

net, apud Wood, Ath. vol. iii. p. 121.] p. 59.)] 

m [About to be vacated by the pro- p [Heylin writes (Cypr. Angl. p. 56): 

motion of Dr. John Buckeridge to the " He (Abbot) made great complaints 

see of Rochester, elected Bee. 29, con- against him to Thomas Lord Elsmer 

secrated June 9, 1611. That see had (Ellesmere) . . . insinuating to him, 

been vacant ever since the previous That he was at least a Papist in heart, 

October.] and cordially addicted unto Popery; 

n [Thomas Egerton, Chancellor of that he- kept company with none but 

the University of Oxford, and Lord profest and suspected Papists, and that 

High Chancellor.] if he were suffered to have any place 

[George Abbot, nominated to the of government in the University, it 


My next unfortunateness was by S. B., Feb. 11, 1611. It A.D. 1611. 
continued long 1 . 

I was chosen President of St. John s, May 10, 1611^. 

The King sat in person three hours to hear my cause about 
the Presidentship of S. John s, at Tichburne, Aug. 29, 161 l r . 
It was Dies Decollat. S. Joh. Bapt* The Archbishop of 
Canterbury was the original cause of all my troubles 2 . 

I was sworn the King s Chaplain, Novemb. 3, 1611. 

My next unfortunateness was by S. S., June 13, 1612. It A.D. 1612. 
ended quickly. 

My next with A. D., which effected nothing, and ended 
presently, Septemb. 1612 3 . 

My great business with E. B. began Januar. 22, 1612, 
It settled as it could, March 5, 1612, comp. Angl. It hath 
had many changes ; and what will become of it, God knoweth. 

My great misfortune by M. S. began April 9, 1614. A.D. 1614. 

A most fierce salt rheum in my left eye, like to have 
endangered it. 

Dr. Neile, then Bishop of Lincoln, gave me the Prebend 
of Bugden, April 18, 1614. 

Dr. Neile, the Bishop of Lincoln, gave me the Archdea- A.D. 1615. 
corny of Huntingdon, Decemb. 1, 1615*. 

The King gave me the Deanery of Gloucester, Novemb. 161 6. A.D. 1616. 

I resigned my parsonage of West Tilbury 4 u . 

I set forward with the King toward Scotland, March 14, 
1616 x , Stilo nostro; and returned a little before him, 1617. 

1 [In marg. S. B. x. ] 2 [ The . . . troubles. in marg.] 

3 [Part of this entry lost in MS.] 

4 [ My great business . . . West Tilbury. lost in MS.] 

would undoubtedly turn to the great taken before him is preserved in Lamb. 

detriment of religion and dishonour of MSS. Numb. 943. p. 55, which is fol- 

his Lordship. The Chancellor here- lowed by the Bishop s determination, 

upon makes his address to the King, and a letter of Dr. Nowell on the same 

. . . which was like to have destroyed subject, (ibid. pp. 57-59.)] 

his hopes to that design ... if Bishop s [See Prynne s remark, Cant. Doom, 

Neile . . . had not acquainted his p. 120.] 

Majesty with the abilities of the man, * [He resigned this office on his 

and the old grudge which Abbot had promotion to the See of S. David s.] 

conceived against him."] u [1616, 21 Dec. Nich. Cliffe S.T.B. 

i [See his own account of the pro- admiss. ad eccl iam de West Tilbury 

ceedings at the election in his "Answer per resign. Will. Lawde S. T.P. ad 

to the Speech of Lord Say and Sele," pres. regis. Reg. King. Kennet, apud 

p. 474. in marg.] Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. iii. p. 122.] 

r [The case had been already heard x [He was in attendance, as Chap- 
by the Bishop of Winchester, and a lain, on Bp. Neile, who, with Bishops 
detailed account of the examinations Montagu and Andrewes, accompanied 


A.D. 1616. My acquaintance began with W. Sta. March 5, 1616, 

comp. Angl. 
A.D. 1617. E. BJ July 28, 1617. primo 1 . 

I was inducted to Ibstock, in Leicestershire, Aug. 2, 1617, 
in my return out of Scotland ; and left Norton. 

St, John s College on fire under the staircase in the Chap 
lain s chamber, by the library, Septemb. 26, 161 7 Z . 
A.D. 1618. Lu. Bos. B. to E. B. May 2, 1618. Et quid ad me 2 ? 
My ill hap with E. Beg. June 1618 3 . 

The great organ in St. John s Chapel set up a : it was begun 
Feb. 5, 1618, comp. Angl. 
A.D. 1619. I fell suddenly dead for a time at Wickham, in my return 

from London, April 2, 1619, 

A.D. 1620. I was installed Prebend of Westminster, Januar. 22, 1620 b , 
comp. Angl.j having had the advowson of it ten years the 
November before. 

A.D. 1621. June 3. The King s gracious speech unto me, June 3, 1621, 
concerning my long service. He was pleased to say, 
he had given me nothing but Gloucester, which he 
well knew was a shell without a kernel . 
June 29. His Majesty gave me the grant of the Bishopric 
of St. David s, June 29, being S. Peter s day. The 
general expectation in Court was, that I should 
then have been made Dean of Westminster 11 , and 

1 [ E. B. . . . primo. in marg.] 2 [At this an x in marg.] 

3 [Added in marg. with ( x before it.] 

the King. The Scotch were much lion, and was in use till the year 1768. 

scandalized at his wearing a surplice Sir William Paddy by will provided 

at the burial of one of the King s the salary of the organist, and endowed 

Scotch guard, who died at Edinburgh, the choral service. Wood s Hist, of 

See Nichols s Progresses of K. James, Colleges and Halls, pp. 541. 554.] 

vol. iii. p. 344.] b [Prebendary of the eighth Stall. 

y [Prynne observes on this entry (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. iii. p. 122.) Both 

(Breviate, p. 30) : " After this he Newcourt and Le Neve give the name 

lapsed into some other special sin erroneously, Eand. ] 

(perhaps uncleanness) with E. B." See c [June 19, 1621, he preached before 

the prayer on this occasion, above, the King at Wanstead, on Ps. cxxii. 

p. 81, and the Archbishop s answer 6, 7. Chamberlain writes to Sir D. 

to this accusation at the end of the Carleton : " Herewithal I send you a 

Diary.] sermon of Dr. Laud s, on the King s 

z [Prynne remarks, (Breviate, ibid.) birthday, because it is after the manner 

" He was very likely to have been the Bp. of Winchester s preaching." 

burnt by fire in St. John s College in Birch s Court of James I. vol. ii. p. 

Oxford, for his sins," See the prayer 270. This is the first of his published 

on this occasion, above, p. 82.] Sermons.] 

a [This organ most remarkably (1 [Williams applied for the Bishop- 
escaped destruction in the great Rebel- ric of London, then vacant by the 


not Bishop of S. David s. The King gave me leave A.D. 1621. 
to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist s 
College in Oxon, in my commendam, with the 
Bishopric of St, David s 6 . But by reason of the 
strictness of that statute, which I will not violate, 
nor my oath to it, under any colour, I am resolved 
before my consecration to leave it f . 

Oct. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. David s, Octob. 10, 

I resigned the Presidentship of St. John s in 
Oxford, Novemb. 17, 1621?. 

I preached at Westminster, Novemb. 5 1 . 

Nov. 18. I was consecrated Bishop of St. David s, Novemb. 
18, 1621 h , at London-house Chapel, by the Reverend 
Fathers, the Lords Bishops of London 1 , Worcester k , 
Chichester 1 , Ely m , Llandaff 11 , Oxon ; the Arch 
bishop being thought irregular, for casual homicide P. 

Jan. 6. The Parliament, then sitting, was dissolved by 
proclamation, without any session Q. 

Jan. 14. The King s letters came to the Archbishop, and 
all the Bishops about London, for a contribution of 
the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinate 1 . 

Jan. 21. The Archbishop s letters came to me about this 

Jan. 25. I sent these letters and my own into the diocese. 
1 [ I . . .5. added in marg.] 

death of Bp. King, offering to give up David s. H. W. 

the Deanery of Westminster. (See h [Davenant, Williams, and Gary, 

Collection of Grig. Letters, vol. i. p. 52. were consecrated at the same time 

Letter xix. Lond. 1755.) Failing in Bishops of Salisbury, Lincoln, and 

this, he wished to retain his Deanery Exeter.] 

with the [see of Lincoln. This may 
explain his earnestness in Laud s be 
half, of which Hacket (Life of Williams, 
pp. 63, 64,) gives a detailed account, 
attributing his conduct to disinterested 
motives ; which seems, at least, doubt- 

George Montaigne.] 
John Thornborough.] 
George Carleton.] 
Nicholas Felton.] 
^Theophilus Field.] 
"John Howson.] 

ful.] P [For killing Lord Zouche s keeper 

e [The dispensation is dated Xov. 8, in Bramzil Park. The pardon of the 

1621. See Eymer, Foad. VII. iii. pp. Archbishop and his Dispensation for 

214, 215.] irregularity were granted on the 22d 

f This clause is maliciously omitted of November. See a copy of the Dis- 

by Prynne. H. W. pensation in Collier, Eccl. Hist, vol.ii. 

Hence may be corrected an error Kecords, numb cviii.] 

of Dr. Heylin, and others who follow- 1 [See Rymer, Fced.VII. iii. p. 222.] 

ing him relate, that Dr. Laud held the r [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 

Presidentship of St. John s in com- i. p. 60.] 

mendam with the Bishopric of St. 


A.D. 1621. Feb. 17. I preached at Westminster 3 . All my former 

sermons are omitted 1 . 
Mar. 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17 2 , 

between six and seven in the morning. 
Mar. 18. Dr. Theodore Price* went towards Ireland out of 

London, about the Commission appointed there u . 
Mar. 24. I preached at Court : commanded to print x . 

An. 1622. 

April 13. The King renewed my commendamv. 

April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince s Highness, 
to give notice of letters I received of a treasonable 
sermon preached in Oxford, on Sunday, April 14, 
by one Mr. Knight, of Broadgates 2 . 

April 14. Sunday, I waited at the entertainment of Count 
Swartzenburge, the Emperor s ambassador, in the 
Parliament House a . 

April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week, the King sent 
for me, and set me into a course b about the Countess 
of Buckingham c , who about that time was wavering 
in point of religion. 

1 [ All . . . omitted. inserted between lines.] 

2 [This date put also in marg. in ( ).] 

8 [Septuagesima Sunday.] 25, 1622, to the rectory of Rudback- 

1 [Subdean of Westminster, and ston, and April 12, permitted him 

Preb. of Winchester. Prynne states further to hold in commendam the 

(Cant. Doom, p. 355) that Laud wished stall of Lambister, in the Coll. Church 

to promote him to a Welsh Bishopric of Brecon, together with the stall in 

(St. Asaph), but that Dr. Owen was Westminster, and the rectory of Ib- 

preferred in his stead. Fuller also in- stock, spoken of in the former com- 

forms us (Church Hist. lib. xi. sect. vi. mendam. Rymer, Fred. VII. iii. pp. 

17.), that Williams endeavoured to 230. 235, 236.] 

make him Archbishop of Armagh, and * [Wood, in his Annals (ad an. p. 

that he died a professed Romanist. 341), gives a full account of this ser- 

Heylin (Examen Hist. num. 332, p. mon, and of the proceedings conse- 

(2)74.) regards this latter story as a quently adopted, both in the Univer- 

fabrication intended to injure Arch- sity, and by the King and Privy 

bishop Laud. But the statement is Council] 

confirmed by Hacket (Life of Wil- a [See a letter of Mede to Sir Martin 

liams, par. ii. p. 97), who gives a de- Stuteville. Birch s Court of James I. 

tailed account of his being reconciled vol. ii. p. 306.] 

on his death-bed to that Church.] b All these passages concerning his 

u [For an inquiry into the state of conference with Fisher, and settling 

the Irish Church. See the Commission the Marquis and Countess of Buck- 

in Rymer, Feed. VII. iii. p. 231. It ingham in religion, are omitted by 

is dated March 20.] Prynne. H. W. 

* [The day of the King s accession. c [Mary, widow of Sir George Vil- 

See his second Sermon, on Ps. xxi. liers, created Countess of Buckingham; 

now wife of Sir Thomas Compton, her 

The King presented him, March third husband. Laud, in his defence 

6, 7.] 

> [ 


April 24. Dr. Francis White d and I met about this. A.D. 1622. 

May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich, and came back 
in coach with the Lord Marquis Buckingham. My 
promise then to give his Lordship the discourse he 
spake to me for. 

May 12. I preached at Westminster. 

May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquis Buckingham the 
papers concerning the difference between the Church 
of England and Rome, in point of salvation, &c. 

May 23. My first speech with the Countess of Buckingham. 

May 24. The conference between Mr. Fisher, a Jesuit 6 , 
and myself, before the Lord Marquis Buckingham 
and the Countess his mother. I had much speech 
with her after. 

June 9. BeingWhitsunday, my Lord Marquis Buckingham 
was pleased to enter upon a near respect to me. 
The particulars are not for paper f . 

June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham. And 

June 16. Being Trinity Sunday, he received the sacrament 
at Green wichs. 

June 22, &c. I saw two books in folio of Sir Robert Cotton s. 
In the one was all the order of the Reformation in 
the time of Hen. VIII. ; the original letters and 
despatches under the King s and the Bishops &c. 
own hands. In the other, were all the preparatory 
letters, motives, &c. for the suppression of the 
abbeys: their suppression and value in the originals. 
An extract of both which books I havener capita. 

July 5. I first entered into Wales. 

July 9. I began my first visitation at the College in 
Brecknock, and preached. 

on the first day of his trial, (Hist, of mystery of iniquity fit to be con- 
Troubles and Trial, chap. xxii. p. 226. cealed." Prynne, Cant. Doom, p. 
in marg.) observes, "I brought the 416.] 

Lady, his mother, to the Church again, [" The Countess of Buckingham 

but she was not so happy, as to con- received on Sunday in the King s 

tinue with us."] Chapel, with both her daughters 

d [Rector of S. Peter s, Cornhill; sue- (though they had received before) and 

cessively Dean of Carlisle, Bishop of some others ; and for reward of her 

Carlisle, Norwich, and Ely.] devotion and conformity, some say, 

e [A full account of Fisher is given she had a present of 2,0001." John 

in the Preface to the Conference, in Chamberlain to Sir D. Carleton, June 

vol. ii. of this Edition.] 22, 1622. Birch s Court of James I. 

f [" Therefore certainly some deep vol. ii. p. 316.] 


.D. 1622. July 24, 25. I visited at St. David s; and preached. 

Aug. 6, 7. I visited at Carmarthen, and preached. The 
Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn, 
July 16, 17 ; and at Haverfordwest, July 19, 20. 

Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen. 

Sept. 1. My answer given to his Majesty about nine arti 
cles delivered in a book from Mr. Fisher the Jesuit 11 . 
These articles were delivered me to consider of, 
Aug. 28. 

The discourse concerning them the same night 
at Windsor, in the presence of the King, the Prince, 
the Lord Marquis Buckingham, his lady 1 , and his 

Sept. 18. aut circiter. There was notice given me, that 
Mr. Fisher had spread certain copies of the con 
ference had between him and me, Maii 24, into 
divers recusants hands k . 

Oct. ... I got the sight of a copy, and in October made 
an answer to it. 

Oct. 27. I preached at Westminster. 

Dec. 12. My ancient friend, Mr. R. Peashall, died, hora 

sexto, matutina l . It was Thursday, and sol in Capri. 6 
Lucia Virgo, in some almanacs a day before it ; in 
some, a day after it. 

Dec. 16. My Lord Marquis Buckingham s speech to me 
about the same key. 

Dec. 25. I preached at St. Giles-without 1 Cripplegate 2 . 

I was three times with the King this Christmas ; 
and read over to him the answer which I had 
made to Fisher, which he commanded should be 
printed ; and I desired it might pass in a third 
person, under the name of R. B. m 

1 [ hora . . . matutina. in marg.] 

2 .[* December 25. . . . Cripplegate. in marg.] 

h [Fisher charged the English Church "Replie to Jesuit Fisher s Answere," 

with nine remarkable errors, in answer &c. Lond. 1624.] 

to the nine points which the King had * [Buckeridge, Bp. of Rochester, 

urged against the Church of Home.] was then incumbent.] 

1 [Lady Katherine Manners, daugh- m [It appeared as an Appendix to 

ter and sole heir to Francis Earl of White s " Replie." The initials are 

Rutland.] those of Richard Baylie, his chaplain, 

k [Fisher s MS. account of the con- afterwards President of St. John s, 

ference is incorporated in Dr. White s Dean of Sarum, and his executor. The 


Jan. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner A.D. 1622. 
chamber at York House. 


Jan. 17. I received letter from E. B. to continue my favour, 
as Mr. R. P. had desired me. 

Jan. 19. I preached at Westminster 11 . 

Jan. 27. I went out of London about the parsonage of 
Creeke, given me into my commendam . 

Jan. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the parsonage 
of Creeke?. 

Jan. 31. I was inducted into Creeke. 

Feb. 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day, I preached 
and read the Articles at Creeke. 

Feb. 5. Wednesday, 1 came to London. I went that 
night to his Majesty, hearing he had sent for me, 
He delivered me a book to read and observe. It 
was a tract of a Capuchin, that had once been a 
Protestant. He was now with the French ambas 
sador. The tract was to prove that Christ s body 
was in two places at once, in the apparition to 
St. Paul. Acts ix. 

Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this book. 

Feb. 9. Promovi Edmundum I ordained Edmund 

Provant Scotum in Pres- Provant a Scot Priest, 

byterum. Primogenitus He was my first-begotten 

meus fuit in Domino l . in the Lord. 

Feb. 17. Monday. The Prince and the Marquis Bucking 
ham set forward very secretly for Spain 1. 
Feb. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain. 
1 [ Feb. 9. ... Domino. in marg.] 

full title of the book is given in the Meneven. in rect. eccl. de Creeke ad 

present edition of the Conference, p. pres. Jacobiregis, Beg. Dove. KENNETT, 

iii. note a .] apud Wood, Ath. Ox. iii. 123.] 

n [Second Sunday after Epiphany.] 1 [His knowledge of this secret ex- 

[To which he had been presented pedition into Spain is urged against 

by the King, Jan. 24. (Kymer, Fred, him by Prynne, as a proof that he 

VII. iv. p. 38.) The former com- favoured Popery. Cant. Doom, pp. 416, 

mendam had allowed him to hold one 417. Breviate, p. 14. See the Prayer 

additional benefice, besides those spe- used on this occasion, above, p. 76, 

cially mentioned.] and the Archbishop s reply to Prynne 

P [29 Januar. 1622, Ep us Petrib. at the end of the Diary.] 
instituit Dom. Gulielmum Ep um 


A.D. 1622. Feb. 22. Saturday. I fell very ill, and was very suddenly 
plucked down in four days. 

I was put into the Commission of Grievances 1 . 
There were in the Commission the Lord Marquis 
Buckingham 3 , Lord ArundeP, Lord Pembroke 11 , 
Bishop of Winchester*, and myself. The pro 
clamation came out for this, Febr. 14 l . 

March 9. Thomas Owen, Bat. of Arts, Deacon. 

Mar. 10. And John Mitchel and he, Priests, March 10. 

Mar. 23. I preached at Whitehall y. 

An. 1623. 
Mar. 31. I received letters from my Lord of Buckingham 

out of Spain. 
April 9. I received letters from my Lord of Buckingham 

out of Spain. 

April 13. Easter-day, I preached at Westminster. 
April 26. John Burrough, Master of Arts, Deacon and 


May 3 My speech with E. B., and the taking off my 
and 16. jealousies about the great business. 
June 1. Whitsunday, I preached at St. Bride s z . 
June 13. I received letters from the Duke of Buckingham 

out of Spain a . 
June 15. R. B. died at Stony Stratford; which what it will 

work with B. E. God in heaven knoweth; and be 

merciful unto me. 

July 6. I preached at Westminster b . 
July 15. St. S within. A very fair day till towards five at 

night. Then great extremity of thunder and light- 

1 [ The . . . Feb. 14. in marg.] 

r [See "A Proclamation declaring High Chamberlain.] 

his Majesty s Grace to his Subjects for * [Lancelot Andrewes.] 

their Eelief against Public Grievances." y [Fourth Sunday in Lent.] 

Kymer, Feed. VII. iv. p. 43. The Com- z [Thomas Palmer was then Yicar. 

niissioners were required to receive See his Life in Fuller s Worthies, and 

petitions concerning "any notable op- Lloyd s Memoirs.] 

pression, exaction, bribery, or other a [Sir Fr. Cottington had returned 

grievance."] from Spain on the previous day. 

8 [Now Lord High Admiral.] Birch s Court of James I. vol. ii. p. 

1 [Thomas Lord Arundel and Sur- 407.] 

rey, Earl Marshall.] b [Fourth Sunday after Trinity.] 

[William Earl of Pembroke, Lord 


July 15. ning. Much hurt done. The lantern at St. James s A.D. 1623. 
house blasted. The vane bearing the Prince s arms,, 
beaten to pieces. The Prince then in Spain. It 
was Tuesday; and their St. James s day, Stilo novo c . 

Aug. 17. I received letters from the Duke of Buckingham 
out of Spain. 

Aug. 31. I preached at Sunninge, with my Lord of 
Bristol d . 

Sept. 8. I was at Bromley e ; and heard of the unfortunate 
passage between my friends there. 

-Oct. 3. Friday, I was with my Lord Keeper; to whom 
I found some had done me very ill offices. And 
he was very jealous of L. B/s favour. 

Oct. 6. The Prince and the Duke of Buckingham caine 
to London from Spain. Monday. They landed 
at Portsmouth, Oct. 5 l . The greatest expression 
of joy by all sorts of people, that ever I saw f . 

Oct. 20. Thomas Blackiston, Batch, of Arts, Deacon. 

Oct. 26. The fall of an house, while Drewrye the Jesuit 
was preaching, in the JBlackfriars. About 100 slain. 
(It was in their account, Novemb. 5.) 

Oct. 31. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with 
that which passed between the Lord Keeper and me. 

Nov. 12. Wednesday night, a most grievous fire in Bread- 
street in London 11 . Alderman Cooking s 1 house, 
with others, burnt down. 

Nov. 18. Tuesday night, the Duke of Buckingham enter 
tained the two Spanish ambassadors ; Don Diego 
de Mendoza, the extraordinary; and Don Carolos 

1 [ They . . . Oct. 5. in marg.] 

c [See an account of this storm, Nichols, vol. iii. p. 927.] 

Nichols, vol. iii. p. 411.] . e [See an account of this disaster in 

d [Robert Wright, afterwards Bp. Birch s Court of James I. vol. ii. pp. 

of Lichfield. It appears by the Re- 426-431. A book was published im- 

gister of the Dean of Sarum, that he mediately after, called the " Fatal 

was jnstituted to the Vicarage of Vespers," giving a detailed account of 

Sonning, June 13, 1604.] the circumstances. The house was 

e [Bromley, near Stratford-le-Bow. 

occupied by the French Ambassador.] 

Edm. Layfield, who married Laud s h [See Birch s Court of James I. 
sister Bridgett, was probably at this vol. ii. p. 433.] 
time Incumbent. He was so in 1629. * [Sir William Cockaine, Lord 
(Wood, F. 0. vol. i. p. 427.)] Mayor in 1619.] 

( [An account of the rejoicings in 


A.D. 1623. Nov. 18. Columnas, the ordinary ; and Mexia (I think his 
name was), ambassador from the Arch-dukes. One 
of the Extraordinary Ambassadors of Spain, Mar 
quess Iniioca came not ; because Mendoza and he 
could not agree upon precedency. His Majesty 
and the Prince were there. The Bishop of London k 
and myself waited upon the King l . 

Dec. 14. Sunday night, I did dream that the Lord Keeper 
was dead : that I passed by one of his men, that was 
about a monument for him ; that I heard him say, 
his lower lip was infinitely swelled and fallen, and 
he rotten already. 

This dream did trouble me. 

Dec. 15. On Monday morning, I went about business to 
my Lord Duke of Buckingham. We had speech in 
the Shield Gallery at Whitehall. There I found, 
that the Lord Keeper had strangely forgotten him 
self to him ; and I think was dead in his affections. 

Dec. 21. I preached at Westminster. 

Dec. 27. St. John s day, I was with my Lord Duke of 
Buckingham. I found, that all went not right with 
the Lord Keeper, &c. He sent to speak with me, 
because he was to receive the next day. 

Dec. 30. I adventured to tell my Lord Duke of Bucking 
ham, of the opinion generally held touching the 
commission of sending Sir Edward Coke, and some 
others, into Ireland, before the intended Parliament" 1 . 

Jan. 3. I received my writ to appear in Parliament, 
Febr. 12. following. 

k [George Montaigne, or Mountain; 1628 ; where this practice of sending 

in 1627, Bishop of Durham.] persons out of the country on special 

1 [See a long account of this enter- commissions was alleged as a griev- 

tainment in Nichols, vol. iii. pp. 939 ance. See Biogr. Brit. art. Coke, 

-941.] note W. pp. 1394, 1395 ; and Rush- 

m [The Commission, on which Coke worth s Collections, vol. i. p. 523. 

was nominated, was to inquire into Eespecting this very journey of Sir 

the state of the Church in Ireland. E. Coke, John Chamberlain writes to 

(See Rymer, Feed. VII. iv. p. 89.) Sir Dudley Carleton : "The poor man 

It was no unusual practice at this sets a good face on it, and makes show 

time to appoint persons to Commis- to go cheerfully ; but in secret tells 

sions in Ireland, who were likely to his friends he never expects to see , 

be troublesome at home ; and this them again. Indeed, it is thought a 

seems to be the light in which Sir hard journey for a man more than 

E. Coke viewed his nomination on threescore and fourteen years old, 

this occasion, as appears by his speech and that never was at sea." Birch s 

in the House of Commons, in April Court of James I. vol. ii. p. 448.] 


Jan. 10. I received a command under seal from my Lord A.D. 1623. 
of London, to warn for the Convocation. 

Jan, 10. I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham; and 
showed him the state of the book printed about the 
Vis. of the Church, and what was like to ensue 
upon it n . 

Jan. 11. I was with his Majesty, to show him the Epistle, 
that was to be printed before the Conference be 
tween me and Fisher the Jesuit, Maii 24, 1622, 
which he was pleased to approve. The King brake 
with me about the book printed then of the Vis. of 
the Church. He was hard of belief, that A. B. C. 
was the author of it. My Lord K. met with me in 
the withdrawing chamber, and quarrelled me gratis 1 . 

Jan. 12. I sent the summons down into the country to the 
Clergy, for their appearance at the Convocation. 

Jan. 14. I acquainted my L. D. of B. with that which passed 
on the Sunday before, between the L. K. and me. 

Jan. 16. I was all day with Doctor W.P about my papers 
of the Conference ; and making them ready for the 

Here is left a large void space [of two and a half pages] in the 
original, to insert the occurrences of the eight following days ; 
which space was never filled up. 

Jan. 25. Dies Solis erat. Ego It was Sunday. I was 

solus, et nescio qua alone, and languishing 

tristitia languens. Pre- with I know not what 

mebat anxium invidia sadness. I was much 

J. L. et odium gratui- concerned at the envy 

turn. Sumpsi in manus and undeserved hatred 

Testamentum Novum borne to me by the Lord 

Grseco idiomate 2 , pen- Keeper. I took into my 

1 [ My Lord . . . gratis. in marg.] 

2 [ Grseco idiomate, in marg.] 

" [ A Treatise of Perpetual Visi- title-page, but his arms are prefixed.] 
bility and Succession of the True [Arch-Bishop of Cant] 
Church in all Ages. Loud. 1624. P [Francis White.] 
Abbot s name is not placed in the 

LAUD. VOL. in. 



A.I>. 1623. Jan. 25. sum diei ordine lectums. 
Caput autem mihi occur- 
rit ad Hebr. xiii. Ibi 
statim occurrit mihi mce- 
renti metuentique illud 
Davidis, Psal. Ivi. Do- 
minus mihi adjutor; noil 
timebo quid faciat mihi 
homo/ Exemplum mihi 
putavi propositum ; et 
sub eo scuto quis non 
tutus? Protege me, O 
Dominus Deus meus. 

Jan. 31. Commissio emissa sub 
m. Sigillo Anglise me 
inter alios judicem dele- 
gatum constituit in causa 
dilapidations i inter Rev. 
in Christ o Patrem Rich. 
Neile 1 , Dominion Episco- 
pum Dunelm., et Fran- 
ciscuni James, filium et 
hseredem prsedecessoris 1 . 
Huie commissioni inser- 
vivi ab hora secunda 
pomeridiana ad quint am. 
Dies erat Saturni. Lo 
cus camera magna, ubi 
Legum Doctores simul 
convivunt, vulgo dictus 
Doctors Commons. 

Feb. 1. Dies solis erat. Astiti 
illust. Principi Carolo 
1 [ Rich. Neile/ in 

hands the Greek Testa 
ment, that I might read 
the portion of the day. 
I lighted upon the xiii. 
chapter to the Hebrews; 
wherein that of David, 
Psal. Ivi., occurred to 
me then grieving and 
fearing : * The Lord is 
my helper : I will not 
fear what man can do 
unto me/ I thought an 
example was set to me ; 
and who is not safe under 
that shield ? Protect me, 

Lord my God. 

A commission, passed 
under the broad Seal of 
England, constituted me 
among others a judge 
delegate in a suit of di 
lapidation, between the 
Rev. Father in God 
Richard Neile, Lord 
Bishop of Durham, and 
Francis James, son and 
heir of his predecessor. 

1 attended the execution 
of this commission from 
two to five o clock in the 
afternoon on Saturday, 
in the great chamber at 
Doctors Commons. 

Sunday. I stood by the 
most illustrious Prince 


i [This dispute must have been 
of long standing, as Neile became 
Bishop of Durham, Oct. 1617.] 

r [Francis, son of William James, 

Bp. of Durham, by his third wife. 
His elder brother, William James, 
had died. (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. ii, p. 




1. prandenti. Hilaris turn 
admodum sibi conviva; 
multa obiter cum suis. 
Inter csetera, se, si neces- 
sitas aliquod genus vitse 
imponeret, juristam esse 
non posse. Subjunxit 
rationes. Nequeo/ in- 
quit, malam causam 
defendere, nee in bona 
succumbere/ Sic in 
majoribus succedas in 
seternum faustus, Sere- 
nissime Princeps. 

4. Dies Mercurii erat. 
Colloquium cum Fishero 
Jesuita habitum, Maii 
24, 1622, jussu Sereniss. 
Re : Jacobi scriptis man- 
datum, Regi ipsi antea 
perlectum 8 , typis excu- 
dendum hodie traditur ; 
cum approbatione Epi- 
scopi London. 

Nunquam antehac sub 
prelo laboravi. Nullus 
controversor. Et ita, 
oro, amet beetque ani- 
mam meam Deus, ut 
ego bene et ad gloriam 
nominis Ejus sopitas 

Charles at dinner. He A.D. 1623. 
was then very merry ; 
and talked occasionally 
of many things with his 
attendants. Among other 
things, he said, that if 
he were necessitated to 
take any particular pro 
fession of life, he could 
not be a lawyer ; adding 
his reasons. I cannot/ 
saith he, defend a bad, 
nor yield in a good 
cause/ May you ever 
hold this resolution, and 
succeed (most Serene 
Prince) in matters of 
greater moment, for ever 

Wednesday, my Con 
ference held with Fisher 
the Jesuit, May 24, 1622, 
and put in writing at the 
command of King James, 
having been before read 
to the King, was this day 
put into the press ; being- 
licensed by the Bishop 
of London. 

I had not hitherto ap 
peared in print. I am 
no controvertist. May 
God so love and bless 
my soul, as I desire and 
endeavour, that all the 
never to be enough de- 

s [The king had also had White s 
Reply to Fisher read over to him, as 
appears by a letter to Joseph Mede. 
Birch s Court of James T, vol. ii. p. 

435. Laud s Conference, it must be 
remembered, was first published at 
the end of this Reply.] 

L 2 


A.D. 1623. Feb. 4. 


cupio conorque Ecclesiye 
nunquam satis deflendas 

Invisi hodie Ducissam 
Buckinghamise. Ostendit 
mini ilia, bonitas ipsa, 
foemina precum formu- 
lani. Hanc ei in manus 
dedit alia, mihi ue de 
nomine nota, mulier. 
Peiiegi. Mediocra om- 
nia : nihil egregium, 
nisi quod poesi similior 

Feb. 6. 

Feb. 10. 


Feb. 15. 


Feb. 18. 

plored distractions of the 
Church may be com 
posed happily, and to the 
glory of His Name. 

This day I waited on 
the Duchess of Buck 
ingham. That excellent 
lady, who is goodness 
itself, showed me a form 
of devotions, which an 
other woman, unknown jl 
to me, had put into her , 
hands, I read it. A1H 
was mean in it : nothing f 
extraordinary; unless! I 
that it was more like to I 

Friday, my L. D. of B. told me of the recon-i 
ciliation the day before made with the Lord Keeper, jl 
Shrove Tuesday, at the Commons, sentence in 1 
my L. of Durham s case*. 

Thursday, the Parliament was to begin; but wasj 
put off to Monday the 16 of February. 

Sunday, at the Consecration of Dr. Harmer u ,| 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 

16. Dies Luna3 erat. Dux Monday. The Duke ofy 
Richmondias x subita pa- Richmond, being seized!] 
ralysi correptus, mortuus suddenly with the palsyj 
est. Hoc fatum rejecit died. This accident putjl 
Paiiiamentum in 19 off the Parliament to thej 
Februarii. 19 of February. 

Wednesday, my L. D. of B. told me of thej 
reconciliation and submission of my L. K. ; and 
that it was confessed unto him, that his favour to! 
me was a chief cause. Invidia quo tendis ? &c. At\ 
ille de novo fcedus pepigit. 

* [See above, at Jan. 31.] 

u [John Hanmer,Prebendary of Wor 
cester, elected Bishop, Jan. 20. The 
name is written Banner in the MS.] 

x [Esme Stuart, second Duke of 

Richmond, and Lord Steward. Seel 
Bp. Williams letter, suggesting to 
Buckingham that he should take the 
vacant office. Ellis s Orig. Letters,! 
3d Series, Letter 464, vol. iv. p. 191.JJ 


eh. 19. Thursday, The Parliament began. A.D. 1623. 

"eb. 20. Friday, The Convocation began. 

"eb. 22. Will. Fulwell made Deacon, Mr. of Arts, of 
Q. Coll. in Cambridge \ 

"eb. 24. Tuesday, The Duke of Buckingham s relation of 
the negotiation with Spain about the Prince s mar 
riage, to both Houses of Parliament y. 

(1 eb. 29. Sunday, in the evening the D. Buc. coach over 
thrown between Exeter House and the Savoy. -The 
Spanish ambassador lay there. No omen, I hope, 
more than that they thought to soil him. Secretary 
Conway 2 was in the coach with him. Mr. Bond 
came into the help, and told it me. 

|rlar. 7. Mid-Lent Sunday, I preached at Whitehall. 

*!ar. 14. Passion Sunday, I preached at Westminster. 

viar. 17. Lord Keeper his complimenting with me. Will. 

Fulwell, Priest 2 . 

r. 22. Monday, dismal day. The accident of my Lord 
of Rutland a giving Not content to the form consented 
to in the Parliament House, being the only voice 

VTar. 23. Tuesday, The censure of Morley b , Waterhouse, 
and the printer, about the petition against my 
Lord Keep. 

That afternoon the K. declared to the committee, 
that he would send a messenger presently into 
Spain, to signify to that king that his Parliament 
advised him to break off the treaties of the match 
and the Palatinate, and to give his reasons of 
it ; and so proceed to recover the Palatinate as he 
might c . 

Bonfires made in the city by the forwardness of 

1 [ Will. Fulwell . . . Cambridge. in marg.] 

2 [ Will. Fulwell . . . Priest. in marg.] 

y [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. justification of the Duke of Bucking- 

i. pp. 119-125.] ham s relation.] 

[Edward Conway, created March b [See Racket s Life of Williams, 

22, 1624, Baron Conway, and after- par. i. p. 191.] 

wards Viscount Killulta, and Conway.] c [The King s speech is given in 

1 [George Manners, 7th Earl of Rut- Rush worth, vol. i. pp. 129131.] 
land. The vote of the House was in 


A.D. 1623. the people, for joy that we should break with SpairJ 

quoties tenuit me illud, Psal. Ixvii. 31. Dissipl 
gentes, qua bella volunt : sed spero, quia coacti \ 

Mar. 24. Wednesday, Initium Regis Jacobi. The Earl oj 
Oxford d , practising a tilt, fell and brake his arm. 

That night, inter horas 6 et 7, a great eclipse ol 
the moon, 

Mar. 25. Thursday, The recess of the Parliament for a weeld 

An. 1624. 

Mar. 26. Good Friday, Viscount Mansfield 6 , running at till 
to practise, with the shock of the meeting, hij 
horse, weaker or resty, tumbled over and over, and 
brake his own neck in the place ; the lord had na 
great harm. Should not this day have othej 
employment ? 

Mar. 27. Saturday, Easter-even, my speech with my L[ 
Duke of B. about a course to ease the Church iij 
times of payment of the subsidy now to be given f 
His promise to prepare both the King and th( 
Prince 2 . 

Mar. 28. Easter-day, Eichard Earl of Dorset died*, being 
well and merry in the Parliament House on Wed 
nesday the 24th. 

Quam nihil est vita hominis ? Miserere nostri. 
His grandfather, Thomas Earl of Dorset, diec 
suddenly at the council-table h . His grandmothei 
rose well 1 , and was dead before dinner. His fathei 

1 [ quoties . . . coacti. in marg.] 

2 [This eutry inserted in a lower part of the page.] 

d [Robert de Vere, 19th Earl of Ox- lings in the pound. Laud wished, for! 

ford. He had been recently released the sake of the poorer clergy, that the! 

from an imprisonment of twenty money should be paid by instalments.]! 

months. (Birch s Court of James I., [Third Earl of Dorset.] 

vol. ii. p. 445.)] [Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckl 

e [William Cavendish, created Vise, hurst, and first Earl of Dorset of the 

Mansfield, Nov. 3, 1620 ; Earl of New- Sackville family, Chancellor of thef 

castle, March 7, 1628; Marquess of Univ.of Oxford^Lord High Treasurer J 

Newcastle, Oct. 27, 1643, and Duke of He died April 19, 1608. His funeral j 

Newcastle, March 1, 1664. He died sermon was preached by Archbishop! 

1676. He was actively employed on Abbot, then Dean of Winchester.! 

the King s side during the Great Re- (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. ii. p. 33.)] 

bellion.] ! [Cicely, daughter of Sir Johnl 

f [The Clergy in Convocation had Baker, of Sisinghurst, Kent. She died ! 

voted four subsidiesjfcbeing four f-hil- Oct. 1 1615.] 


Robert lay not above two days k . And now this A.D. 1624. 

man. Sir Ed. Sack l 

Mar. 29. Easter Monday, I went and acquainted my L. 
Keep, with what I had said to my L. Duke. He 
approved it, and said it was the best office that was 
done for the Church this seven years. And so said 
my L. of Durham. They persuaded me to go and 
acquaint my Lord s Grace with what I had done. 
I went. His G. was very angry. Asked, what I had 
to do to make any suit for the Church. Told me, 
never any Bp. attempted the like at any time, nor 
would any but myself have done it. That I had 
given the Church such a w r ouiid, in speaking to any 
L. of the laity about it, as I could never make 
whole again. That if my L. Duke did fully under 
stand what I had done, he would never endure me 
to come near him again. I answered : I thought 
I had done a very good office for the Church ; and 
so did my betters think. If his G. thought other 
wise, I was sorry I had offended him. And I hoped, 
being clone out of a good mind, for the support of 
many poor vicars abroad in the country, who must 
needs sink under three subsidies in a year, my error 
(if it were one) was pardonable. So we parted. 

I went to my L. Duke, and acquainted him with 
it ; lest I might have ill offices done me for it to 
the King and the Prince. 

Sic Deus beet me ser- So may God bless me 

vum suum, laborantem his servant, labouring 

sub pressura eorum, qui under the pressure of 

semper volueruiit mala them, who alway wished 

mihi. ill to me. 

April 16. Eriday, My Conference with Fisher the Jesuit 

printed, came forth. 
April 18. Sunday, I preached at Paul s Cross 1 . 

1 [This entry first made before April 16, and then erased, and inserted here.] 

k [He died Feb. 25, 1608-9.] Lord Privy Seal, and President of the 

1 [The brother of the deceased ; after- Council. See his character in Claren- 

wards Lord Chamberlain to Henrietta don, Hist. Eebell. vol. i. p. 104.] 

Maria, Lord Chamberlain to the King, 


A.D. 1624. April 27. Tuesday, My very good friend Dr. Linsell m cut 
for the stone, circiter horam nonam ante meridiem. 
[About nine o clock in the forenoon.] 

May 1. Saturday, E. B. married. The sign in Pisces. 

May 5. Wednesday, Ascension-eve, the King s speech in 
the B. house at Whitehall, to the Upper House of 
Parliament, concerning the hearing of the Lord 
Treasurer s cause, which was to begin the Friday 
following n . This day ray L. D. of Buc. came to 
town with his Majesty, sick. And continued ill till 
Saturday, May 22 . 

Maii 13. Thursday, Lionel Earl of Middlesex, L. Treas. of 
England, and Master of the Wards, censured in 
Parliament for bribery and extortion, and deceiving 
the King, &c. To lose his offices. To be ever 
disenabled to bear any. Eined to the King in 
50,000/. Imprisoned in the Tower during the K/s 
pleasure. Never to sit again as a peer in Parlia 
ment. Not to come within the verge of the Court. 

Maii 15. Saturday, Whitsun-eve, The Bill passed in Parlia 
ment for the King to have York House in exchange 
for other lands . This was for the L. D. of Buc. 

Maii 16. Whitsunday night, I watched with my L. D. of 
Buck. This was the first fit that he could be per 
suaded to take orderly. 

May 18. Tuesday night, I watched with my L. D. of Buck. : 
he took this fit very Drderly. 

May 19. Wednesday, The B. of Norwich, Sam. Harsneti , 
was presented by the House of Commons to the 
1 [ May 1 ... May 22. iu marg.] 

m [Dr. Augustin Lindsell, Preb. of n [See an account of the speech in a 

Durham, afterwards successively Dean letter by John Chamberlain to Sir 

of Lichfield, Bishop of Peterborough, Dudley Carleton (Birch s James I., 

and Hereford. He died 1634. He was vol. ii. p. 455.)] 

well read in the Fathers, and prepared [21 Jac. I. cap. 30, An Act to as- 
for the press Theophylact on St. Paul s sure York House and other lands to 
Epistles, published in 1636 by his the King, and to assure the Manors 
Chaplain, Thomas Baily, afterwards of Brighton, Santon, and other lands 
Bishop of Killala. (Wood, F. 0. vol. i. to the Archbishop of York. See an 
p. 360; Ath. Ox. vol. iv. p. 844.) account of York House in Cunning- 
Lindsell is expressly mentioned in the ham s Hand-Book of London.] 
letter addressed by Laud to the King s P [Bishop of Chichester on the pro- 
printers, requiring them to establish motion of Bishop Andrewes, elected 
a Greek press.] Bishop of Norwich, June 16, 1619, and 


Lords *. His cause was referred by the House to A.D. 1624. 
my Lord s G. of Cant, and the High Commission 1 . 

Maii 22. Saturday, He missed his fit. 

Maii 26. Wednesday, He went with his Majesty to Green 

Maii 28. Friday, E. B. came to London. He had not 
leisure to speak with me (though I sent and offered 
to wait all opportunities) till June 16, being Wed 
nesday 2 . 

Maii 29. Saturday, The first session of Parliament ended. 
And the prorogation was to the second of November. 

Jun. 6. Second Sunday after Trinity, I preached at West 

Jim. 8. Tuesday, I went to New-Hall r to my L. Duke of 
Buckingham, and came back to London on Friday, 
June 11. 

Jun. 16. Wednesday, I took my lasting leave of E. B. 
The great dry summer 3 . 

My dream Jun. 4, Wednesday night, 1623. In 
this dream was all contained, that followed in the 
carriage of E. B. towards me ; and that night R. B. 
sickened to the death. 

Maii 29. Saturday night, 1624. I was marvellously 
troubled with E. B. before they came to London. 
That there was much declining to speak with me ; 
but yet at last I had conference, and took my last 
ing leave. And this so fell out, respice ad Maii 28. 
[see May 28.] This day the rain began after the 
greatest droAvth that ever I knew in these parts ; 
but it continued little 4 . 

Julii 7. Wednesday night, My L. of Durham s quarrel 
about the trifling business of Fr. N. 

Wednesday . . . High Commission. in marg.] 

( Friday . . . \Vednesday. in marg.] 

The . . . summer. in marg.] 

This day . . . little. inserted, but afterwards erased.] 

Archbishop of York, Nov. 26, 1628. to the east, etc. The charges are given 

Ob. May 25, 1631.] in full, and the Bishop s reply, in 

i [ See Commons Journals. He was the Parliamentary History.] 

charged, 1, with putting down preach- r [The Duke s seat, near Chelms- 

ing; 2, setting up images ; 3, praying ford.] 


,D. 1624. Julii 23. Friday, I went to lie and keep house, and preach 
at my livings, held in commendam, Creek and Ib- 
stock. That Friday night, at St. Albans, I gave 
R. R. s , my servant, his first interest in my busi 
nesses of moment. 

July 27. This I confirmed unto him, the Wednesday 
morning following, at Stanford. 

Aug. 7. Saturday, while I was at Long Whatton with my 
brother *, my passion by blood, and my fear of a 
stone in my bladder. 

Aug. 8. Sunday, I went and preached at my parsonage at 
Ibstock, and set things in order there. 

Aug. 26. Thursday, My horse trod on my foot, and lamed 
me : which stayed me in the country a week longer 
than I intended. 

Sept. 7. Tuesday, I came to London. 

Sept. 9. Thursday, my L. of Buckingham consulted with 
me about a man that offered him a strange way of 
cure for himself and his brother. At that time 
T delivered his Grace the copies of the two little 
books which he desired me to write out. 

Sept. 16. Thursday, Prince Charles his grievous fall, which 
he had in hunting. 

Sept. 25. Saturday, My L. D s proposal about an army, and 
the means, and whether Sutton s Hospital might 
not, &c. 

Oct. 2. Saturday, in the evening, at Mr. WindebankV 1 , 
my ancient servant, Adam Torless v , fell into a 
swoon ; and we had much ado to recover him ; but 
I thank God, we did. 

s [Richard Eobinson. See Diary, knighted. The favour shown by him 

Feb. 14, 1635.] to priests and other members of the 

1 [Dr. William Robinson, afterwards Church of Rome is strongly urged 

Archdeacon of Nottingham. There against him by Prynne, (Hidden 

are several entries in the register of Works, pp. 122, seq.,) who makes use 

this parish relating to the Robinsons.] of this circumstance to swell the cry 

u [Francis Windebank, the eldest against the Archbishop. Articles were 

son of Sir Thomas Windebank, of presented to Parliament against Win- 

Haines Hill, in the parish of Hurst, debank, Nov. 3, 1640, who managed to 

Berks (see below). He was a college escape to France, where he died, Sept. 

contemporary of the Archbishop, and 1, 1646. See an interesting note on 

promoted afterwards by his means to the circumstances of his escape, in 

be Secretary of State, (sec below, June Wood, F. 0. vol. i. pp. 290, 291.] 
15,1632,) about which time he was v [See Diary, Sept. 23, 1641.] 


Oct. 10. Sunday, I fell at night in passionem iliacam ; A.D. 1624. 
which had almost put me into a fever. I continued 
ill fourteen days 1 . 

Oct. 13. Wednesday, I delivered up my answer about 
Sutton s Hospital w . 

Nov. 21. Sunday. I preached at Westminster. 

Dec. 6. Monday, There was a referment made from his 
Majesty to my Lord s G. of Cant. x , my Lords of 
Durham y and Rochester 2 , and myself, to hear and 
order a matter of difference in the church of Here 
ford, concerning a Residentiaryship, and the Lec 
turer s place ; which we that day ordered. 

Dec. 13. Monday, I received letters from Brecknock : that 
the saltpetre man was dead and buried the Sunday 
before the messenger came. This saltpetre man 
had digged in the college church for his work, 
bearing too bold upon his commission. The news 
of it came to me to London, about Novemb. 26. 
14 I went to my L. Keep, and had a messenger sent 

to bring him up, to answer that sacrilegious abuse. 
He prevented his punishment by death. 

Dec. 21. Tuesday, Fest. S. Thoma, Mr. Crumpton had set 
out a book, called St. Aug. Summe a . His Majesty 
found fault with divers passages in it. He was put 
to recall some things in writing. He had dedicated 
this book to my L. Duke of Buckingham. My L. 
sent him to me to overlook the articles, in which he 
had recalled and explained himself, that I might sec 
whether it were well done, and fit to show the King. 
This day Mr. Crumpton brought his papers to me. 

Dec. 23. Thursday, I delivered these papers back to Mr. 
Crumpton. The same day at York House, I gave 
my L. Duke of Buckingham my answer, what 
I thought of these papers. The same day I de- 

1 [ I ... days. in marg.] 

w [This is printed in vol. vi. from a R [S. Austin s Sums ; or, the Sum of 

copy in the Lamb. MSS. in the Arch- S. Austin s Keligion, &c. Lond. 1625. 

bishop s own hand ] The author, William Crumpton, Avas 

x [Abbot.] at this time living at Little Kynbell, 

> [Neilc.] in Bucks. (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. iii. 

7 [Buckeridgc.] p. 23.)] 


A.D. 1624. livered my L. a little tract about Doctrinal Puri 

tanism, in some ten heads, which his Grace had 
spoken to me that I would draw for him, that he 
might be acquainted with them. 

Dec. 31. Friday, His Majesty sent for me, and delivered- 
unto me Mr. Crumpton s papers, the second time, 
(after I had read them over to himself,) and com 
manded me to correct them, as they might pass in 
the doctrine of the Church of England. 

Jan. 3. Monday, I had made ready these papers., and 
waited upon my L. Duke of Buckingham with 
them ; and he brought me to the King. There 
I was about an hour and a half, reading them, 
and talking about them with his Majesty and my 
L. Duke. After this, I went to visit my sister, who 
lay then sick at London. 

Jan. 5. Wednesday, My L. Duke of B. showed me two 
letters of, &c. the falsehood of, &c. That day, as I 
waited to speak with my L., Secretary Calvert fell in 
speech with me about some differences between the 
Greek and the Ro. Ch. b Then also, and there, a 
young man, that took on him to be a Frenchman, 
fell into discourse about the Church of England. 
He grew at last earnest for the Ro. Ch. ; but Tibi 
dabo claves, and Pasce oves, was all he said, save 
that he would show this proposition in S. Aug. : Rom. 
Ecclesia facta est caput omnium Ecclesiarum ab 
instante mortis Christi. I believe he was a priest ; 
but he wore a lock down to his shoulders. I heard 
after, that he was a French gentleman. 

Jan. 15. Saturday, The speech which I had with my L. D. 
at Wallingford House. c 

Jan. 21. Friday, The business of my L. Purbeck d , made 
known unto me by my L. D. 

b [George Calvert, then Secretary of the Duke of Buckingham, created 

State, created the following February Viscount Purbeck, June ID, 1619. He 

Baron Baltimore, in Ireland, About married Frances, the youngest daugh- 

this time he became Romanist. His ter of Sir Edw. Coke and Lady Hatton. 

son, Cecil Calvert, was the founder of The business was her adultery with 

the colony of Maryland.] Sir Eobert Howard, which had just 

c [On the site of the present Admi- corne to light, in consequence of the 

ralty.] birth of a son.] 

d [John Villiers, eldest brother of 


Jan. 23. Sunday night l , the discourse which L. D. had A.D. 1624. 

with me about witches and astrologers. 
Jan. 25. Tuesday night,, I acquainted my L. D. with my 

hard hap in my business with L. C. D. e ; for which 

I had been so often blamed. 
Jan. 28. Friday,, I took my leave of my L. D. His wish 

that he had known K. L. sooner, but, &c. 
Jan. 30. Sunday night, my dream of my Bl. Lord and 

Saviour Jesus Christ. One of the most comfortable 

passages that ever I had in my life. 

Feb. 12. Saturday, Mr. Thomas Atkinson f , S.Jo., Deacon 2 . 
Feb. 13. Sunday, I preached at Westminster. 
Mar. 5. Saturday, the High Commission sat first about 

Sir R. H. &c.s 
Mar. 6. Sunday, the first in Lent, I preached at the 

Temple, at the reader s solemnity. The Duke of 

Buckingham and divers other lords there. 
Mar. 13. Sunday, second in Lent, I ordained Robert 

Rockell Priest, Eleazar Duiikon h and Edward 

Quaiies i Deacons. They were Masters of Arts of 

Pembroke Hall in Cambridge. 

An. 1625. An. 1625. 

Mar. 27. Midlent Sunday, con- Midlent Sunday, I 
cionem habui in aula preached at White-Hall, 
regia vulgo dicta Whit- 

1 [ Sunday night. in marg.] 2 [ Feb. 12 ... Deacon. in marg.] 

[Lord Charles Devon.] par. ii. p. 20.) During this time he 

f [Proctor of the University, 1629. resided partly at Sau mur, and partly 

(Wood, F. 0. vol. i. p. 450.) See fur- at Paris, and was one of the persons 

ther mention of him in the account of who was selected in 1655 for conse- 

King Charles s visit to Oxford in cration to the Episcopate. See Cla- 

Laud s Chancellorship, p. 140.] rendon sState Papers, vol.iii. Append. 

s [See a Letter from Sir T. Coven- p. ci. Oxford, 1786, and Evelyn s Diary, 

try and Sir Eobert Heath to the Duke vol. i. p. 249. Lond. 1816. He was 

of Buckingham, concerning the pro- brother to Edmund Duncon, who was 

ceedings against Sir Robert Howard with George Herbert on his death-bed, 

and Lady Purbeck for adultery and and to whom we are indebted for the 

sorcery, 24th February, 1624. Good- publication of the " Country Pastor." 

man s Court of King James, vol. ii. (See Barnabas Oley s Preface.)] 
pp. 376378.] l [Scholar on Dr. Watts s Founda- 

h [Chaplain to Bp. Neile, and Pre- tion. (Wilson s Merchant Tailors 

bendary of Durham, ejected in the School, p. 558.)] 
Great Rebellion. (Walker s Sufferings, 



A.D. 1625. Mar. 27. Turbatus et tristissi- 
mis temporibus ascendi 
suggestum, rumoribus 
turn prsevalentibus Re- 
gem serenissimum Jaco- 
bum, et sacratissimse 
mihi memorise, mortuum 
esse. Avocatus doloribus 
Duels Buckinghamise, 
sermonem abrupi medio. 

Mortuus est RexTheo- 
baldi, quum tempus nu- 
merasset tres quartas 
ultra boram uudecimam 
antemeridianam, religio- 
sissime et constantissima 
fide intrepidus emisit 
animam beatam j . 

Eo die horam circiter 
quintain, proclamatione 
Carolus Princeps, quod 
faustum foelixque sit, Rex 

JEgrotare incoepit Rex, 
Mar. 4, dieVeneris. Mor- 
bus, qui apparuit tertiana 
febris, Sed vereor reper- 
cussam medicinis a pedi- 

I ascended tbe pulpit, 
mucb troubled, and in 
a very melancholy mo 
ment, the report then 
spreading that his Ma 
jesty King James, of 
most sacred memory to 
me, was dead. Being 
interrupted with the 
dolours of the Duke 
of Buckingham, I broke 
off my sermon in the 

The King died at 
Theobald s, about three 
quarters of an hour past 
eleven in the forenoon. 
He breathed forth his 
blessed soul most reli 
giously, and with great 
constancy of faith and 

That day, about five 
o clock, Prince Charles 
was solemnly proclaimed 
King. God grant to him 
a prosperous and happy 

The King fell sick, 
March 4, on Friday. The 
disease appeared to be a 
tertian ague. But I fear 
it was the gout, which 

J [See Bp. Williams s account of the 
King s last sickness and death, in the 
Sermon preached at his Funeral. He 
specifies particularly the King s earnest 
desire to receive absolution, and his 
belief in the power of the Clergy of the 
English Church to confer it. Sir Wil 
liam Paddy, his Majesty s physician, 
has recorded a memorandum of his last 

visit to the King, and of the prayers 
used by the Bishop in a folio Book of 
Common Prayer, bequeathed by him 
to St. John s College, Oxford. Bishop 
Andrewes, whose attendance the King 
earnestly called for, was unable to be 
present, by reason of his own illness. 
See Nichols s Progresses, vol. iii. pp. 



bus ad interiora poda- 

Apr. 1. Die Veneris, accepi 
literas a Comite Pem- 
brochise, Camerario Re- 
gio, in iis mandatum 
sereniss. Re. Caroli de 
concione per me habenda 
in Comitiis Parlamenta- 
riis coram ipso et pro- 
ceribus regni, Maii 17, 
proxime futuro k . 

Apr. 3. Die Solis, dedi in ma- 
nus Ducis Bucking- 
hamise, Annotationes 
breves in Vitam et Mor 
tem augustissimi Regis 
Jacobi ; quas jussit ut 
describerem l . 

Apr. 5. Die Martis, schedu- 
lam exhibui, in qua 110- 
mina erant virorum Ec- 
clesiasticorum sub literis 
O. et P. Nomina ut sic 
digererem jussit ipse Dux 
Buckinghamise, traditu- 
rus ea (ut dixit) Regi 

Apr. 9. Die Sabbati, mihi om 
nibus nominibus colen- 
dissimus Dux Bucking - 

k [See below, June 19.] 

by the wrong application A.D. 1625. 
of medicines was driven 
from his feet to his in 
ward vital parts. 

Friday, I received let 
ters from the Earl of 
Pembroke, Lord Cham 
berlain to the King, and 
therein a command from 
his Maj esty King Charles, 
to preach a sermon be 
fore himself and the 
House of Peers in the 
session of Parliament to 
be held on the 17 day of 
May next following. 

Sunday. I delivered 
into the Duke of Buck 
ingham s hands my short 
Annotations upon the 
Life and Death of the 
most august King James, 
which he had com 
manded me to put in 

Tuesday, I exhibited a 
schedule, in which were 
wrote the names of many 
Churchmen, marked with 
the letters O. and P. The 
Duke of Buckingham 
had commanded to di 
gest their names in that 
method ; that (as himself 
said) he might deliver 
them to King Charles. 

Saturday, the Duke of 
Buckingham, whom upon 
all accounts I am bound 
1 [Published in vol. vi.] 



. 1625. April 9. hamise certiorera me 
fecit : aliquem ex nescio 
qua invidia nomen meum 
denigrasse apud serenis- 
simam Majestatem Ca- 
roli. Causa arrepta ex 
errore, in quern nescio 
quo fato olim in causa 
Caroli Comitis Devonise, 
Decemb. 26, 1605, in- 
cidi 1 . 

Eodem die in mandatis 
accepi, ut Reverendurn 
EpiscopumWintou. m adi- 
rem, et quid velit in causa 
Ecclesise sciscitarer; re- 
sponsumque referrem, 
prsecipue in Quinque 
Articulis, &c. 

Apr. 10. Die Solis post concio- 
nem finitam adii Episco- 
pum, qui tum in camera 
sua in aula regia erat n . 
Protuli quse accepi in 
mandatis. Responsum 
dedit. Simul inde in- 
visi , ut preces in Domo 
Somersetensi audituri. 
Audimus. Postea ibi in- 

for ever to honour, sig 
nified to me that a certain 
person, moved through 
I know not what envy, 
had blackened my name 
with his Majesty King 
Charles, laying hold for 
that purpose of the error 
into which, by I know 
not what fate, I had 
formerly fallen in the 
business of Charles Earl 
of Devonshire, 1605, De 
cemb. 26. 

The same day I re 
ceived in command to go 
to the Eight Reverend 
the Bishop of Winches 
ter, and learn from him 
what he would have 
done in the cause of the 
Church, and bring back 
his answer, especially in 
the matter of the Five 
Articles, &c. 

Sunday, after sermon 
was done, I went to the 
Bishop, who was then in 
his chamber at court. 
I acquainted him with 
what I had received in 
command. He gave to 
me his answer. From 
thence we went together 
to hear prayers in Somer- 

1 [The passage was originally written thus, but afterward? erased : Non 
tarn lapsus, quam nescio quo fato ductus sum, suasus impulsu Comitis Devoniee, 
Decemb. 26, 1605, sacramentum honoris sui non satis fideliter persecutus, 
nescio quo fato. ] 

m [Andrewes.] L. ivimus. H. W. 

n [As Dean of the Chapel Royal.] 



visimus corpus nupemmi 
Regis Jacobi, quod ibi 
expectabat adhuc diem 

April 13. Die Mercurii, retuli 
ad Ducem Buck, quid 
respondent Episcopus 

Eodem tempore cer- 
tiorem me fecit de Cle- 
rico, qui Regi erat a 
Conclavi, Venerando Ep. 
D.P quid statuerat Re., et 
de successore. 

April 1 7. Die Paschatis, segro- 
tante Episcopo Dun elm. 
assignatus fui (sed peti- 
tione dicti Episcopi) ab 
lllustr. Comite Pembr. 
Domi Camerario, ut iii- 
servirem Regiae Ma. loco 
Clerici a Conclavi ; quod 
munus prsestiti ad Maii 

April 23. Burton q scriptum tra- 
didit Regi ! . 

set House. Having heard AD. 1025. 
prayers, we afterwards 
saw there the body of the 
late King James, which 
rested there till the day 
of his funeral rites. 

Wednesday, I brought 
back to the Duke of 
Buckingham the answer 
of the Bishop of Win 

At the same time the 
Duke made known to me 
what the King had de 
termined concerning his 
Clerk of the Closet, 
the Right Reverend the 
Bishop of Durham, and 
about his successor in 
that office. 

Easter-day, the Bishop 
of Durham being sick, 
I was appointed (but at 
the desire of the said 
Bishop) by the Right 
Honourable the Earl of 
Pembroke, Lord Cham 
berlain of the Household, 
to wait upon his Majesty 
in the quality of Clerk 
of the Closet; which 
place I executed till the 
first of May. 

Burton presented his 
paper to the King. 

[Inserted afterwards.] 

P [Rich. Neile.] 

i [Henry Burton had been Clerk of 
the Closet to Prince Henry and to 
Prince Charles. He expected to have 
been continued in office on the ac 

cession of the latter to the throne. 
The paper here mentioned was a 
letter pointing out to the King " how 
popishly affected were Dr. Neile and 
Dr. Laud, his continual attendants." 

LAUD. VOL. in. 



A.D. 1625. Mail 1. Conjugium celebratum 
Parisiis, inter Reg. sere- 
niss. Carolum, et in- 
signissimam Heroinam 
Henriettam Mariam Gal- 
lise, Henrici Quart! fi- 
liam 1 . 

Mail 7. Die Saturni, funus du- 
cimus Jacobi Regis. 

Maii 11. Die Mercurii, primo 
mane Dux Buck, versus 
mare se transtulit ; ob- 
viam iturus Reginae 
Marise in Galliam s . 

Dedi ad Ducem eo die 
literas, sed quse prope- 
rantem sequerentur. 

Maii 17. Parliamentum rejec- 
tum est in Maii ult. 1 

Maii 18. Iter brevius suscepi 
cum fratre meo ad vicum 
Hammersmith ; visurus 
ibi communes amicos. 
Dies erat Mercurii. 

Maii 19. Die Jovis, literas se- 
cundas misi ad Ducem 
Buck., turn paulisper 
morantem Parisiis. 

The marriage was cele 
brated at Paris between 
his Majesty King Charles 
and the most illustrious 
Princess Henrietta Maria 
of France, daughter of 
Henry IV. 

Saturday, we celebrat 
ed the funeral of King 

Early in the morning 
the Duke of Buckingham 
went towards the sea 
side, to pass over into 
France to meet Queen 

I wrote letters to the 
Duke that day, which 
might follow after him. 
For he went in great 

The Parliament was 
put off till the last day 
of May. 

I took a short journey 
with my brother to Ham 
mersmith, that we might 
there see our common 
friends. It was Wed 

Thursday, I sent let 
ters the second time to 
the Duke of Bucking 
ham, then staying for a 
while at Paris. 

[Inserted afterwards.] 

(Wood, F. 0. i. 349.) Burton s subse 
quent history will be noticed at length 
in vol. vi.] 

r [The Duke de Chevereux acted as 
proxy for the King.] 

[See the comments of Prynne on 
this and other passages in the Diary 
relating to the French match, Cant. 
Doom, p. 417.] 



Mail 29. Die Soils, literas ter- 
tias dedi in manus Epi- 
scopi Dunelm. : qui cum 
Rege iturus, traderet eas 
Duci Buck, ad littus ap- 

Maii 30. Die Lunse, Chelsey* 
profectus sum ad Ducis- 
sam Buckinghamiae. 

Maii 31. Die Martis, Parlia- 
mentum secundo expec- 
tat initium Junii 13, die 

Carolus Rex versus Do- 
roberniam iter suscepit, 
obviam iturus Reginse. 

Junii 5. Die Pentecostes, mane 
instanter iturus ad sacra, 
literse e Gallia a Duce 
clariss. Buckinghamise, 
in manus meas se dedere. 

Junii 6. Responsum dedi au 
rora proxima. Post da 
tum responsum, Episco- 
pus venerabilis L. Will- 
ton., et ego simul profi- 
ciscimur ad sedes Tuscu- 
lanas,quas juxta Bromlye 
possidet Job. Roffensis. 
Prandemus, redimus ves- 

Junii 8. Die Mercurii Chelsey 
profectus sum ; sed frus- 
tratus redii. 

4 [The King, in 1627, granted Buck 
ingham the old residence of Sir Th. 
More, at Chelsea, afterwards called 

Sunday, I gave a third A.D. 1625. 
letter into the hands of 
the Bishop of Durham, 
who was to attend the 
King, that he might de 
liver them to the Duke 
of Buckingham at his 
first landing. 

Monday, I went to 
Chelsey, to wait upon 
the Duchess of Bucking 

Tuesday, the Parlia 
ment was a second time 
put off, till Monday the 
13th of June. 

King Charles set for 
ward toward Canterbury, 
to meet the Queen. 

Whitsunday, in the 
morning, just as I was 
going to prayers, I receiv 
ed letters from France, 
from the most illustrious 
Duke of Buckingham. 

I wrote an answer 
next morning. After I had 
finished my answer, the 
Right Reverend Lancelot 
Lord Bishop of Winches 
ter and I went together to 
the country house, which 
John Lord Bishop of 
Rochester hath by Brom 
ley. We dined there, and 
returned in the evening. 

Wednesday, I went to 
Chelsey, but returned 
with my labour lost. 

Beaufort House. See Cunningham s 

M 2 



A.D. 1625. Junii 12. Die Soils, Sanctre Tri- 
nitatis dies fuit 1 , Regina 
Maria maria pertrans- 
iens, ad littus nostrum 
appulit circiter horam 7. 
vespertinam. Det Deus, 
ut hespera sit et felix 
stella orbi nostro. 

Junii 13. Die Lunse,, Parliamen- 
tum iterum expectans 
Regem, reeedit in diem 
Sabbati, Junii .i. 18, 

Junii 16. Die Jovis, Rex et Re- 
gina Londinum vene- 
runt. Salutaveruntaulam 
ad horam quint am. Dies 
erat tristior, et nubi- 
bus operta. Quum jam 
ad Turrim Londinensem 
pervenerunt (nam aqua 
usi sunt pro curru) et 
eduxit Rex Reginam in 
exteriora cimbse, ut vide- 
ret et populum et urbem ; 
magnus e coslo cecidit 
imber, qui utrumque 
coegit in interiores re- 
cessus. Duravit imber, 
usque dum intrassent 
aulam, finemque accepit. 

Junii 18, Dies Sabbati erat. Ini- 
tium dedit primo sub 
serenissimo R. Carolo 

Sunday, it was Trinity 
Sunday, Queen Mary 
crossing the seas, landed 
upon our shore about 
seven o clock in the 
evening. God grant that 
she may be an evening 
and an happy star to our 

Monday, the Parlia 
ment waiting for the 
King s coming, adjourn 
ed again till Saturday, 
the 18th of June. 

Thursday, the King 
and Queen came to Lon 
don. They arrived at 
court at five o clock. It 
was ill weather, and the 
day cloudy. When they 
came by the Tower of 
London (for they came 
by water instead of 
coach) the King led out 
the Queen to the outside 
of the barge, that she 
might see the people and 
the city. But at the same 
time, a violent shower of 
rain falling down, forced 
them both to return into 
the inward part of the 
barge. The shower con 
tinued until they had 
entered Whitehall, and 
then ceased. 

Saturday. The first 
Parliament of King 
Charles, which had been 

1 [ Sanctco , . . fait, inserted afterwards.] 



Jimii 18. Parliamento, toties di- 
lato. Interfuere Dux de 
Shiveruz 11 et alii nobiles 
Gallic, episcopus etiam x , 
qui Reginse iriservivit. 
Metu pestilentise, quse 
turn coepit grassari, ab- 
stinuit Rex a pom pa 
illius diei ; ne populus in 
multitudinem conflueret . 
Et coiiciOj quse mihi im- 
posita est habenda in 
Cathedrali Westmonas- 
teriensi, in initiandis illis 
comitiis, rejecta est in 

Junii 19. diem proximum, .i. Do- 
minicam primam post 
Trinitatem, quo die illam 
habui in sacello Aulae 
Regise, quse dicitur 

Junii 20. Initium dedit Convo- 

Junii 24. Festum fuit S. Job. 
Bap. Rexjussit Archiep. 
Cant, cum sex aliis quos 
nominavit episcopis con- 
silium inire de jejunio 
publico et precibus pub- 
licis, ut Deus misereatur 
nostri, dum grassari in- 
ciperet pestilentia, et 
coelum supra modum 
nubilum minabatur fa- 

so often put off, now be- A.D. 1625. 
gan. There were pre 
sent at the opening of it, 
the Duke of Shiveruz, 
with other French noble 
men ; a bishop also, who 
attended the Queen . For 
fear of the pestilence, 
which then began to be 
very rife, the King 
omitted the pomp usual 
upon that day, lest the 
great conflux of people 
should be of ill conse 
quence. And the ser 
mon, which had been 
imposed upon me to be 
preached in Westminster 
Abbey at the beginning 
of this session, was put 
off to the next day, 
that is, to June 19, first 
Sunday after Trinity, on 
which day I preached in 
the chapel at Whitehall. 

The Convocation be 

Was the Feast of St. 
John Baptist. The King 
commanded the Arch 
bishop of Canterbury, 
with six other bishops, 
whom he then named, 
to advise together con 
cerning a public fast, 
and a form of prayer, to 
implore the Divine mercy, 
now that the pestilence 

11 [ Chevercux.] 

x |Du Plessis, Bishop of Mcndc 

(Sec note to Sermon iv.)] 
y [This is Sermon iv.] 



1625. Junii 24. mem ; et simul ut bearet 
classem jam mare peti- 
turam. Episcopi erant 
Londinens. zl ,Dunelmen- 
sis a , Winton. b , Norwicen- 
sis c , RofFen. d , Meneveri- 
sis e . Quod factum fuit f . 


Junii 25. Die Sabbati, Episcopi 
simul omnes, qui turn 
prsesentes eraut, intro- 
ducti sunt, ut osculo 
officii salutarent manus 
Reginse Marise. Ilia nos 
summa cum gratia ac- 

Julii 2. Die Sabbati, celebra- 
tum est Jejunium ab 
utraque Domo Parlia- 
menti in exemplum to- 
tius regni 2 . 

Julii 3. Die Solis, in somnis 
apparuit mihi sereniss. 
Rex Jacobus. Vidi tan- 
turn velociter prsetereun- 
tem. Hilari vultu fuit 
et sereno. In transitu 

began to spread, and the 
extraordinary wet wea 
ther threatened a fa 
mine; and also to beg the 
Divine blessing upon the 
fleet now ready to put to 
sea. The bishops were 
London, Durham, Win 
chester, Norwich, Ro 
chester, St. David s. This 
was done. 

Saturday, All the 
bishops, who were then 
in town, were introduced 
together, that they might 
wait upon Queen Mary, 
and kiss her hand. She 
received us very gra 

Saturday, the Fast was 
kept by both Houses of 
Parliament, to set an 
example therein to the 
whole kingdom. 

Sunday, in my sleep 
his Majesty King James 
appeared to me. I saw 
him only passing by 
swiftly. He was of a 
pleasant and serene 

1 [* Lonclinens. inserted afterwards.] 

2 [ Die . 

. regni, inserted on opposite page.] 

z [Montaigne.] a [Neile.] 

b [Andrewes.] c [Harsnet.] 

d [Buckeridge.] e [Laud.] 
f [The prayers appeared under the 
following title : " A forme of Common 
Prayer, together with an order of 
Fasting for the auerting of God s 
heauy Visitation vpon many places 
of this Kingdome, and for the draw 
ing downe of his blessings vpon YS, 

and our Armies by Sea and Land. 
The Prayers are to be read euery 
Wednesday during this Visitation. 
Set foorth by His Maiesties Authority. 
H Imprinted at London by Bonham 
Norton and lohn Bill, Printers to 
the Kings most Excellent Maiestie. 
Anno 1625." See some of the Prayers 
from this Form., above, pp. 98, 99.] 



me vidit, annuit, subrisit, 
et subito oculis meis 

7. Die Jovis, R. Mount, 
inductus est in Domum 
Parliament! inferiorem, 

9. Die Saturni, Placuit 
sereniss. Regi Carolo, 
intimare Domui illi, sibi 
non placere, quse deMon- 
tacutio dicta ibi vel sta- 
tuta fuere se inconsulto. 

Die Lunre, Parlia- 
mentum translatum est 
Oxon., in diem primum 
Augusti h . 

Die Mercurii, quum 
mortui sint Londini 
priori septimana 1222, 
profectus sum rus in 
domum amicissimi Fran. 
Windebank. Iter mihi 
eo facienti obviam casu 
factus est Montacutius. 
Primus fui, qui eum cer- 

countenance. In passing A.D. 1625. 
he saw me, beckoned 
to me, smiled, and was 
immediately withdrawn 
from my sight. 

Thursday, Richard 
Montague was brought 
into the Lower House 
of Parliament, &c. 

Saturday, it pleased 
his Majesty King Charles 
to intimate to the House 
of Commons, that what 
had been there said and 
resolved, without consult 
ing him, in Montague s 
cause, was not pleasing 
to him. 

Monday, The Parlia 
ment was prorogued to 
Oxford, against the first 
day of August. 

Wednesday, there hav 
ing died in the former 
week at London 1222 
persons, I went into the 
country, to the house of 
my good friend Francis 
Windebank. In going 
thither, Richard Mon 
tague met me by chance. 

[Montague had made himself 
obnoxious to the Puritans by the 
opinions he had broached in his 
" New Gagg for an old Goose ;" and 
maintained more strongly in his 
"Appello Caesarem," against his op 
ponents Yates and Ward, two lecturers 
of Ipswich, who assailed the former 
volume. For these opinions he was 
cited before the House, committed to 
the custody of the Sergeant-at-arms, 
and required to find bail of 2,000?. 
for his appearance next session. He 
was released from prison on the royal 
interference; but it appears from a 

letter addressed by him to Bucking 
ham, (MSS. Harl. 7000. Art. 106,) 
that the bond for his reappearance 
was not cancelled. On the 2d of 
August, a letter was addressed to the 
King in his favour, by the Bishops 
of Rochester (Buckeridge), Oxford 
(Howson), and St. David s (Laud), 
which is given in Heylin, Cypr. Angl. 
pp. 131, 132. The proceedings after 
wards taken against him are noticed 

h [The Proclamation in Kymer, 
(Feed. VIII. i. p. 108,) is dated July 



A.D. 16 2 5. tiorem feci de Regis erga 

ipsum gratia, &c. 

Julii 15. Die Veneris, Profectus 
sum Windlesoriam ; ne- 
gotia qusedam mihi a 
vene. Episcopo Dunelm. 
commissa peregi. Redii 
ea nocte. Curia turn ibi. 

Julii 17. Die solis, iterum Win 
dlesoriam invisi. Regi 
inter prandendum asti- 
ti. Philosophica quse- 
dam discussa. Prandi- 
um postea in domo Epi- 
scopi Glocestrensis i eo- 
medi. Interfuit ibi Baro 
Vaughan k cum filio natu 
maximo. Proximo die 
unus e servis Episcopi, 
qui mensae astitit, peste 
correptus est. Mihi csete- 
risque faveat Deus. Ea 
nocte redii, subito clau- 
dus, nescio quo humore 
in crus sinistrum de- 
lapso. Aut, ut existi- 
mavit 11. An., ex morsu 
cimicum. Convalui intra 
bid num. 

[Godfrey Goodman, residing on 
his Canonry of Windsor, which he 
was allowed to hold in commendam. 
He vfiiK afterwards deprived for re 
fusing to sign the Canons of 1640 , 
and died in the communion of the 
Church of Home. (Wood, Ath. Ox. 

I was the first who cer 
tified him of the King s 
favour to him. 

Friday, I went to 
Windsor; and performed 
some business committed 
to my trust by the Right 
Reverend Bishop of Dur 
ham. I returned that 
night. The Court was 
there at that time. 

Sunday, I went again 
to Windsor. I stood by 
the King at dinner time. 
Some matters of philo 
sophy were the subject 
of discourse. I dined. 
Afterwards I eat in the 
house of the Bishop 
of Gloucester. Baron 
Vaughan was there pre 
sent, with his eldest son. 
The next day one of the 
Bishop s servants, who 
had waited at table, was 
seized with the plague. 
God be merciful to me 
and the rest. That night 
I returned, being become 
lame on the sudden, 
through I know not 
what humour falling 
down upon my left leg, 
or (as R, An. thought) 
by the biting of bags 1 . I 
grew well within two days . 

vol. ii. pp. 863, 864.)] 

k [John Vaughan, of Golden 
Grove, Carmarthenshire, created Lord 
Vaughan in 1620, and Earl of Car- 
berry, 1628. His son Richard was 
Jeremy Taylor s patron,] 

1 Al. chinches. H. W. 



Julii 20. Die Mercurii, Jeju- 
nium publicum per to- 
tam Angliam m . 

Concionem ego habui 
in parochia de Hurst 11 , 
ubi cum Magistro Win- 

Wednesday, A public A.D. 1025 
fast was held throughout 
all England. 

I preached in the 
parish of Hurst ; where 
I then abode with Master 

debanke commoratus Windebanke. 


Julii 21. Die Jovis, Invisi Rich. 
Harrison militem, et 

Julii. 24. Die Solis, Conciona- 
tus sum in parochia de 

Julii 29. Die Veneris, Oxonium 
ingressus sum. 

Julii 31. Die Solis, In triclinio 
hospitii Presidentis Col- 
legii D. Joh. Bapt. 
Oxon. nescio quomodo 
cecidi ; et laesum retuli 
humerum sinistrum et 

Aug. 1. Die Lunse, incoepit 
Parliamentum Oxonii, 
Statim fere magnus im 
petus fuit in Ducem 

Aug. 12. Die Veneris, solutum 
est Parliamentum : po- 
pulo non satis auscul- 
tante Regis propositis. 

Aug. 15. Relapsus meus ; nun- 
quam infirmior, teste M. 
Dies erat Lunse. Eodem 

Thursday, I visited Sir 
Richard Harrison, and 

Sunday, I preached in 
the parish of Hurst. 

Friday, I entered into 

Sunday, I fell down, 
I know not how, in the 
parlour of the President s 
lodging at St. John s Col 
lege, and hurt my left 
shoulder and hip. 

Monday, The Parlia 
ment began at Oxford. 
Presently after the be 
ginning of it, a great 
assault was made against 
the Duke of Bucking 

Friday, The Parlia 
ment was dissolved : the 
Commons not hearken 
ing, as was expected, to 
the King s proposals. 

My relapse ; I never 
was weaker, in the j udg- 
ment of the physician. 

1 [See the Proclamation for this Fast, 
uior, Feed. VIII. i. pp. 103, 104.] 
1 [The Incumbent appears, from the 

Register of the Dean of Sarum, to have 
been Ryley.] 
[William Juxon.] 



A.D. 1625. die iter suscepi versus 


Aug. 21. Die Solis. Concionatus 
sum Brecon, ubi per 
biduum transigendis ne- 
gotiis intentus commo- 
ratus sum. 

Ea nocte in somnis 
visus est mini Dux Buck- 
ingliamise in lectum 
meum ascend ere ; ubi 
multo erga me amore se 
gessit, post illam quie- 
tem qua fessi admodum 
solent gaudere. Et visi 
etiam sunt mini multi 
cubiculum intrare, qui 
hoc videbant. 

Non multis diebus 
antea in somnis visus 
sum videre Ducissam 
Buck., egregiam illam 
dominam, primo per- 
plexam satis circa mari- 
tum, sed postea hilarem 
et gaudentem, quod 
metu abortionis liberata 
sit, ut debito tempore 
possit iterum esse mater. 

Aug. 24. Dies erat Mercurii, et 
Festum St. Bartholomsei, 
in sedes proprias apud 
Aberguillye tutus (Deo 
gratise) perveni. Quum 
tarn en bis eo die inter 
Aber-Markes et domum 

It was Monday. The 
same day I began my 
journey towards Wales. 

Sunday. I preached 
at Brecknock ; where I 
stayed two days., very 
busy in performing some 

That night, in my 
sleep, it seemed to me 
that the Duke of Buck 
ingham came into bed to 
me; where he behaved 
himself with great kind 
ness towards me, after 
that rest, wherewith 
wearied persons are wont 
to solace themselves. 
Many also seemed to me 
to enter the chamber, 
who saw this. 

Not long before, I 
dreamed that I saw the 
Duchess of Buckingham, 
that excellent lady, at 
first very much perplexed 
about her husband, but 
afterwards cheerful, and 
rejoicing that she was 
freed from the fear of 
abortion, so that in due 
time she might be again 
a mother. 

Wednesday, and the 
Festival of St. Bartho 
lomew, I came safely 
(thanks be to God) to 
my own house at Aber- 
guilly. Although my 
coach had been twice 



meam eversus sit currus 
meus. Prima vice ego in 
eo fui; posteriore vero 
vacuus fuit. 

Aug. 28. Dies erat Solis, Con- 
secravi capellam sive ora- 
torium propriis sumpti- 
bus exstructum in domo 
mea communiter vocat. 
Aberguillye House. 

Nomen indidi, Capella 
S. Joh. Baptistse, in gra- 
tam memoriam Collegii 
S. Joli. Bapt. Oxon. cu- 
jus primo Socius, et dein 
Prseses fui. Et hoc con- 
sulto feci. Intervenit 
autem aliud, non mali 
ominis spero, de quo 
nunquam cogitavi. Hoc 
fuit. Die Sabbati, ves- 
peri immediate prsece- 
dente Consecrationem 
celebrandam, dum pre- 
cibus eram intentus ; 
nescio qui violenter in 
mentem meam irruit 
adesse diem decollatio- 
nis S. Joh. Bap. Finitis 
precibus fasta consului. 
Reperio diem ilium in 
diem Lunse, 29 scilicet 
Augusti, non in diem 
Solis incidere. Optassem 
diem ipsum ; sed gravi- 
sus sum, me Consecra 
tionem solennem per- 
acturum vigilia saltern 

that day overturned be- A.D. 1625. 

tween Aber-Markes and 

my house. The first 

time I was in it; but 

the latter time it was 


Sunday, I consecrated 
the chapel, or oratory, 
which I had built at my 
own charge in my house, 
commonly called Aber- 
guilly House. 

I named it the Chapel 
of St. John Baptist, in 
grateful remembrance of 
St. John Baptist s Col 
lege in Oxford, of which 
I had been first Fellow, 
and afterwards Presi 
dent. And this I had 
determined to do. But 
another thing intervened 
(of no ill omen, as I 
hope) of which I had 
never thought. It was 
this : On Saturday, the 
evening immediately pre 
ceding the Consecra 
tion, while I was intent 
at prayer, I knew not 
how, it caine strongly 
into my mind, that the 
day of the beheading of 
St. John Baptist was 
very near. When prayers 
were finished, I con 
sulted the calendar. I 
found that day to fall 
upon Monday, to wit, 
the 29th of August, not 



A.D. 1625. Aug. 28. illius diei. Nam ilia die 
serenissimus Rex Jaco 
bus causam meam circa 
election em in Prsesi- 
dentem Collegii S. Joh. 
Bapt. Oxon. per tres in- 
tegras horas ad mini 
mum audivit, et me e 
manu inimicorum poten- 
tum justissime liberavitP. 

Sept. 4. Die Solis. Nocte se- 
quente valde turbatus 
sum per insomnia. To- 
tum me temiit Dux 
Buckinghamise, servi et 
familia ejus; non satis 
ordinata omnia. Ducissa 
male se habens, evocat 
ancillas, et lectum petit. 
Det Deus meliora. 

Sept. 11. Die Solis, concionem 
habui apud Carmarthen, 
Judicibus turn prsesenti- 
bus. Eadem nocte som- 
niavi quod Dr. Theod. 

upon Sunday. I could 
have wished it had fallen 
upon that same day, 
when I consecrated the 
chapel. However, I was 
pleased that I should 
perform that solemn 
consecration at least on 
the eve of that festival. 
For upon that day, his 
Majesty King James 
heard my cause about 
the election to the Pre 
sidentship of St. John s 
College in Oxford, for 
three hours together at 
least ; and with great 
justice delivered me out 
of the hands of my 
powerful enemies. 

Sunday. The night 
following I was very 
much troubled in my 
dreams. My imagination 
ran altogether upon the 
Duke of Buckingham, his 
servants, and family. All 
seemed to be out of 
order : that the Duchess 
was ill, called for her 
maids, and took her 
bed. God grant better 

Sunday, I preached at 
Carmarthen, the Judges 
being then present. The 
same night I dreamed 
that Dr. Theodore Price 

P [Sec Prynne s comment on tliis where the deed of consecration is 
passage, Cant. Doom, pp. 120, 121, also given.] 



Sept. 11. Priceusi monuit me de 
Ma. 3, et quod erga me 
infidus fuit, et patefecit 
omnia, quse novit : et ut 
ideo caverem, neque am- 
plius, &c. 

Postea de Sack. Croe r , 
quod peste mortuus esset, 
quum non diu [ante ] ] 
cum Rege fuisset. 

Sept. 24. Ordines sacros solus 
unus a me petiit : exami 
nation! undique impar. 

Sept. 25. Cum exhortatione non 
ordinatum dimisi. Dies 
erat Sabbati. 

Sept. 26. Die Solis. Ea nocte 
somniavi de nuptiis, 
nescio cujus Oxon. Om- 
nes qui aderant, vesti- 
bus viridioribus florentes. 
Neminem novi prseter 
Tho. Flaxnye. Statim 
post sine interjecta vi- 
gilia (quantum novi) visus 
est mini Episcopus Wi- 
gorn.. capite et cervicibus 
linteis obductus. Suasit 

admonished me concern- A D. 1025. 
ing Ma. 3, and that he 
was unfaithful to me, and 
discovered all he knew : 
and that I should there 
fore take heed of him, 
and trust him no more, 

Afterwards, I dream 
ed of Sackville Crow, 
that he was dead of the 
plague, having not long 
before been with the 

One only person de 
sired to receive holy 
orders from me, and he 
found to be unfit, upon 

I sent him away with 
an exhortation, not or 
dained. It was then 

Sunday. That night 
I dreamed of the mar 
riage of I know not 
whom at Oxford. All 
that were present were 
clothed with flourishing 
green garments. I knew 
none of them but Thomas 
Elaxnye. Immediately 
after, without any inter 
mission of sleep (that 
I know of); I thought I 

1 [ post erased.] 

i [See above, p. 138, note l .] 
r [Sackville Crowe, one of the Gen 
tlemen of the Bedchamber. He was 
created a baronet July 8, 1627, and 

appointed, April 9, 1634, special am 
bassador to the Porte, to negotiate a 
treaty of commerce. See Rymer, 
Fcedera, VIII. iv. pp. 68, 69.] 



.i). 1625. Sept. 26. mihi amice, ut cum illis 
habitarem ; design ando 
locum ubi Curia Marchi- 
onatus Wallise turn tene- 
batur; sed (responsione 
mea non expectata *) re- 
spondit ipse, se scire me 
non potuisse tarn exiliter 
vivere, &c. 

Oct. 8. Die Sabbati, rediit e 
Wallia Comes. North. 3 
Prseses Wallise, itinere 
per mare suscepto. 

Oct. 9. Die Solis, concionatus 
sum apud Carmarthen. 

Oct. 10. Die Lunse, equo vec- 
tusmontes petii: dies erat 
pro tempore anni sere- 
nissimus, et adeo tempe- 
ratus, ut redeuns pran- 
dium sumpsimus et ego 
et qui mecum erant sub 
dio, in loco dicto Pente 
Cragg, ubi registrarius 

Oct. 30. Die Solis, Sr. Thorn. 

Coventrey* made Lord 

Keep 2 . 
Nov. 11. Dies erat Veneris, iter 

saw the Bishop of Wor 
cester his head and 
shoulders covered with 
linen. He advised and 
invited me kindly to 
dwell with them, marking 
out a place where the 
Court of the Marches of 
Wales was then held. 
But not staying for my 
answer, he subjoined, 
that he knew I could 
not live so meanly, &c. 

Saturday, the Earl of 
Northampton, President 
of Wales, returned out 
of Wales, taking his 
journey by sea. 

Sunday, I preached at 

Monday, I went on 
horseback up to the 
mountains. It was a very 
bright day for the time 
of year, and so warm that 
on our return I and my 
company dined in the! 
open air, in a place called 
Pente Cragg, where my 
registrary had his coun 
try house. 

Sunday, Sir Thomas 
Coventry made Lord 

Friday, I began my 

1 [Originally written sine responsione afterwards erased.] 

2 [ Octob. 30 ... Keep. in marg.] 

8 [William Compton, first Earl of 

e [On the deprivation of Bishop 
Williams. He was afterwards created 

Baron Coventry of Aylesborough ; died 
Jan. 14, 1639-40. See his character 
in Clarendon, Hist. Rebell. vol. i. pp. 
80, 81.] 



suscepi, rediturus in 

| Nov. 17. Die Jovis, Carolus 
filius Duels Bucking 
ham!^ natus l . 

Nov. 20. Die Solis, concionem 
turn habui apud Home 
Lacye in comitatu Here- 

Nov. 24. Die Jovis, perveni ad 
sedes amicissimi F. Win- 
debank apud Hains Hill. 

5 Ibi uxor amici mei (nam 

ille eo tempore Aulicus) 
statim a primo adventu 
narravit, Duci Bucking- 
hamise, turn apud Belgas 
negotium regni agenti*, 
natum esse filium : cui 
Deus omnibus bonis cceli 
et terrse benedicat. 

Dec. 4. Die Solis, concionem 
liabui apud Hurst. Ibi 
ruri degebam ad festum 
usque Nativitatis. 

Dec. 14. Dies erat Mercurii, 
Windlesoriam petii, sed 
redii eodem die 2 . 

1 [ Nov. 17. ... natus. interlined.] 

journey to return into A.D. 1625. 

Thursday, Charles, the 
Duke of Buckingham s 
son, was born u . 

Sunday, I preached 
at Home Lacye in Here 
fordshire x . 

Thursday, I came to 
the house of my great 
friend, Fr. Windebank. 
There the wife of my 
friend (for himself was 
then at Court), immedi 
ately as soon as I came, 
told me that the Duke of 
Buckingham (then nego 
tiating for the public in 
the Low Countries) had 
a son born ; whom God 
bless with all the good 
things of heaven and 

Sunday, I preached at 
Hurst. I stayed there in 
the country until Christ 

Wednesday, I went 
to Windsor, but returned 
the same day z . 

8 [ Dec. 14 . . . die. interlined.] 

u [See Laud s Letter of Congratu 
lation, in vol. vi.] 

x [The seat of Sir John Scudamore, 
afterwards Viscount Scudamore of 
Sligo, in Ireland, and ambassador to 
France. He was a great benefactor 
to the ejected clergy.] 

y [He was employed in the sale of 
the King s jewels, to assist the King of 
Denmark. See a letter of Sir Arthur 
Ingram to Sir T. Wentworth, Nov. 7. 

1625. Strafforde s State Papers, vol. i. 
p. 28. Lond. 1739. The warrant for 
the delivery of the jewels is in Rymer 
Feed. VIII. i. p. 167.] 

z [He went to Windsor in the hope 
of meeting the Duke of Buckingham, 
but was disappointed. See his letter 
to the Duke. There is, probably, some 
mistake in the date, (the entry being 
interlined,) as the letter of congratula 
tion is dated Windsor, December 13.] 



AD. 1625. Dec. 25. Concionem liabui apucl 
Hurst die Soils, in festis 
Domini Natalitiis. 
Dec. 31. Die Sabbati, ad aulam 
regiam profectus sum 
(quse erat turn Hamp- 
tonise) ; ibi, 

Jan. 1. Die Solis, accepi me 
inter alios episcopos no- 
minatura, ut die Mercurii 
sequente apud aulam 
Whitehall dictam, con- 
silium ineamus de cere- 
moniis coronationis. Ac 
cepi simul legatum ex- 
traordiiiarium Gallorum 
destinatum esse, ut in 
maxima parte sedium 
Dunelmensis Episcopi 

Jan. 2. Die Lunge, reversus 
sum ad Hains Hill. Ibi 
eiiim, horum negotiorum 
nescius, chartas neces- 
sarias una curn cistula 
post reliqui. Has quum 
aptaverim, ad gedes me 
contuli Ei. Harrison mi- 
litis ; ut valedicerem 
amicis. Ibi primum quid 
de me senserit F. H. 
ni fallor, cognovi. Ipse 
aperte dixi, quo animo 
fui, &c. Redii. 

Jan. 3. Die Martis, veni Lon- 
dinum ad sedes proprias 

Sunday, I preached at 
Hurst upon Christmas 
Saturday, I went to 
the Court, which was 
then at Hampton Court. 

Sunday, I understood 
that I was named among 
other bishops, who were 
to consult together on 
Wednesday following at 
Whitehall, concerning 
the ceremonies of the 
coronation. I was also 
at the same time inform 
ed that the bigger part 
of the Bishop of Dur 
ham s house was appoint 
ed for the residence of 
the ambassador extraor 
dinary of the King of 

Monday, I returned to 
Hains Hill. For there, 
not then knowing any 
thing of these matters, 
I had left my necessary 
papers with my trunk. 
When I had put these 
in order, I went to 
Sir Richard Harrison s 
house, to take leave of 
my friends. There (if I 
mistake not) I first knew 
what F. H. thought of 
me. I told my mind 
plainly, &c. I returned. 
Tuesday, I came to 
London, and fixed my- 



Jan. 3. Westmonasterii a . Nam 
hebdomada ante Nata- 
litia, misi servum, qui 
mea omnia e domo amici 
mei Epis. Dunelm. (quo- 
cum ut hospes per totum 
quadriennium vixi) ad 
sedes proprias deferret, 
praeter libros, quos male 
distuli in adventum 
meum. Cogebat enim 
et legati Gallic! b adven- 
tus, ut nimis properarem ; 
et moles negotiorum op- 
tavit libros ad manum. 
Vesperi adii Ducem 

Jan. 4. Die Mercurii, Conve- 
nimus Aulse vulgo dictse 
White-Hall, ad deliberan- 
dum de cseremoniis Coro- 
nationis. Misi servum, 
qui libros adduceret : ad- 
duxit. Ea nocte disposui 
per musseum. 

Nee dabatur mora. 
Nam quum simul eramus 
in deliberatione de csere- 
moniis, exiit a Rege et 
ad nos venit Comes Pern- 

self at my own house at A.D. 1625. 

Westminster. For the 

week before Christmas 

I had sent my servant, 

who had brought all my 

things out of the house 

of my good friend the 

Bishop of Durham (with 

whom I had abode as a 

guest for four years com 
plete) to my own house, 

save only my books, the 

removal of which I un 
advisedly put off till my 

own coming. For the 

coming of the French 

ambassador forced me to 

make over-much haste; 

and the multitude of 

business then laying up 
on me made it requisite 
that I should have my 
books at hand. In the 
evening I visited the 
Duke of Buckingham. 

Wednesday, We met 
at White-Hall, to consult 
of the ceremonies of the 
Coronation. I sent my 
servant to bring my 
books, who brought 
them. That night I 
placed them in order in 
my study. And it was 
high time. For while 
we were in consultation 
about the ceremonies, 
the Right Honourable 

a [Belonging to his stall.] 


b [The Marquis de Blainville.] 




A.D. 1G25. Jan. 4. brochiensis, Regise Do- 
nms Camerarius Hono- 
ratissimus ; et nomine 
Regis jussit me paratura 
esse in Febr. sextum, ut 
eo die in initio Parlia- 
menti concionem habere 



6. Die Veneris, dies erat 
Epiphanias ; Convenimus 
iterum de ca3remoniis, et 
responsum damns Regi. 

1 6.. Mandatum Regis mihi 
exposuit Archiepiscopus 
Cant., me supplere de- 
bere in Coronatione fu- 
tura vices Decani West- 
monasterii. Nolle enim 
Regem, ut Episcopus 
Lincoln., turn Decanus, 
iiiteresset crcremoniis. 
Dies erat Lunas. 

Eodem die consultum 
est jussu Regis, quid in 
causa Rich. Montacutii 
agendum. Aderant Epi- 
scopi Lond. d , Dunelm. 6 , 
Winton. f , Roffens.s, Me- 


the Earl of Pembroke, 
Lord Chamberlain of the 
Household to his Ma 
jesty, came from the 
King to us, and delivered 
to me the King s order, 
to be ready against the 
sixth day of February, 
to preach that day at the 
opening of the Parlia 

Friday, Epiphany day, 
We met again to consult 
concerning the ceremo 
nies, and gave up our 
answer to the King. 

The Archbishop of 
Canterbury made known 
to me the King s plea 
sure, that at the Corona 
tion I should supply the 
place of the Dean oi 
Westminster. For that 
his Majesty would not 
have the Bishop of Lin 
coln, then Dean, to be 
present at the cere 
mony . It was then 

The same day, by the 
King s command, a con 
sultation was held, what 
was to be done in the 
cause of Richard Monta 
gue. There were pre 
sent, the Bishops of Lon- 

c [Williams sent the King a list of 
the prebendaries of Westminster, re 
questing him to take his choice. He 
escaped in this manner the annoyance 
of appointing Laud, and the odium of 

passing him over. See Heylin s Cypr 
Angl. p. 148.] 

Montaigne.] e [Neile.] 
Andrewes.] [Buckeridge." 




Jan, 17. Responsum per literas 
dedimus, subscriptas Die 
Martis. Hoc die etiam 
Episcopus Lincoln, me 
deputavit scriptis suis 
sigillo munitis ad sup- 
plendum vices suas, qua 
Decanus erat Westmon., 
in coronatione Regis 
Caroli 1 . 

Jan. 18. Die Mercurii, Ad Re- 
gem me adduxit Dux 
Buckingh. Ostendi illi 
Notulas, si quse offende- 
rint, &c. 

Eodem die jussu Re 
gis Archiep. Cant, cum 
Roffens., Meneven., con- 
sulebant de Precum For 
mula, ut gratias agamus 
pro peste remissa. 

Jan. 23. Libellum perfectum de 
Cseremoniis Coronationis 
paratum habui, per om- 
nia cum libro regali. Dies 
erat Lunse. 

Jan. 29. Dies erat Solis, Intel- 

don, Durham, Winches- A.D. 1625. 
ter, Rochester, and St. 
David s. 

Tuesday, We gave in 
our answer in writing, 
subscribed this day. This 
day also, the Bishop of 
Lincoln deputed me un 
der his hand and seal, 
to supply the place for 
him, which he, as Dean 
of Westminster, was to 
execute in the corona 
tion of King Charles. 

Wednesday, The Duke 
of Buckingham brought 
me to the King, to whom 
1 showed my Notes, that 
if he disliked anything 
therein, &c. 

The same day, by the 
King s command, the 
Archbishop of Cant, 
and the Bishops of Lon 
don, Durham, Winches 
ter, Rochester, and St. 
David s, consulted toge 
ther concerning a Form 
of Prayer, to give thanks 
for the decrease of the 

I had a perfect book 
of the Ceremonies of the 
Coronation made ready, 
agreeing in all things 
with the King s book. 
It was Monday. 

Sunday, I understood 

1 [ Hoc . . . Caroli. inserted in opposite page.] 




A.D. 1625.. Jan. 29. lexi quid D. B. 1 colle- 
git de causa, libro, et 
opinionibus Rich. Mon- 
tacutii, R. C. k apud se 
statuisset. Videor videre 
nubem surgentem et 
minantem Ecclesise An- 
glicanse. Dissipet pro 
misericordia sua Deus. 

Jan. 31. Dies erat Martis, Epi- 
scopi, et alii Proceres 
antea nominati a Rege ut 
de cseremoniis Corona- 
tionis consilium inirent, 
ut mos antiquus obser- 
varetur, Regis jussu ip- 
sum adimus. Inspicit 
Rex omnia regalia: in- 
duit se tunicis S. Ed- 
war di : jussit me legere 
rubricas directivas. Om 
nibus lectis, retulimus 
regalia ad Ecclesiam 
Westmon., et loco suo 

Feb. 2. Die Jovis et Purifica- 
tionis B. V. Marise, coro- 
natus est Rex Serenis- 
simus Carolus. Ego 
functus sum vice Decani 
Westmon. Intravit Rex 
ecclesiam, quum non- 

what D. B. had col 
lected concerning the 
cause, book, and opi 
nions of Richard .Mon 
tague, and what R. C. 
had determined with 
himself therein. Me- 
thinks I see a cloud 
arising, and threatening 
the Church of England. 
God of His mercy dissi 
pate it. 

Tuesday, The bishops 
and other peers before 
nominated by the King 
to consult of the cere 
monies of the Corona 
tion, that the ancient 
manner might be ob 
served, by his Majesty s 
command went together 
to him. The King viewed 
all the regalia; put 
on St. Edward s tunics ; 
commanded me to read 
the rubrics of direc 
tion. All being read, we 
carried back the regalia 
to the Church of West 
minster, and laid them 
up in their place. 

Thursday and Can 
dlemas day, His Ma 
jesty King Charles was 
crowned. I then officiated 
in the place of the Dean 
of Westminster. The 
King entered the Abbey 

1 [Duke of Buckingham.] 

k [King Charles.] 



Feb. 2. dum sonuit hora decima; 
et tertia prseteriit, ante- 
quam exivit. Dies cla- 
rissimo gaudebat sole. 

Solemnibus finitis, in 
Aula magna Westmon., 
quum tradidit mihi in 
manus regalia, qiise in 
Ecclesia B. Pet. West- 
mon. servantur; de novo 
dedit gladium cortanam 
dictum, et duos alios, qui 
coram Eege eo die defe- 
rebantur, ut servarentur 
cum reliquis insignibus 
in ecclesia. Redii, et ad 
altare solemniter obtuli 
nomine Regis, et cum 
aliis reposui. 

Nihil in tanto negotio, 
et frequentia populi in- 
credibili, amissum, frac- 
tum, turbatum nihil. 
Pulpitum, sive scena, va 
cuum, et expeditum 
Regi, proceribus,et ne- 
gotio ; et audivi comites 
alloquentes Regem inter 
redeundum, se nunquam 
vidisse solennia, etiam 
multo minora, tarn paci- 
fica, tarn ordinata. 

Church a little before A.D. 1625. 
ten o clock ; and it was 
past three before he went 
out of it. It was a very 
bright sunshining day. 

The solemnity being 
ended, in the great Hall 
at Westminster, when 
the King delivered into 
my hands the regalia, 
which are kept in the 
Abbey Church of West 
minster, he did (which 
had not before been 
done) deliver to me the 
sword called curtana, 
and two others, which 
had been carried before 
the King that day, to be 
kept in the church, to 
gether with the other 
regalia. I returned, and 
offered them solemnly at 
the altar in the name of 
the King, and laid them 
up with the rest. 

In so great a cere 
mony, and amidst an 
incredible concourse of 
people, nothing was lost, 
or broke, or disordered. 
The theatre was clear, 
and free for the King, 
the peers, and the busi 
ness in hand; and I 
heard some of the no 
bility saying to the King 
in their return, that they 
never had seen any so 
lemnity, although much 



A.D. 1625. 

Feb. 6. Lunse dies erat, Con- 
cionem habui eoram 
Rege Carolo, et Proce- 
ribus Regni, in initio 
Parlamenti *. 

Feb. 11. Die Sabbati, Ad in- 
stantiam Comitis War- 
wicensis Colloquium m 
fuit in causa Ri. Monta- 
cutii in sedibus Ducis 
Buckinghamise u , &c. 

Feb. 17. Die Veneris, Collo 
quium prsedictum se- 
cundo habitum est, non 
paucis proceribus regni 
praesentibus, loco prse- 

Feb. 21. Dies erat Martis, et 
Carnivaie : Misit D. 
Buckingh., ut ad se veni- 
rem. Turn in mandatis 
mihi dedit, ut, &c. 

Feb. 23. Die Jovis, Quresivi Du- 
cem apud Chelsei. Ibi 
primo vidi nuper natum 

less, performed with so 
little noise, and so great 

Monday, I preached 
before King Charles and 
the House of Peers, at 
the opening of the Par 

Saturday, At the de 
sire of the Earl of 
Warwick, a Conference 
was held concerning the 
cause of Richard Monta 
gue, in the Duke of 
Buckingham s house, 
[between Dr. Morton 
and Dr. Preston P on the 
one side, and Dr. White 11 
on the other. H. W.] 

Friday, The foresaid 
Conference was renewed, 
in the same place, many 
of the nobility being 

Shrove Tuesday, The 
Duke of Buckingham 
sent for me to come to 
him ; and then gave me 
in command, that, &c. 

Thursday, I sought 
the Duke at Chelsea. 
There I first saw his sou 

1 [See Sermon iii. This Sermon was 
misplaced in the Collected Edition 
of 1651. See preliminary note to 

111 An account of this Conference is 
in my hands, but wrote very partially, 
in favour of Dr. Preston and prejudice 
of Dr. White. H. W. 

[The reader who desires full in 
formation on this subject, may consult 

the account of this, and the following, 
Conference, drawn up by Bishop Cosin, 
who was present at them both. Co- 
sin s Works, vol. ii.] 
11 [York House.] 

[Thomas Morton, then Bishop of 
Lichfield, afterwards of Durham.] 

P [John Preston, Master of Em- 
manuel College, Cambridge.] 

1 [See above, p. 139. note d .] 



heeredem ejus Carolum. 
Ducem noil inveni. Re- 
dii, domi inveni servum 
ejus me quserentem. 
Cum eo propero, et in 
Aula invenio. Quid a 
me factum narro. 

Feb. 24. Die Veneris, et S. 
Matthise, Cum eo fui in 
sedibus suis per horas 
fere tres, ubi sua manu, 
&c. Aliquid ut adderem 
jussit. Dicto obsequutus 

Feb. 25. sum ; et proximo die at- 

Feb. 26. Dominica prima Quad. 
Concionem, quam habui 
in initio Parlamenti, Re- 
gio mandate typis jam 
excusam in manus Se- 
renissimi Regis Caroli 
dedi, vesperi. 

Feb. 27. Die Lunse, Periculum 
Regis Caroli ab equo, 
qui fractis duobus ephip- 
piorum cingulis, et ephip- 
pio una cum sessore in 
ventrem devoluto, tre- 
mens constitit, donee 
Rex salvus, &c. 

Mar. 1. Dies erat Mercurii, et 

and heir, Charles, lately A.D. 1625. 
born. I found not the 
Duke. Returning, I 
found his servant, who 
was seeking me. I went 
immediately with him, 
and found the Duke at 
Court. I related to him 
what I had done. 

Friday, arid St. Mat 
thias s day, I was with 
the Duke in his own 
house almost three 
hours; where with his 
own hand, &c. He com 
manded me to add some 
what. I did so, and 
brought it to him next 
day, Feb. 25. 

First Sunday in Lent, 
in the evening, I pre 
sented to his Majesty 
King Charles my ser 
mon, which I had 
preached at the opening 
of the Parliament, being 
now printed, by his Ma 
jesty s command. 

Monday, The danger 
which happened to King 
Charles from his horse ; 
which having broken the 
two girts of the saddle, 
and the saddle together 
with the rider fallen 
under his belly, stood 
trembling, until the 
King, having received 
no hurt, &c. 

Wednesday, and the 



A.D. 1625. Mar. 1. Festum S. Davidis, Cla 
mor incepit in Domo 
Inferior! Parlamenti, no- 
minatim contra Ducem 
Buckinghamise ob mora- 
tam navim dictam, The 
St. Peter of Newhaven, 
post sententiam latam r . 
Perpetuse in Domo ilia 
agitationes erant a die 

Mar. 6. Resignavi Rectoriam 
de Ibstock s , quara habui 
in Commeridam 1 . 

Mar. 11. Proposuit in Domo Dr. 
Turner *, medicus, qua> 
sita septem, vulgo dicta 
qu&res, contra Ducem 
Buck. u : non alio tamen 
nixas fundamento, quam 
quod ex fama quidem 
publica, ut dixit, petiit. 
Dies erat Saturni. 

Mar. 16. Die Jovis, Proposuit 
quid am e Belgia nomine 
1 [ Resignavi . . . Commeudam. inserted in marg.] 

Festival of S. David, a 
clamour arose in the 
House of Commons, 
against the Duke of 
Buckingham, more par 
ticularly for stopping a 
ship, called, The St. Pe 
ter of Newhaven, after 
sentence pronounced. 
From that day there 
were perpetual heats in 
the House. 

I resigned the Par 
sonage of Ibstock, which 
I held in Commendam. 

Dr. Turner, a phy 
sician, offered in the 
House seven queries 
against the Duke 
of Buckingham ; yet 
grounded upon no other 
foundation than what 
he received from public 
fame, as himself con 
fessed. It was then Sa 

Thursday,; A certain 
Dutchman, named John 

r [This vessel had been captured by 
English cruisers, under the supposi 
tion that she belonged to the Spanish, 
with whom we were then at war. The 
Court of Admiralty decided that she 
was a French ship, and thereupon 
ordered her release. Buckingham, on 
obtaining further evidence that she 
was really a Spanish vessel, sailing 
under French colours, ordered her 
further detention. On the case being 
taken again to the Court of Admiralty, 
the vessel was released. This business 
formed the fifth of the charges brought 
shortly afterwards by the Commons 
against Buckingham. See the Charge 

and Buckingham s Defence in Rush- 
worth s Collections, vol. i. pp. 309. 
382384. The defence was written 
by Laud. See History of Troubles, 
chap. xlii. p. 400. in marg. The en 
tries in the Diary on Feb. 21, 24, 25, 
probably refer to this business.] 

s [He was succeeded by Rich. Bay- 
lie, (Rymer Feed. VIII. ii. p. 31,) who, 
as appears from the register of Long 
Whatton, married Elizabeth Robinson, 
the Archbishop s niece, the 3d of 
April following.] 

I [Dr. Samuel Turner.] 

II [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 
i. p. 217.] 



Mar. 16. Job. Oventrout se viam 
ostensurum, qui Occi- 
dentalis India excuteret 
jugum Hispanise, et se 
Regi nostro Carolo sub- 
deret. Res refertur ape- 
rienda Comiti de Totnes*, 
Baroni Conway^ secre- 
tario principal! : et quia 
dixit stratagem a suum a 
religione non minimas vi 
res petit urum, adjungor 
ego. Proposuit senex 
quasdam de Arica capi- 
enda : nee, qui capi po- 
tuit, ullis argumentis 
edocuit ; nisi quod velit 
dividi incolarum animos 
in causa religionis, im- 
misso illic Catechismo 
Hidelbergia3- Dimisimus 
hominem; nee sapienti- 
ores redimus. 

Mar. 26. 

Anno 1626. 
Die Solis, Misit me ad 

Oventrout, proposed to A.D. 1626. 
show a way how the 
West Indies might shake 
off the yoke of Spain, 
and put themselves un 
der the subjection of our 
King Charles. The mat 
ter was referred to be 
disclosed to the Earl 
of Totnes, the Lord 
Conway principal secre 
tary ; and because he 
said that his stratagem 
did depend in a great 
measure upon religion, 
I was added to them. 
The old man proposed 
somewhat about the 
taking of Arica; yet 
showed not to us any 
method, how it might 
be taken; unless it were, 
that he would have the 
minds of the inhabitants 
to be divided in the cause 
of religion, by sending 
in among them the Ca 
techism of Heidelberg. 
We dismissed the man, 
and returned, not a whit 
the wiser. 

Anno 1626. 
Sunday, D. B. sent 

Regem D. B. z Ibi certi- me to the King. There 

orem feci Regem de duo- I gave to the King an 

bus negotiis, quas, &c. account of those two 

x [Ge : orge Carew, who had held the June 4, 1605, and Earl of Totnes, 
Presidentship of Munster during Des- Feb. 5, 1626 ; ol>. 1629.] 
niond s rebellion, and several other 
important offices, under Queen Eliza 

beth. He was created Baron Carew, 

[See above, p. 149, note z .] 
[Duke of Buckingham.] 



A.D. 1626. Gratias egit Rex Serenis- 


Mar. 29. Rex Carolus utramque 
Domum Paiiamenti al- 
loquitur, prsecipue vero 
Inferior em, et per se, et 
per Honoratissirrmm Do- 
minum Custodem Magni 
Sigilli, in palatio de 
White-Hall \ In multis 
Domum Inferiorem re- 
prehendit. Malta etiam 
adjecit de Duce Buck- 
in ghamiee^ &c. a 

In Convocatione illo 
die habita multa agitata 
sunt de concione, quam 
habuit Gabr. Goodman, 
Episcopus Glocestr., co- 
ram Rege die Solis proe- 
cederite, Dom, 5. Qua- 
dragesimse b . 

Apri. 5. Die Mercurii, Mane 
misit Rex, ut Episcopi 
Norwicensis c , Lichfeld- 
ensis d , et Meiievensis e 
nosmetipsos coram siste- 
remus. Adsumus ego et 
Litchfeldensis : Norwi 
censis rus abiit. Accipi- 
mus man data Regis circa, 
&c. Redimus, 
1 [ in palatio de White-Hall. 

businesse3,which,&c. His 
Majesty thanked me. 

King Charles spoke to 
both Houses of Parlia 
ment, (but directed his 
speech chiefly to the 
Lower House,) both by 
himself, and by the 
Right Honourable the 
Lord Keeper of the 
Great Seal, in the palace 
at White-Hall. He also 
added much concerning 
the Duke of Bucking 
ham, &c. 

In the Convocation 
held that day, there was 
much debating concern 
ing the sermon which Ga 
briel Goodman, Bishop of 
Gloucester, had preached 
before the King on the 
Sunday preceding, being 
the fifth Sunday of Lent. 

Wednesday, The King- 
sent in the morning, 
commanding the Bishops 
of Norwich, Lichfield, 
and St. David s to at 
tend him. I and the 
Bishop jf Lichfield wait 
ed upon him, the Bishop 
of Norwich being gone 
into the country. We 
inserted in marg.] 

a [See Kush worth s Collections, vol. 
i. p. 221. The speech was written by 
Laud. See History of Troubles and 
Trial, chap. xlii. p. 402. in marg.] 

b [" The Bishop of Gloucester is 
questioned in the Convocation for 
preaching- Transubstantiation, or near 

it, before the King." Jos. Mode to 
Sir M, Stuteville. Birch s Court and 
Times of Charles I. vol. i. p. 95.] 

c [Samuel Harsnet.] 

41 [Thomas Morton.] 

e [Laud.] 



April. 12. Die Mercurii, hor. 9. 
ante meridiem, conveni- 
mus Arch. Cant/, Epis- 
copi Winton.s, Dunelm. 11 
et Meneven. jussi a Rege 
consulere de concione, 
quam habuit cor am Ma- 
j estate Regia Episcopus 
Glocestrensis, Dr. Good 
man, Dom. 5. Quadrag. 
ultimo elapsa. Consuli- 
mus; et responsum da- 
mus Regi ; Qusedam mi 
nus caute dicta, falso 
nihil : nee innovatum 
quidquam ab eo in Eccle- 
sia Anglicana : optimum 
fore, si iterum tempore 
a seipso electo iterum 
concionem haberet, et 
ostenderet qui et in qui- 
bus male acceptus intel- 
lectusque fuit ab audito- 

Ea nocte post horam 
nonam Regi reriuntiavi, 
quse in mandatis accepi 
die 5. April., et alia eo 

received the King s com- A.D. 1626. 
mands about, &c., and 

Wednesday, at 9 in 
the forenoon, we met 
together, viz. the Arch 
bishop of Canterbury, 
the Bishops of Winches 
ter, Durham, and St, Da 
vid s; being commanded 
by the King to consult 
together concerning the 
sermon which Dr. Good 
man, the Bishop of Glou 
cester, had preached be 
fore his Majesty on the 
5th Sunday in Lent last 
past. We advised toge 
ther and gave this answer 
to the King : That some 
things were therein 
spoken less cautiously, 
but nothing falsely ; that 
nothing was innovated 
by him in the doctrine 
of the Church of Eng 
land. That the best way 
would be, that the Bishop 
should preach the sermon 
again, at some time to 
be chosen by himself, and 
should then show how 
and wherein he was mis 
understood by his audi 

That night, after 9 
o clock, I gave to the 
King an account of what 
I had received in com- 

[George Abbot.] 

[Lancelot Andrewes.] 

[Richard Neile.] 



A.D. 1626. April. 12. spectantia; inter csetera, 
deimpropriationibus red- 
dendis. Multa gratissi- 
me Rex; ego quum prius 
disserui de modo. 

April. 14. In Febrem incidit Dux 
Buckinghamise. Dieserat 

April. 19. Die Mercurii, Petitio 
Joh.Digbye Comitis Bris- 
toliensis contra Ducem 
Buckinghamise lecta est 
in Domo Superior! Par- 
lamenti : acris ilia, et quse 
perniciem minatur alteri 
partium \ 

April. 20. Die Veneris, Retulit 
cognitionem totius nego- 
tii et etiam petitionis 
Comitis Bristolieiisis Do- 
mui Parlamenti Rex Ca- 

April. 21. Dies erat Sabbati, Mi- 
sit Dux Buckinghamius, 
ut ad se venirem. Ibi 
audivi, quid primicerius 
Regius Dom. Joh. Cocus 
contra me suggessit The- 
saurario Anglise, et ille 
Duci. Domine, miserere 
servi Tui. 

mand on the 5th of April, 
and of other things re 
lating thereto. Among 
the rest, concerning re 
storing impropriations. 
The King spoke many 
things very graciously 
therein, after I had first 
discoursed of the manner 
of effecting it. 

Friday, The Duke of 
Buckingham fell into a 

Wednesday, The peti 
tion of John Digby, Earl 
of Bristol, against the 
Duke of Buckingham, 
was read in the House 
of Lords. It was very 
sharp, and such as threat 
ens ruin to one of the 

Friday, King Charles 
referred the cognisance 
of that whole matter, 
as also of the petition 
of the Earl of Bristol, 
to the House of Parlia 

Saturday, The Duke of 
Buckingham sent to me 
to come to him. There 
I first heard what Sir 
John Cook, the King s 
Secretary, had suggested 
against me to the Lord 
Treasurer, and he to the 
Duke. Lord, be merciful 
to me Thy servant. 

[See Rush worth s Collections, vol. i. p. 237.] 



April. 22. Die Solis, Misit Rex, 
ut omnes Episcopi cum 
ipso essemus, hora quarta 
pomeridiana. Adsumus 
14. numero. Reprehen- 
dit, quod in causis Eccle- 
sise hoc tempore Parla- 
menti silemus, et iion 
notum facimus ei, quid 
utile vel inutile foret Ec- 
clesiae ; se enim paratum 
esse promovere causam 

Deinde jussit, ut in 
causis Bristoliensis et 
Buckinghamise, conscien- 
tia nostra duce, sequamur 
tantum probationes, non 

April. 30. Die Solis, Concionem 
habui apud White- Hall 
coram Rege. 

Maii 1. Lunse dies erat, Comes 
Bristoliensis accusatur 
Isesse majestatis in Par- 
lamento k ab Atturnato 
regio Roberto Heath 
Milite 1 . Comes dictus Ar- 
ticulos 12. exhibuit turn 
et ibidem contra Ducem 
Buckinghamise m , et ilium 
ejusdem criminis reaccu- 
sat : et alios Articulos 

Sunday, The King sent A.D. 1626. 
for all the Bishops to 
come to him at 4 o clock 
in the afternoon. We 
waited upon him, 14 in 
number. Then his Ma 
jesty chid us, that in this 
time of Parliament we 
were silent in the cause 
of the Church, and did 
not make known to him 
what might be useful, or 
was prejudicial to the 
Church, professing him 
self ready to promote the 
cause of the Church. 

He then commanded 
us, that in the causes of 
the Earl of Bristol and 
Duke of Buckingham we 
should follow the direc 
tion of our own con 
sciences, being led by 
proofs, not by reports. 

Sunday, I preached 
before the King at White- 

Monday, The Earl of 
Bristol was accused in 
Parliament of high trea 
son, by the King s Attor 
ney, Sir Robert Heath. 
The Earl then and there 
preferred 12 Articles 
against the Duke of 
Buckingham, and therein 
charged him with the same 
crime ; and other Articles 

k [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 
i. pp. 249254.] 
1 [Afterwards Lord Chief Justice of 

the Common Pleas.] 

m [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 
i. pp. 262, 263.] 



A.I). 1626. Mail 1 

contra Baronem Con- 
waye Secretarium n . In 
custodiam traditurComes 
Bristol. Jacobo Maxwell, 
ordinario Domus Par. 

Mail 4. Die Jovis, Arthurus 
Lake, Bathon. et Well. 
Episcopus, Londini mor- 
tuus est . 

Mail 8. Dies erat Lunse, Hora 
2da post meridiem, Do 
mus Inferior detulerunt 
Ducem Buckinghamise 
accusatioiiibus 13. onus- 
turn ad Domum Supe- 
riorem P. 

Maii 11. Die Jovis, Rex Caro- 
lus venit in Domum Par- 
lamenti. Paucis alloqui- 
tur Proceres de honore 
nobilium conservando, 
contra viles et infestas 
calumnias eorum e Domo 
Inferiori, qui detulerunt 
Ducem, &c. q Octo fue- 
runt qui in eo negotio 
partes sortitas exorna- 
runt r . Prologus Dudleius 
Diggs 8 , et Epilogus, Job. 
Elliot*, lioc die jussu Re- 

also against the Lord Con- 
way, Secretary of State. 
The Earl of Bristol was 
committed to the custody 
of James Maxwell, the 
officer in ordinary of the 
House of Peers. 

Thursday, ArthurLake, 
Bishop of Bath andWells, 
died at London. 

Monday, at two o clock 
in the afternoon, the 
House of Commons 
brought up to the House 
of Peers a charge against 
the Duke of Bucking 
ham, consisting of 13 

Thursday, King Charles 
came into the Parliament 
House, and made a short 
speech to the Lords con 
cerning preserving the 
honour of the nobility 
against the vile and ma 
licious calumnies of those 
in the House of Com 
mons, who had accused 
the Duke, &c. : they 
were eight, who in this 
matter chiefly appeared. 
The prologue, Sir Dudly 

" [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 
i. pp. 264266.] 

[Warden of New College and Dean 
of Worcester before he became Bishop.] 

v [See Eushworth s Collections, vol. 
i. pp. 306, seq.] 

q [The King s Speech is given in 
Rushworth s Collections, vol. i. p. 356. 
It was written by Laud. See History 
of Troubles, chap. xlii. p. 402 in marg.] 

r [Rushworth gives the names of 
the eight chief managers : Sir Dudley 
Diggs, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Selden, Mr. 
Glanville, Mr. Pym, Mr. Sherland, 
Mr. Wandesford, and Sir John Eliot. 
Collections, vol. i. p. 302.] 

s [Afterwards Master of the Rolls.] 

1 [Vice-Admiral of Devonshire, and 

M.P. for Cornwall. See an interesting 

account of him in D Israeli s Charles I. 



gis Turri mandati sunt. 
Liberati intrapaucos dies 

Mail 25. Dies erat Jovis, Quia 
non remissus Domui 
Comes Arundelius u , nee 
eausa patefacta ; suspicio 
crevit de Isesis privilegiis. 
Conclusum est inter Pro- 
ceres de Domo compe- 
rendinanda in crastinum : 

Maii 26. quo die x , iterum compe- 
rendinant in Junii 2 y , 
statuentes se nihil actu- 
ros ante restitutum Co- 
mitem, vel causam saltern 
prolatam, &c. 

Digges, the epilogue, A.D. 1626. 
John Elliot, were this 
day by the King s com 
mand committed to the 
Tower. They were both 
dismissed thence within 
few days. 

Thursday, The Earl of 
Arundel not being sent 
back to the House, nor 
the cause of his detain- 
ment made known, the 
House of Peers began to 
be jealous of the breach 
of their privileges, and 
resolved to adjourn the 
House to the next day : 
on which day they ad 
journed again to June 2, 
resolving to do nothing 
until the Earl should be 
set free, or at least a 
cause given, &c. 

vol. ii. chap. xi. pp. 268, seq. and vol. 
iv. Supplementary Chapter, p. 507.] 

u [The reason of the Earl s com 
mittal to prison is thus given in a 
letter from Dr. Meddus to Joseph 
Mede, March 10, 162-56 : " On Sunday 
(March 5) the Earl of Arundel was 
committed to the Tower by warrant 
from his Majesty; the cause was a 
marriage consummate between his 
son, my Lord Maltravers, and the 
eldest daughter of the late Duke of 
Lennox, whom his Majesty (being 
guardian to them both) had designed, 
yea the match was concluded, for the 
Earl of Argyle s heir, the Lord Lome, 
(who is brought up here in our reli 
gion) for the reconciling of those two 
families, which for many years had 
been in great enmity. The Earl of 
Arundel, Avho is said to have given 
leave for his son to make love to the 
lady, came to ask the King s consent, 
when the marriage was already past ; 
and saith he was not acquainted with 
it, but. that it was despatched between 

his Countess and the Duchess of Len 
nox." Birch s Court and Times of 
Charles I. vol. i. pp. 86, 87.] 

* [The proceedings of the House of 
Lords in the case of the Earl of Arun 
del may be read in Eushworth s Col 
lections, vol.i. pp. 363, seq. The King 
had this day informed the Lords, in 
reply to their last address, that he 
would " use all possible speed to give 
satisfaction, and, at the farthest, before 
the end of the session." Eushworth s 
Collections, vol. i. p. 369.] 

y [On the meeting of the House 
on that day another message was deli 
vered from the King, which proving 
unsatisfactory, the House was ad 
journed till the day following. A 
further message of a more satisfactory 
character was then given from the 
King, on which the House, at the 
request of the Lord Keeper, adjourned 
till the following Thursday (June 8), 
when it was announced from the King 
that the Earl was released. Ibid, 
pp. 370, 371.] 



A.D. 1626. Mali 25. Quo die hse turbee 
primo moverunt, erat 
Urban! Papee; et hodie 
sedet Urbanus Octavus; 
cui et Hispano simul si 
quid gratum facere ve- 
lint, quibus id maxime 
curse est; non video,, quid 
melius excogitare pos- 
trahant concilium regni. 

Junii 15. Die Jo vis, Post multas 
agitationes privata mali- 
tia z in Ducem Bucking- 
hamise superavit, et suf- 
focavit omnia publica 
negotia. Nihil actum 
est, sed Parlamentum 

Junii 20. Dies erat Martis, Sere- 
niss. Rex Carolus me 
nominavit in Episcopum 
Bathon. et Wellen. 

Et simul injunxit, ut 
concionem haberem pa- 
rat am in solenne Jeju- 
nium, quod proclama- 
tione sanxit in diem Julii 
5. sequentem a . 

Julii 5. Solenne Jejunium in- 
stitutum b , partim ob 

May 25, on which day 
these troubles first began, 
was the feast of Pope Ur 
ban ; and at this time Ur- " 
ban VIII. sitteth in the 
papal chair; to whom and 
to the Spaniard, if they, 3 
who most desire it, would 
do any acceptable service, 
I do not see what they 
could better devise in 
that kind than to divide 
thus into parties the great 
council of the kingdom. 
Thursday, after many 
debates and strugglings, 
private malice against 
the Duke of Buckingham 
prevailed, and stopped all 
public business. Nothing 
was done ; but the Par 
liament was dissolved. 

Tuesday, His Majesty 
King Charles named me 
to be Bishop of Bath and 

And at the same time 
commanded me to pre 
pare a sermon for the 
Public Fast, which he 
had by proclamation ap 
pointed to be kept on the 
5th of July following. 

A solemn Fast ap 
pointed, partly upon ac- 

z [This charge was urged against 
the Archbishop at his Trial. See 
Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap, 
xlii. p. 403. in marg.] 

a [The Proclamation is dated June 
30. Rymer, Foed. VIII. ii. pp. 68, 69.] 

b [The Prayers composed for use 
on this occasion are entitled, "A 

Forme of Prayer necessary to bee 
vsed in these dangerous times of 
Warre and Pestilence for the safety 
and preseruation of his Maiestie and 
his Realmes. Set forth by authoritie. 
London, printed by Bonham Norton, 
and John Bill, Printers to the King s 
most Excellent Maiestie. 1626."] 



Julii 5. grassantem adhucinmul- 
tis locis regni pestilen- 
tiam, et partim ob metum 
hostium minitaiitium. 
Concionem habui eo die 
coramRege etProceribus 
apud White-Hall. Dies 
erat Mercurii. 

Julii 8. Concionem prsedictam 
jussit Rex, ut typis ex- 
cusam in publicum emit- 
terem c . Dies erat Sab- 

Julii 16. Die Solis, Theobaldis 
concionem illam, quse 
jam praelum sensisset, in 
Regias manus dedi, et 

Julii 26. DieseratMercurii,Sig- 
navit Rex Congedeslier, 
&c.,ut potestas sit Decano 
et Capitulo me eligendi 
in Episcopum Bathoni- 

Julii 27. Die Jovis, mane. De- 
tulit ad meDr.Feild,Epi- 
scopus Landavensis d , lite- 
rasquasdam ab illustrissi- 
mo Duce Buckinghamise. 
Literas apertas erant, et 
partim characteribus con- 
scriptse. Misit autem eas 
ad me Dux, ut consule- 
rem quendam nomine 
Swadlinge e , nominatum 

c [See Sermon v. Works, vol. i. 
p. 119.1 

count of the pestilence A.D. 1G2G. 
yet raging in many parts 
of the kingdom, partly 
on account of the danger 
of enemies threatening 
us. I preached this day 
before the King and 
Nobility at White-Hall. 
It was Wednesday. 

The King commanded 
me to print and publish 
the sermon. It was Sa 

Sunday, I presented 
that sermon, which was 
now printed, to his Ma 
jesty, and returned. 

Wednesday, The King 
signed the Conge d Eslire, 
empowering the Dean 
and Chapter to elect me 
Bishop of Bath and 

Thursday, In the morn- 
ing, Dr. Feild, Bishop of 
Landaff, brought to me 
certain letters from the 
most illustrious Duke of 
Buckingham. The let 
ters were open, and wrote 
partly in characters. The 
Duke sent them to me, 
that I should consult one 
named Swadlinge, men- 

d [Theopliilus Field, translated to 
S. David s in 1627, and to Hereford- 
in 1635.] 

c [Thomas Swadling, then Curate 
LAUD. VOL. in. 

of St. Marylebone (Newcourt Eepert. 
vol. i. p. 695). He was afterwards 
Curate of S. Botolph s, Aldgate, from 
which he was ejected in the Great 
Rebellion, (Wood, Ath. Ox. vol. iii. 
p. 887.)] 




A.D. 1G26. Julii 27. quidem in ipsis literis, 
ut qui possit characteres 
legere. Ipse etiam no- 
minatus eram, utpote cui 
iste Swadlinge notus erat; 
et educatus in Collegio 
S. Joh. Oxon., eo tern- 
pore quo egoPrseses eram 

Aug. 1. Collegii. Venit ad me 
Thomas Swadlinge, quern 
a discessu e Collegio, ad 
diem ilium per 8. fere 
annos, aut circiter, ne 
semel vidi. Ille opera 
insumpta tandem legit 

Aug. 4. characteres, et Aug. 4, 
(dies Veneris erat,) ego 
et illeunaadimusDucem. 
Legit : malitiosa qusedam 
erant. Dux, ut decuit, 
contemnit. Redimus. 

Aug. 16. 

Aug. 25 

Electus fui in Episco- 
pum Bathoniensem. Dies 
erat Mercurii, et litera 
D 1 . 

Dies erat Veneris, Duse 
rubeculse sen rubelliones 
simul per ostium in mu- 
sseurn volant, quasi unus 
alterum persequens. Mo- 
tus ille subitus me quasi 
resilire facit. Dimisi si- 
cut intrarunt. Ego turn 

tioned in those letters, 
as one who could read 
the characters. I was 
also named in them, as 
to whom that Swadlinge 
was known, having been 
educated in S.John s Col 
lege in Oxford, at what 
time I was President of 
that College. Thomas 
Swadlinge came to me, 
whom, from his leaving 
the College to that day, 
for almost 8 years, I had 
not once seen. He be 
stowing some pains, at 
length read the charac 
ters, and Aug. 4, Friday, 
I and he went to the 
Duke. He read them : 
they were certain mali 
cious things. The Duke, 
as was fit, despised them. 
We returned. 

I was elected Bishop 
of Bath and Wells, being 
Wednesday, the letter 
D f . 

Friday, Two robin 
redbreasts flew together 
through the door into 
my study, as if one pur 
sued the other. That 
sudden motion almost 
startled me. I was then 
sermon on 


1 [ Et litera D. underlined, and a mark opposite them in marg.] 

f [The King gave him a dispensa- residence in London, (llymer, Feed, 
tion to hold his stall at Westminster VIII. ii. pp. 85, 86.)] 
in commendam, that he might have a 



Aug. 25. paraturus eram concio- 
nem in Ephes. iv. 30, et 
cliartis incubui. 

Sept. 14. Die Jovis, vesperi. 
Voluit Dux Bucking- 
hamise, ut instructiones 
quasdam in formam redi- 
gerems, partim politicas, 
partim ecclesiasticas, in 
causa ilia Regis Dania3 
paulo ante afflicti a Duce 
Tillio, mittendas per om- 
nes parochias. Brevis- 
sima capita mini tradita 
sunt. Paratas essevoluit 
in diem Saturni sequen- 

Sept. 16. tern. Paravi, et liora pra3- 
fixa attuli : Legi. Ducit 
me ad Regem. Ibi iterum 
jussus perlegi ; uterque 

Sept. 17. approbant. Die Solis, 
propositas Iecta3que sunt 
(nam deposui apud Du- 
cem chartas) coram Ho- 
noratissimis Regis Con- 
siliariis. Deo gratias, ab 
omnibus probate sunt. 

Sept. 18. Lunse die, Confirmata 
et Wellen. Episcopum. 

Sept. 19. Die Martis, Apud 
Theobaldas homagium 
juravi Serenissimo Regi, 

Ephes. iv. 30, and study- A.D. 1626. 

Thursday evening, The 
Duke of Buckingham 
willed me to form certain 
Instructions, partly po 
litical, partly ecclesias 
tical, in the cause of the . 
King of Denmark, a 
little before brought into 
great straits by General 
Tilly, to be sent through 
all parishes. Certain 
heads were delivered to 
me. He wo aid have them 
made ready by Saturday 
following. I made them 
ready, and brought them 
at the appointed hour. I 
read them to the Duke. 
He brought me to the 
King. I, being so com 
manded, read them again. 
Each of them approved 
them. Sunday, They 
were read (having been 
left with the Duke) before 
the Lords of the Privy 
Council ; and were 
(thanks be to God) ap 
proved by them all. 

Monday, My election 
to the Bishopric of Bath 
and Wells was confirmed. 

Tuesday, At Theobalds 
I swore homage to his 
Majesty ; who there pre- 

? These may be found in Heylin s Life of Laud, p. 162. H. W. [P. 154. 
Edit. 1671.] 




A.D. 1626. Sept. 19. qui ibi statim restituit 
me ad temporalia a tern- 
pore mortis. 

Quse inter me et Dom. 
Baronem Conwaye Prin- 
cipalem Regis Secreta- 
rium acciderunt, dum 
simul redimus. 

Sept. 25. h Die Luna3, Hora ma- 
tutina fere quarta Lance- 
lotus Andrews,, Episcopus 
Winton. meritissimus, lu 
men orbis Christiani, 
mortuus est. 

Sept. 30. Die Saturni, Certiorem 
me fecit Dux Buck, quod 
decrevit Sereniss. Rex, ut 
ego successor sim Epi- 
scopo Winton. defuncto 
in officio Decanatus Sa- 
celli Regii. 

Oct. 2. Die Lunse, Narravit 
idem mihi, quid de me 
ulterius eo die Rex statu- 
isset, si A. B. C. etc. 

Oct. 3. Die Martis, Ad Aulam 
profectus sum; ea turn 
Hamptonise erat. Ibi 
gratias egi Regi pro De- 
canatu Sacelli, mihi turn 
concesso. Redii Londi- 

Oct. 6. Juramentum a Decano 
Sacelli suscipiendum sub - 

h [This day is given incorrectly in the MS. Sept. 21. ] 

sently restored me to the 
temporalties, from the 
death of my predecessor. 
What passed between 
me and the Lord Con- 
way, Principal Secretary 
to the King, in our re 

Monday, About four 
o clock in the morning, 
died Lancelot Andrews, 
the most worthy Bishop 
of Winchester, the great 
light of the Christian 

Saturday, The Duke of 
Buckingham signified to 
me the King s resolu 
tion, that I should suc 
ceed the Bishop of Win 
chester in the office of 
Dean of the Chapel- 

Monday, The Duke re 
lated to me what the King 
had further resolved con 
cerning me, in case the 
Archbishop of Canter 
bury should die, &c. 

Tuesday, I went to 
Court, which was then ai 
Hampton Court. There 
I returned thanks to the 
King for the Deanery o 
the Chapel, then granted 
to me. I returned tc 

I took the oath belong 
ing to the Dean of the 



Oct. 6. ivi in sacrario coram 
Honoratissimo Carnera- 
rio Regio Philippo Mon- 
gomeryse Comite : mi-- 
nistrante juramentum 
Stepliano Bouton 1 Sub- 
decano. Dies erat Ve- 

Nov. 14. Vel circiter, occasione 
sumpta ex abrupta, tum 
inca3ptione,tum finitione, 
preeum publicarum die 
5. Novemb. petii a Sere- 
nissimo Eege Carolo, ut 
interesset lyturgise seque 
ac concionibus quolibet 
die Dominico, et, ut quo- 
cunque tempore preeum 
advenisset, Sacerdos qui 
ministraret pergeret us 
que ad finem preeum. 
Non modo annuit Rex 
religiosissimus, sed et 
gratias mihi egit. Non 
factum hoc antea ab in- 
itio regni Jacobi ad hunc 
diem. Nun c ; Deo gratias, 

Dec. 21. Somniavi de sepultura 
nescio cujus, et me asti- 
tisse pulveri, &c. Evigi- 
lavi tristis. 

Dec. 25. Christmas-day, dies 
erat Lunse, Concionem 

Chapel, in the vestry, A.D. 1626, 
before the Right Honour 
able Philip Earl of Mont 
gomery, Lord Chamber 
lain, Stephen Boughton, 
the Sub-Dean, adminis 
tering it. It was Friday. 

Or thereabout, taking 
occasion from the abrupt 
both beginning and end 
ing of public prayer on 
the fifth of November, I 
desired his Majesty King 
Charles, that he would 
please to be present at 
prayers as well as ser 
mon every Sunday, and 
that at whatsoever part 
of the prayers he came, 
the Priest then officiating 
might proceed to the end 
of the prayers. The most 
religious King not only 
assented to this request, 
but also gave me thanks. 
This had not before been 
done from the beginning 
of K. James s reign to 
this day. Now, thanks 
be to God, it obtaineth. 

I dreamed of the burial 
of I know not whom, and 
that I stood by the grave. 
I awaked sad. 

Christmas-day, Mon 
day, I preached my first 

1 [Appointed June 28, 1627, Canon 
of Worcester (Kymer, Feed. V11I. ii. 
p. 250); Dec. 13, 1630, Rector of 
Broadway, Worcestershire (ibid. iii. 

p. 168) ; May 17, 1636, Kector of 
Hinxworth, Herts (ibid. IX. ii. p. 
87) ; and July 4, the same year, 
Eector of Bargrave (ibid. p. 91).] 



A.D. 1626. Dec. 25. habui primam ut Deca- 
nus Sacelli Regii, ad 
White-Hall, in S. Joh. i. 
14. par. 1. 

Jan, 5. Vigilia erat Epipha- 
nise, et dies Veneris, 
Nocte somniavi matrem 
meam diu ante defunc- 
tam lecto meo astitisse, 
et deductis paululum 
stragulis, hilarem in me 
aspexisse, laetatus sum 
videre earn aspectu tam 
jucundo. Ostendit dein- 
de mihi senem diu ante 
defunctum, quem ego, 
dum vixit, et novi et 
amavi. Jacuisse vide- 
batur ille humi, leetus 
satis,, sed rugoso vultu; 
nomen ei Grove. Dum 
paro salutare, evigilavi. 

Jan. 8. Dies erat Lunse. Eo 
visum Ducem Bucking- 
hamise. Gavisus est, et 
in manus dedit chartam 
de Invocatione Sancto 
rum, quam dedit ei mater, 
illi vero nescio quis Sa- 

Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni, 
Episcopus Lin. petiit re- 
conciliationem cum Duce 
Buck., &c. 

Jan. 14. Die Solis, versus mane 
somniavi Episcopum Lin. 

sermon, as Dean of the 
Chapel-Royal, at White- 
Hall, upon S. John i. 14. 
part 1. 

Epiphany- eve, and Fri 
day. In the night I 
dreamed that my mother, 
long since dead, stood by 
my bed, and drawing 
aside the clothes a little, 
looked pleasantly upon 
me ; and that I was glad! 
to see her with so merry 
an aspect. She then 
showed to me a certain 
old man, long since de^ 
ceased, whom, while alive, 
I both knew and loved; 
He seemed to lie upon the 
ground, merry enough, 
but with a wrinkled coun 
tenance. His name was 
Grove. While I prepared 
to salute him, I awoke. 

Monday, I went to visit 
the Duke of Buckingham.! 
He was glad to see me, 
and put into my hands! 
a paper concerning the| 

Invocation of Saints. 


which his mother had 
given to him ; a certain^ 
Priest, to me unknown,! 
had given it to her. 

Saturday, The Bishop! 
of Lincoln desired recon 
ciliation with the Dukej 
of Buckingham, &c. 

Sunday, to wards morn- 1 
ingr, I dreamed that the! 



Jan. 14. nescio quo advenisse cum 
catenis ferreis ; sed red- 
euns liber at us ab iis 
equum insiluit ; abiit, 
nee assequi potui->. 

Jan. 16. Die Martis, Somniavi 
Regem venatum exiisse ; 
et quod quum esuriit, 
abduxi eum de improviso 
in domum Fran. Winde- 
banck amici mei. Dum 
parat comedere, ego, dum 
alii aberant, calicem ei 
de more porrigebam. 
Potum attuli; non pla- 
cuit. Iterumadduxi; sed 
poculo argenteo. Dicit 
Sereniss. Rex : Tu nosti, 
me semper e vitro bibere. 
Abeo iterum : evigilavi. 

Jan. 17. Die Mercurii, Ostendo 
rationes Regi, cur chartse 
Episcopi Winton. de- 
functi de Episcopis, quod 
sint jure divino k , prselo 
tradendee sint, contra il- 
lud quod misere, et in 
maximum damnum Ec- 
clesise Anglicanas, Epi- 

j [Hacket (Life of Williams, par. ii. 
p. 85.) remarks on this, and similar 
passages in the Diary : "The undoing 
of his brother and colleague in di 
vinity did so run in his mind, that it 

Bisliop of Lincoln came, A.D. 1626. 
I know not whither, with 
iron cliains. But return 
ing loosed from them, 
leaped on horseback, 
went away; neither could 
I overtake him. 

Tuesday, I dreamed 
that the King went out 
to hunt ; and that when 
he was hungry, I brought 
him on the sudden into 
the house of my friend, 
Francis Windebank. 
While he prcpareth to 
eat, I, in the absence of 
others, presented the cup 
to him after the usual 
manner. I carried drink 
to him, but it pleased him 
not. I carried it again, 
but in a silver cup. There 
upon his Majesty said : 
You know that I always 
drink out of glass. I go 
away again, and awoke. 

Wednesday,! showmy 
reasons to the King, why 
the papers of the late 
Bishop of Winchester, 
concerning Bishops, that 
they are jure divino, 
should be printed; con 
trary to what the Bishop 
of Lincoln had pitifully, 
Collections, vol. i. p. 

was never out of his dreams." Rush- 
worth ventures on an interpretation 

of this dream. 

k [The papers referred to are the 
Letters of Bishop Andre wes to Peter du 
Moulin, published in 1629 by Bishops 
Buckeridge and Laud in his " Opus- 
cula Posthuma. ] 



A.D. 1626. Jan. 17. scopus Line, significavit 
Regi ; sicut Rex ipse 
mihi antea narravit l . 

Feb. 7. Dies erat Cinerum, 
Concionatus sum in Au- 
la ad White-Hall. 

Feb. 9. Die Veneris, Nocte 
sequente somniavi me 
morbo scorbutico labo- 
rasse ; et repente denies 
omnes mihi laxos fuisse ; 
unum praecipue in inferi- 
ori maxilla, vix digito me 
retinere potuisse, donee 
opem peterem, &c. 

Feb. 20. Die Martis, Incsepit 
Jo. Fenton curationem 
pruriginis cujusdam, &c. 

Feb. 22. Die Jovis, Iter suscepi 
versus Novum Merca- 
tum, ubi turn Rex fuit. 

Mar. 3. Dies Saturni erat, Can- 
tabrigiam concessi una 
cum Duce Buckingha- 
mia3, Cancellario istius 
almse Academise 111 , et aliis 

and to the great detri 
ment of the Church of 
England, signified to the 
King, as the King him 
self had before related 
to me. 

Ash - Wednesday, I 
preached at Court, at 

Friday, The following 
night I dreamed that I 
was troubled with the 
scurvy, and that on 
the sudden all my teeth 
became loose ; that one 
of them especially, in the 
lower j aw, I could scarce 
hold in with my finger, till 
I called out for help, &c. 

Tuesday, John Fenton 
began the cure of a cer 
tain itch, &c. 

Thursday, I began my 
journey towards New- 
Market, where the King 
then was. 

Saturday, I went to 
Cambridge with the Duke 
of Buckingham, Chan 
cellor of that famous 
University, and other 

1 [Hacket, (Life of "Williams, par. ii. 
p. 87,) forgetting that the king s ve 
racity is involved, observes on this, 
" Which is a great mistake, for Lin 
coln ever defended the divine right of 
his order, that it was necessary in a 
church rightly constituted, that it was 
a main defect in them that had not 
that presidency among them, hut the 
less if they did desire it, and could not 
enjoy it." Hacket, it may be observed, 
speaks of the episcopal order simply 
as a " presidency," not as the channel 

by which the apostolical gift is con 
veyed ; which argues no very high 
idea of the office, on the part either of 
Williams or of himself, according to 
his own showing.] 

m [He was elected Chancellor, June 
1, 1626, by a majority of three votes 
over his competitor, Viscount Ando- 
ver. See a letter of Joseph Mede to 
Sir Martin Stuteville, June 3, 1626, 
describing the efforts of his party to 
secure his success. (Birch s Court of 
Charles I. vol. i. pp. 107109.) The 



Mar. 3. Comitibus et Baronibus. 
Incorporate ibi fui; et 
sic primus, qui prsesen- 
tatus fuit illustrissimo 
Duci, turn sedenti]in do- 
ino Congregationis, ipse 
fui. Habitus ibi fuit ab 
Academicis Dux insignis 
et Academice et celebri- 
ter n . Redimus. 

Mar. 6. Die Martis, RediitRex 
e Novo Mercato, et ego, 
versus Loudinum. 

Mar. 8. Die Jovis : Veni Lon- 
dinum. Nocte sequente 
somniavi me reconcilia- 
tum fuisse Ecclesise Ro. 
Hoc anxie me habuit; 
ct miratus sum valde, 
unde accidit. Nee so- 
lum mihi molestus fui 
[propter errores illius Ec- 
clesise, sed etiam ] prop 
ter scandala, quse ex illo 
lapsu meo multos egre- 
gios et doctos viros in 
Ecclesia Ang. onerarent. 
Sic turbatus insomnio 
dixi apud me, me statim 
iturum, et confessione 
facta veniam ab Ecclesia 
Ang. petiturum. Per- 
genti obviam se dedit 
Sacerdos quidam; voluit 
impedire. Sed indigna- 

earls and lords. I was A.D. 1626. 
there incorporated; and 
so I was the first who 
was presented to the most 
illustrious Duke, then 
sitting in the Congrega 
tion House. The Duke 
was treated by the Uni 
versity in an Academical 
manner, yet splendidly. 
We returned. 

Tuesday, The King re 
turned from New-Mar 
ket, and I with him, 
toward London. 

Thursday, I came to 
London. The night fol 
lowing I dreamed, that 
I was reconciled to the 
Church of Rome. This 
troubled me much; and 
I wondered exceedingly, 
how it should happen. 
Nor was I aggrieved with 
myself [only by reason 
of the errors of that 
Church, but also] upon 
account of the scandal 
which from that my fall 
would be cast upon many 
eminent and learned men 
in the Church of Eng 
land. So being troubled 
at my dream, I said with 
myself, that I would go 
immediately, and, con 
fessing my fault, would 

House of Commons was much exaspe 
rated by this election, and summoned 
some of the Doctors to give an account 
of their conduct, but the King forbade 
their attendance. (Ibid. p. 1 10.)] 

n [See Joseph Mede s account of his 
reception, ibid. p. 204.] 

These words are most maliciously 
omitted by Prynne. H. W. 



A.D. 1626. Mar. 8. 

tione motus, me in viam 
dedi. Et dum fatigavi 
me morosis cogitationi- 
bus, evigilavi. Tales im- 
pressiones sensi; ut vix 
potui credere me som- 

Mar. 12. Die Lunse, Cum Rege 

Mar. 13. concessi Theobaldas. Re- 

dii die proximo. 

Mar. 17. Die Saturni, Vigilia 
Palmarum : Hora noctis 
fere media, sepelivi? Caro- 
lum Vicecomitem Buck- 
inghamisei, filium natu 
. maximum ettumunicum 
Georgii Ducis Bucking- 
hamise, setatis turn fuit 
anniunius et fere quatuor 
mensium. Mortuus est 
die Veneris praecedente. 

An. 1627. 

Mar. 25. Dies erat Paschatis, 
Concionatus sum in Aula, 

Mar. 27. Die Martis, Sequente 
nocte somnium habui, 
quale sequitur. Legata 
qusedam data erant Do- 
mi nse Dorothea Wright, 

beg pardon of the Church 
of England. Going with 
this resolution, a certain 
priest met me, and would 
have stopped me. But 
moved with indignation 
I went on my way. And 
while I wearied myself 
with these troublesome 
thoughts, I awoke. Here 
in I felt such strong im 
pressions, that I could 
scarce believe it to be a 

Monday, I went with 
the King to Theobalds. 
I returned next day, 
March 13. 

Saturday, the Eve of 
Palm- Sunday,about mid 
night I buried Charles 
Viscount Buckingham, 
the eldest, and then only, 
son of George Duke of 
Buckingham. He was 
then about a year and 
four months old. He died 
on the Friday before. 

Easter-day,*! preached 
at Court, &c. 

Tuesday, That night I 
had the following dream. 
Some legacies had been 
given to the Lady Doro 
thy Wright, the widow 

i [In Henry the Seventh s Chapel, 
near King James.] 

i [Mode calls him the Earl of Co 

ventry. (Birch s Court of Charles I. 
vol. i. p. 207.)] 


Mar. 27. viduse Georgii W. militis, 
familiaris mei. Legatee 
erant 430 minse et am- 
plius : datse a consangui- 
neo quodam, viduse et 
filiis, nomine Farnham. 
Ad instantiam viduse, 
quum legata solvere Ex 
ecutor ant negavit, aut 
distulit, literas obtinui 
ab illustrissimo Duce 
Buckinghamise in gra- 
tiam viduas (Dux enim 
erat Magister Equitum, 
et clictus Georgius W. 
sub eo fuit inter minis- 
tros Regis) . Quum literas 
jam in manibushaberem, 
daturusque eram viduse, 
ut mitteret in Hiber- 
niam, nbi Executor dc- 
gebat, hac nocte appa- 
ruit mihi in somnis 
Georgius W. miles, per 
biennium ante ad mini 
mum mortuus, visus est 
mihi valde habilis hila- 
risque satis. Dixi, quid 
pro vidua et liberis ejus 
turn egi. Cogitabundus 
paulisper respondit ; Ex- 
ecutorem sibi, dum in 
vivis esset, satisfecisse 
pro legatis illis: et sta- 
tim, inspectis quibusdam 
chartis in museolo suo 
adjacente^ addidit iterum 
ita esse. 

of Sir George Wright my A.D. 1627. 
acquaintance. The lega 
cies amounted to above 
430/ v being bequeathed 
by a certain kinsman 
named Farnham,, to the 
widow and her children. 
When the Executor de 
nied or deferred to pay 
the legacy, I had, at the 
desire of the widow, ob 
tained letters in her be 
half from the Duke of 
Buckingham (for the 
Duke was Master of the 
Horse, and the said Sir 
George W. was employed 
under him in the King s 
service) . When I had now 
those letters in my hands, 
and was about to deliver 
them to the widow, that 
she might send them into 
Ireland, where the Ex 
ecutor dwelt; this night 
Sir George Wright ap 
peared to me in my sleep, 
having been dead two 
years before at least. He 
seemed to me in very 
good plight, and merry 
enough. I told him what 
I had done for his widow 
and children. He, after a 
little thought, answered 
that the Executor had 
satisfied him for those 
legacies, while he was yet 
alive. And presently 
looking upon some papers 



A.D. 1027. Mar. 27. 

Et insuper mihi in 
aurem dixit, me causam 
esse, cur Episcopus L. 
non iterum admitteretur 
in gratiam et in Aulam 1 . 

Apr. 4. Die Mercurii, Quum 
Rex. Sereniss. Carolus 
absolvebat D.Dun 3 circa 
lapsus quosdam in con- 
cione habita die Solis 
Apr. 1. Quod gratiosis- 
sime mihi turn dixit, lite- 
ris nunquam delendis, 
cum summa gratiarum 
actione t)eo et Regi, in 
corde scripsi. 

Apr. 7. DieseratSaturni,Dum 
Aulam petii, ut Regia3 
coense servus intersim, e 
rheda exeuns, titubante 
pede prseceps ruebam ; 
graviori casu nunquam 
sum lapsus; sed mise- 
rante Deo, contusa tan- 
turn coxendice, idque le- 
viter, evasi. 

Apr. 24. Dies erat Martis, Pri- 
mo ad me missse sunt 
Exceptiones, quas exlii- 
buit A. B. C. contra Con- 
cionem Doctoris Sib- 
thorp i > et quse sequun- 

in his study adjoining, 
he added, that it was so. 

He moreover whisper 
ing in my ear, told me, 
that I was the cause why 
the Bishop of Lincoln 4; 
was not again admitted 
into favour, and to Court. 

Wednesday, When his 
Majesty King Charles 
forgave to Doctor Donne 
certain slips in a sermon 
preached on Sunday, Apr. 
1 : what he then most 
graciously said unto me, 
I have wrote in my heart 
with indelible characters, 
and great thankfulness 
to God and the King. 

Saturday, Going to 
Court, to wait upon the 
King at supper, in going 
out of the coach, my foot 
stumbling, I fell head 
long. I never had a 
more dangerous fall ; but 
by God s mercy, I es 
caped with a light bruise 
of my hip only. 

Tuesday, There were 
then first sent to me the 
Exceptions which the 
Archbishop of Canterbu 
ry had exhibited against 
Doctor Sibthorp s Ser 
mon, and what followed. 

r [See Racket s Life of Williams, 
par. ii. p. 85.] 

s [Dr. John Donne. No mention 
is made of this sermon by his biogra 
pher. But there is an account of 
King James s displeasure with Donne, 

and his satisfactory exculpation of 
himself on a previous occasion, in 
Walton s Life, (Wordsworth s Eccl. 
Biog. vol. iii. pp. 653655.) ] 

1 [Dr. Robert Sib thorp, Vicar of 
Erackley, had, at the previous assizes 



Apr. 29. Die Soils, Factus sura 
Serenissimo Regi Carolo 
a Consiliis Secretioribus. 
In honorem suum, et bo- 
num Regni et Ecclesise, 
oro, vertat Deus. 

Sunday, I was made A.D. 1627. 
Privy-Councellor to his 
Majesty King Charles. 
God grant it may con 
duce to his honour, and 
to the good of the king 
dom and the Church. 

Whitsunday, I preach 
ed before the King, &c. 


Mail 13. Die Pentecostes, Con- 
ciouem habui coramRege, 

Junii 7 I attended King Charles from London to South- 
et 8. wick by Portsmouth. 
Junii 11. His Majesty dined aboard the Triumph, where 

I attended him. 

Junii 17. The Bp. of London was granted me at Southwick. 
22. We came to London. 
24. I was commanded to go all the progress. 
27. The Duke of Buckingham set forwards towards 

the Isle of Eee. 

30. The progress began to Oatlands. 

Julii 4. The King lost a jewel in hunting of a 1000/. 
value. That day the message was sent by the King 
for the sequestering of A. B. C. u 
7. Saturday night, I dreamed that I had lost two 

teeth. The Duke of Buck, took the Isle of Ree. 
26. I attended the King and Queen at Wellingbur- 

rough v . 

29. The first news came from my Lord Duke of his 
success : Sunday. 

for Northamptonshire, preached a 
sermon in favour of the imposition of 
taxes by the King independently of 
the sanction of Parliament. Abbot, on 
being applied to license it, declined 
to do so, on the ground that it con 
tained many statements contrary to 
the laws of the realm. The objections 
were referred to Laud, who with the 
aid of other Bishops revised the ser 
mon. Abbot again refused his ap 
proval, and the sermon was at last 
licensed by Montaigne, Bishop of Lon- 
doti. Abbot ascribes his sequestration, 
which took place shortly afterwards, 
to this refusal. See Abbot s Narrative, 

in which the objections are given at 
length, in Rushworth s Collections, 
vol. i. pp. 436444.] 

u [Lord Conway wasvdirected to bear 
a message from the King to Abbot, to 
the effect that he should retire to Can 
terbury. Abbot, in his account of the 
interview between Lord Conway and 
himself, states, that Lord Conway in 
formed him that this disgrace was put 
on him for refusing to license Sib- 
thorp s sermon. (See Rush worth, vol. i. 
pp. 446, 447.)] 

v [The King and Queen were stay 
ing there for the benefit of the Chaly 
beate Spring, at Red well] 


A.D. 1627. Aug. 12, The second news came from my Lord Duke to 

Windsor : Sunday. 
26. The third news came from my Lord Duke to 

Aldershot : Sunday. 
Septemb. News came from my Lord Duke to Theobalds. 

The first fear of ill success. 

News from my Lord Duke to Hampton Court. 

I went to my Lord of Rochester, to consider about 
A. B. C., and returned to Hampton Court. 

The King s speech to me in the withdrawing 
chamber. That if any did, &c. I, &c. before any 
thing should sink, &c. 

The business of Doctor Bargar w , Dean of Canter 
bury x , began about the vicarage of Lidd. 
Octob. The commission to the Bishops of London y, Dur 

ham z , Rochester a , Oxford b , and myself, then Bath 
and Wells, to execute archiepiscopal jurisdiction, 
during the sequestration of my Lord s G. of Cant. c 

The Dean of Cant/s speech, that the business 
could not go well in the Isle of Ree. There must 
be a Parliament, some must be sacrificed, that I 
was as like as any. Spoken to Doctor W. 

The same speech after spoken to the same man, 
by Sir Dudlye Diggs. 

I told it, when I heard it doubled. Let me desire 
you, not to trouble yourself with any reports, till 
you. see me forsake my other friends, &c. Ita Ch. R. 

The retreat out of the Isle of Ree. 
Novemb. My Lord Duke s return to Court. 

The Countess of Purbeck censured in the High 
Commission for adultery d . 

w Bargrave. H. W. c [The Commission is given in 

x [Isaac Bargrave. He had preached, Rushworth, vol. i. pp. 431 433. It is 

on the previous March 27, (the King s dated Oct. 9. It was revoked June 24, 

accession,) a sermon strongly in favour 1628. (Rymer, Feed. VIII. ii. p. 264.)] 

of the loan. (See a letter of Mede to d [With Sir Rob. Howard. (See 

Stuteville, Birch s Court of Charles L, above, at Jan. 21, and March 3, 1624.) 

vol. i. pp. 214, 215,) though in the The sentence was given Nov. 29, as 

pi-evious reign he had favoured the appears by a letter in Birch s Court 

popular party. He suffered severely of Charles I. vol. i. p. 296. In Hist. 

in the early part of the rebellion.] of Troubles and Trial, (chap. v. p. 146 

y George Montaigne.] in marg.) it is given Nov. 19. Laud 

z Rich. Neile.] was fined 500. for the part he took in 

a John Buckeridge.] the subsequent proceedings. See Diary, 

b [John Howson.] Dec. 21, 1640.] 


Dec. 25. I preached to the King at White-Hall. A.D. 1627. 

Jan. 29. Tuesday, A resolution at the Council Table for a 
Parliament, to begin March 17, if the shires go on 
with levying money for the navy, &c. 

Jan. 30. Wednesday, My Lord Duke of Buckingham s son 
was born, the Lord George e . New moon die 26 l . 

Feb. 5. Tuesday, The straining of the back sinew of my 
right leg, as I went with his Majesty to Hampton- 
Court f . I kept in till I preached at the opening of 
the Parliament, March 17, but I continued lame long 

Feb. 14. after, saving that upon Thursday, Saint Valentine s- 
day, I made a shift to go and christen my Lord 
Duke s son, the Lord George, at Wallingford-House. 

Mar. 17. I preached at the opening of the Parliament; but 
had much ado to stand. It was Mondays. 

An. 1628. 

June 1. Whitsunday, I preached at Wliite-Hall. 

June 11. My Lord Duke of Buckingham voted in the 
House of Commons to be the cause, or causes, of 
all grievances in the kingdom 2 . 

June 12. Thursday, I was complained of by the House of 
Commons for warranting Doctor Manwaring s ser 
mons to the press h . 

June 13. Dr. Manwaring answered for himself before the 

June 14. Lords ; and the next day, being Saturday, was 
censured 1 . 

1 [ JS"ew moon die 26, in marg.] 

2 [ or causes .... kingdom. cut off in MS.] 

e [His successor, the notorious Buck- by Pym. See Rushworth s Collections, 

ingham of Charles the Second s Court?] vol. i. pp. 593-4.] 

f [See the Prayer on this occasion, l [He was sentenced to be impri- 

above, p. 82.] soned, to be fined IQQQL, was required 

s [The Sermon on the text, Eph. iv. to make submission, suspended for 

3, Endeavouring to keep the unity three years, disenabled to enjoy any 

of the Spirit in the bond of peace/ further preferment or office, (See 

was afterwards published. Tt contains Rushworth, vol. i. p. 605.) The Ser- 

several allusions to the accident which mons were called in by proclamation, 

had so recently befallen the preacher. June 24. (See Rymer, Feed. VIII. ii. 

See Serin, vi. vol. i. pp. 170. 177.] p. 264.) He afterwards received a free 

h [Roger Manwaring, Vicar of S. pardon, and was immediately promoted 

Giles-in-the-Fields, had preached two to the living of Stanford Rivers, which 

sermons in July 1627, entitled, " Reli- he held with S. Giles-in-the-Fields. In 

gion and Allegiance," on Eccl. viii. 2. May 1633 he was appointed Dean of 

They had been preached before the Worcester, and Feb. 28, 1635, (see 

King, the one at Oatlands, the other below at that date,) consecrated Bishop 

at Alderton. The charge against him of S David s.] 
was brought up from the Commons 


A.D. 1628. June 14. After his censure my cause was called to the 
report. And by God s goodness towards me, I was 
fully cleared in the House. 

The same day the House of Commons were 
making their remonstrance to the King J. One head 
was, innovation of religion. Therein they named 
my Lord the Bishop of Winchester and myself k . 

One in the House stood up and said : Now we 
have named these persons, let us think of some 
causes why we did it. Sir Edw. Cooke answered, 
Have we not named my Lord of Buckingham 
without showing a cause, and may we not be as bold 
with them ? 
June 17. This remonstrance was delivered to the King on 

June 26. Thursday, The Session of Parliament ended, and 

was prorogued to October 20. 
July 1. Tuesday, My Conge-deslier was signed by the 

King for the Bp. of London \ 

July 15. Tuesday, St. Swithin, and fair with us. I was 
translated to the Bp. of London. The same day, 
the Lord Weston was made Lord Treasurer m . 
Aug. 9. Saturday, A terrible salt rheum in my left eye, 

had almost put me into a fever. 
Aug. 12. Tuesday, My Lord Duke of Buckingham went 

towards Portsmouth, to go for Rochell. 

Aug. 23. Saturday, St. BartholomewVeve, The Duke of 
Buckingham slain at Portsmouth, by one Lieutenant 
Felton, about nine in the morning, 

Aug. 24. The news of his death came to Croydon ; where 
it found myself and the Bps. of Winchester n , Ely , 
and Carlile P, at the consecration of Bishop Monta 
gue for Chichester, with my Lord s Grace. 

J [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. nominated to the Bishopric of Lon- 
i. pp.619 626.] don, June 17, 1627. See above, p. 205.] 
k [Ibid. p. 621.] m [Sir Richard Weston, created Lord 
1 [The ^Conge d elire is dated July Weston, April 13, 1628, and Earl of 
4, see Rymer, Feed. VIII. ii. p. 265. Portland, 1632. He was appointed 
The reason of the delay which took Lord High Treasurer on the retire- 
place in his translation to this See, ment of Ley, Earl of Marlborougb.] 
is explained at length by Heylin, n [Rich. Neile.] 
(Cypr. Angl. pp. 165, 166.) It will [John Buckeridge.] 
be remembered that he had been i 1 [Francis White.] 


Aug. 27. Wednesday, Mr. Elphinstoni brought me a very A.D. 1028, 
gracious message from his Majesty, upon my L. 
Duke s death. 

Aug. 30. As I was going out to meet the corpse of the 
Duke, which that night was brought to London 1 , 
Sir W. Fleetwood 3 brought me very gracious letters 
from the King s Majesty, written with his own hand. 

Sept. 9. Tuesday, The first time that I went to Court after 
the death of the Duke of Buckingham, my dear 
lord. The gracious speech, which that night the 
King was pleased to use to me. 

Sept. 27. Saturday, I fell sick, and came sick from Hamp 
ton Court. Tuesday, Septemb. ult., I was sore 
plucked with this sickness, &c. 

Oct. 20. Monday, I was forced to put on a truss for a 
rupture. I know not how occasioned, unless it 
were with swinging of a book for my exercise in 

Nov. 29. Felton was executed at Tyburn for killing the 
Duke; and afterwards his body was sent to be 
hanged in chains at Portsmouth e . It was Saturday 
and St. Andre wVeven ; and he killed the Duke 
upon Saturday, S. Bartholomew s-even. 

Dec. 25. I preached at White-Hall. 

Dec. 30. Wednesday, The statutes w r hich I had drawn, for 

the reducing of the factious and tumultuary election 

\i of Proctors in Oxford to several colleges by course, 

and so to continue, were passed in Convocation at 

Oxford, no voice dissenting u . 

Jan. 26. Monday, The 240 Greek manuscripts were sent 
to London-house. These I got my Lord of Pem 
broke to buy and give to Oxford x . 

Jan. 31. Saturday night, I lay in Court. I dreamed that 

q [The King s cup-bearer.] * [See two accounts of his execution 

1 [He was buried on the north side in Birch s Court of Charles I. vol. i. 

of Henry Tilth s Chapel.] pp. 441, 442, 446.] 

[Cup-bearer to Kings James and u [See Wood s Annals, ad an. 1629, 

Charles ; appointed March 27, 1640, p. 365, and Reg. Conv. R. fol. 2.] 

Receiver-General of the Court of x [These were the celebrated Ba- 

Wards and Liveries (Rymer, Food. IX. roccian MSS. See Hist, of Chancel- 

iii. p. 38). He was the father of the lorship, p. 10, note .] 
celebrated Republican General.] 

LAUD. VOL. in. P 


A.D. 1628. Jan. 31. I put off my rochet, all save one sleeve; and when 
I would have put it on again, I could not find it. 

Feb. 6. Friday, Sir Thomas Roe y sent to London-house 
twenty-eight manuscripts in Greek, to have a cata 
logue drawn, and the books to be for Oxford z . 

Mar. 2. Monday, The Parliament to be dissolved declared 
by proclamation, upon some disobedient passages to 
his Majesty that day in the House of Commons. 

Mar. 10. Tuesday, The Parliament dissolved; the King 
present. The Parliament, which was broken up 
this March 10, laboured my ruin ; but, God be ever 
blessed for it, found nothing against me 1 . 

An. 1629. 

Mar. 29. Sunday, Two papers were found in the Dean of 
Paul s his yard before his house. The one was 
to this effect concerning myself: Laud, look to 
thyself; be assured thy life is sought. As thou art 
the fountain of all wickedness, repent thee of thy 
monstrous sins, before thou be taken out of the 
world, &c. And assure thyself, neither God nor 
the world can endure such a vile counsellor to live, 
or such a whisperer ; or to this effect. The other 
was as bad as this, against the Lord Treasurer. 
Mr. Dean delivered both papers to the King that 
night. Lord, I am a grievous sinner ; but I beseech 
Thee, deliver my soul from them that hate me 
without a cause. 

April 2. Thursday, Maundy- Thursday, as it came this 
year, About three of the clock in the morning, the 
Lady Duchess of Buckingham delivered of her son, 
the Lord Francis Villiers a , whom I christened, 

April 21. Tuesday the 21st. 

1 [ Tuesday . . . me. inserted afterwards in marg.] 

y [Sir Thomas Eoe had been am- E. fol. 6. a. A list of the MSS. given 

bassador at Constantinople, where he by SirTh. Eoe, is in Cat. MSS. Anglt 

collected many valuable MSS. He vol. i. pp. 35. 38. Those mentioned 

was elected, Oct. 17, 1640, one of the in the text are only a small portion 

Burgesses of the University. (Wood, of the whole number.] 
Ath. Ox. iii. 112.)] a [Lord Francis Villiers was slain 

z [The gift of these MSS. to the in a skirmish with the rebels on July 

University is recorded in Eeg. Conv. 7, 1648, near Kingston-on-Thamcs. 


JApril 5. I preached at White- Hall l . 

Maii 13. Wednesday, This morning, about three of the 
clock, the Queen was delivered before her time of a 
son. He was christened, and died within short 
space, his name Charles b . This was Ascension-eve. 
Maii 14. The next day being Ascension-day, paulo ante me- 
diam noctem, I buried him at Westminster. If God 
repair not this loss, I much fear it was Descension- 
day to this State. 
Aug. 14. Dies erat Veneris, I fell sick upon the way to 
wards the Court at Woodstock ; I took up my 
lodging at my ancient friend^ s house, Mr. Francis 
Windebanck. There I lay in a most grievous 

Sept. 7. burning fever c , till Monday, Sept. 7, on which day 
I had my last fit. 

Oct. 20. I was brought so low, that I was not able to 
return towards my own house at London, till Tues 
day, Octob. 29. 

i Oct. 26. I went first to present my humble duty and ser 
vice to his Majesty at Denmark House d , Monday, 
26 Octob. 

Mar. 21. After this I had divers plunges, and was not able 
to put myself into the service of my place, till 
Palm Sunday, which was March 21. 

An. 1630. 

Apr. 10. The Earl of Pembroke, Lord Steward, being 
Chancellor of the University of Oxford, died of an 
apoplexy e . 

Apr. 12. The University of Oxford chose me Chancellor; 
and word was brought me of it, the next morning, 

Apr. 28. Wednesday, The University came up to the cere 
mony, and gave me my oath f . 

Maii 29. Saturday, Prince Charles was born at St. James s, 

1 [ I preached at White-Hall. inserted in marg.] 

His elder brother, the Duke of Buck- d [So called from Queen Anne of 

ingham, escaped. See an interesting Denmark. Both before and after this 

account of his death in Aubrey s time called Somerset House.] 

Surrey, vol. i. p. 47.] e [See Hist, of Chancellorship, p. 3, 

b [See above, p. 102.] note c .] 

c [See above, p. 14, note c , and p. f [Ibid. pp. 6 13.] 
51, note c .] 

P 2 


A.D. 1630. Mail 29. paulo ante horam pr imam post meridiem s. I was in 
the house three hours before, and had the hoiiout 
and happiness to see the Prince, before he was full 
one hour old h . 

Junii 27. Sunday, I had the honour, as Dean of the chapel, 
my Lord s Grace of Cant, being infirm, to christen 
Prince Charles at St. James s, hora fere quinta 

Aug. 22. Sunday, I preached at Fulham \ &c. 

Aug. 24. Tuesday, S. Bartholomew, Extreme thunder, 
lightning, and rain. The pestilence this summer 
The greatest week in London was seventy-three c 
Pestis. 7 Octol. ad 14 ; spread in many places, miserablj 

in Cambridge j . The winter before was extreme 
wet ; and scarce one week of frost. 

Fames. This harvest scarce : a great dearth in France 

England, the Low Countries, &c. 

Oct. 6. Wednesday, I was taken with an extreme cole 
and lameness, as I was waiting upon St. George hi: 
feast at Windsor ; and forced to return to Fulham 
where I continued ill above a week. 

Oct. 29. Friday, I removed my family from Fulham t< 

Nov. 4. Thursday, Leighton was degraded at the Higl 
Commission k . 

Nov. 9. Tuesday, That night Leighton broke out of thi 
Fleet. The warden says, he got or was helped ove 
the wall j the warden professes, he knew not this til 
Wednesday noon. He told it not me till Thursday 
night. He was taken again in Bedfordshire, am 
brought back to the Fleet within a fortnight *. 

Nov. 26. Friday, Part of his sentence was executed upoi 
him at Westminster m . 

[See thanksgiving on this occa- k [See Kushworth s Collections, vo! 

sion, above, p. 103.] iii. Appendix, p. 29.] 

h [See the King s letter, announcing [See an account of his escape in ; 

the Prince s birth to the Bishop, in letter of Joseph Mede to Sir Martin 

Prynne s Breviate, p. 16.] Stutcville. Birch s Court of Charles 1 

1 [Dr. Cluet, Archdeacon of Mid- vol. ii. pp. 79, 80. The parties wh 

dlesex, was then Vicar.] aided in his escape were proceedet 

J [The severity of the plague in against in Star Chamber. Rush 

Cambridge is mentioned in several worth s Collections, vol. iii. Appendix 

letters of Joseph Mede. See Birch s p. 32.] 

Court of Charles I. vol. ii. pp. 72. 74, m [Ibid. pp. 81- -83.] 
75. 78, 79. 81.] 


7. Tuesday, The King sware the peace with Spain : A,D. 1630. 
Don C. Colonna was ambassador n . 

Dec. 25. I preached to the King, Christmas-day, 
an. 16. Sunday, I consecrated St. Catherine Creed Church 

in London . 

an. 21. The Lord Wentworth, Lord President of the 
North P, and I, &c. In my little chamber at London - 
house, Friday. 

an. 23. I consecrated the Church of St. Giles in the 
Fields, Sundays. 

Feb. 20. This Sunday morning, Westminster- Hall was 
found on fire, by the burning of the little shops 
or stalls kept there ; it was thought, by some 
pan of coals left there over night : it was taken in 

Feb. 23. Ash-Wednesday, I preached in Court at White- 

Mar. 20. Sunday, His Majesty put his great case of con 
science to me, about, &c. ; which I after answered. 
God bless him in it. 

The famine great this time : but in part by 

An. 1631. 

Vlar. 27. Coronation day, and Sunday, I preached at St. 
Paul s Cross r . 

A^pril 10. Easter Monday, I fell ill with great pain in my 
throat, for a week. It was with cold taken after 
heat in my service, and then into an ague. A fourth 
part almost of my family sick this spring. 

une 7. Tuesday, I consecrated the Chapel at Hammer 
smith s . 

11 [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. Haywood, the Archbishop s Chaplain. 

. p. 75.] See a description of the interior of 

[See the burlesque account of this this Church in Hierurgia Anglicana, 
consecration, in Prynne s Cant. Doom, pp. 69, 70.] 

pp. 113, 114. These consecrations r [More correctly the day of the 

formed one of the charges against the King s accession. This sermon was 

Archbishop at his trial. See Hist, of not printed till 1645. It is the seventh 

Troubles and Trial, chap. xxxv. pp. sermon in the collected edition.] 

339, 340, in marg.] * [See the prayer on laying the first 

P [Afterwards the celebrated Earl stone of this chapel, March 11, 1629, 

of Straffbrde.] above, p. 96. The chapel was dedi- 

1 [See Prynne s Cant. Doom, pp. cated by the name of S. Paul. (New- 
119, 120. Roger Manwaring was then court, Repert. vol. i. p. 610.)] 
Rector ; he was succeeded by Wm. 


A.D. 1631. June 21. Tuesday, My nearer acquaintance began to 

Junii 26. Saturday, settle with Do. S.* I pray God bless 
D. S. us in it. 

My business with L. T. u , &c., about the trees 
which the King had given me in Shotover, towards 
my building in S. John s at Oxford \ Which work 
I resolved on in November last. And published it 
to the College about the end of March. This day 
discovered unto me that which I was sorry to find 
in L. T. and F. C. y , sed transeat. 
Julii 26. The first stone was laid of my building at St. 

John s. 

Aug. 23. In this June and July were the great disorders in 
Oxford, by appealing from Doctor Smith then Vice- 
Chancellor . The chief ringleaders were Mr. Foord of 
Magdalen-Hall, and Mr. Thorne of Baliol College z . 

The Proctors, Mr. Atherton Bruch and Mr. John 
Doughty, received their appeals, as if it had not 
been perturbatio pads, &c. a 

The Vice-Chancellor was forced in a statutable 
way to appeal to the King. 

The King with all the Lords of his Council then 
present, heard the cause at Woodstock, Aug. 23, 
1631, being Tuesday in the afternoon. 

The sentence upon the hearing was : That Foord., 
Thorne, and Hodges of Exeter Coll. 1 , should be 
banished the University. And both the Proctors 
were commanded to come into the Convocation 
House, and there resign their office ; that two others 
might be named out of the same Colleges. Doctor 
Prideaux, Rector of Exeter Coll., and Dr. Wilkin 
son, Principal of Mag. Hall, received a sharp admo 
nition for their misbehaviour in this business. 

1 [ of Exeter Coll. in marg.] 

1 [Prynne suggests that this may be of timber towards their erection.] 

Dr. Smith, Bp. of Chalcedon. See r [Sir Francis Cottington. ] 

Cant. Doom, p. 454.] z [See History of Chancellorship, 

u [The Lord Treasurer.] pp. 4970.] 

* [An account of these buildings is * [This was forbidden by statute, 

in Wood s Hist, of Colleges and Halls, See Corp. Stat. Univ. Oxon. tit. xxi. 

pp. 547, 548. The King gave 200 tons 16, and authorities quoted in marg.] 


Aug. 29. Monday, I went to Burntwood, and the next A.D. 1631. 
day began my visitation there, and so went on and 
finished it b . 

Nov. 4. Friday, The Lady Mary, Princess, born at St. 
James s, inter horas quintam et sextam matutinas c . 

It was thought, she was born three weeks before 
her time. 

I preached at Court. 

The extreme wet and warm January, that ever 
was known in memory. 
15. I preached at Court, Ash- Wednesday. 
19. D. S. came to my chamber, troubled about going 
quite from Court at spring. First Sunday in Lent, 
after sermon. 

An. 1632. 

I preached at Court. Easter-day. 

Saturday, Trinity Sunday-eve, I consecrated the 
Lord Treasurer s Chapel at Eoehampton d . 

Tuesday, My meeting and settling upon express 
terms with K. B. in the gallery at Greenwich. In 
which business God bless me. 

Mr. Francis Windebancke, my old friend, was 
sworn Secretary of State e ; which place I obtained 
for him of my gracious master King Charles. 
Junii 18. Monday, I married my Lord Treasurer Weston s 
eldest son f , to the Lady Frances, daughter to the 
Duke of Lenox %, at Roehampton. 

Monday, D. S. with me at Fulham, cum Ma., &c. 

This was the coldest June clean through, that 
was ever felt in my memory. 

Tuesday, Doctor Juxon, the Dean of Worcester, 

b [The Diocese had already been place of trust by Canterbury, and what 

visited by Laud in 1628. See Visita- good service he did the Priests, Je- 

tion Articles in vol. v.] suits, Nuncio, Papists, Pope, and his 

c [See Thanksgiving on this occa- Nuncios therein, will appear in the 

sion, above, p. 104.] sequel of this narration." (Hidden 

d [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, Works, pp. 122, 123.)] 
chap. xxxv. p. 341, in marg. This f [Jerome Weston, his father s suc- 

chapel was pulled down in 1777.] cessor in the title. He died 1662.] 

e [In the room of Dudley Carleton, * [The youngest daughter of Esme 

Yisc. Dorchester, who had died the Stuart, third Duke of Lennox, and 

previous Ash-Wednesday. Prynne re- second Duke of Richmond, whose 

marks on this entry, " To what end death is mentioned above, Feb. 16, 

this instrument was advanced to this 1623.] 


A.I>. 1032. Julii 10, at my suit sworn Clerk of his Majesty s Closet* 

That I might have one that I might trust near his 

Majesty, if I grow weak or infirm ; as I must have 

a time. 
Julii 17. Tuesday, I consecrated the church at Stanmore 

Magna in Middlesex, built by Sir Jo. Wolstenham h . 
The cold summer, harvest not in within forty 

miles of London after Michaelmas, &c. 
Dec. 2. Sunday, The small-pox appeared upon his Ma 

jesty ; but God be thanked, he had a very gentle 

disease of it 1 . 
Dec. 27. Thursday, The Earl of Arun. set forward towards 

the Low Countries, to fetch the Q. of Bohemia and 

her children k . 

Dec. 25. I preached to the King, Christmas-day 1 . 
Jan. 1. My being with K. B. this day in the afternoon . . 
K. B ........... troubled me much -, God send me a 

good issue out of it. 

The warm open Christmas. 

Jan. 15. Tuesday, K. B. and I unexpectedly came to some 
K. B. clearer declaration of ourselves. Which God bless. 
Feb. 11. Monday night, till Tuesday morning, the great 

fire upon London Bridge .... Houses burnt down. 
Feb. 13. Wednesday, The feoffees, that pretended to buy 

in impropriations, were dissolved in the Chequer 

Chamber m . They were the main instruments for 

h [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, Queen declined visiting England.] 

chap. xxxv. p. 342, in marg. The l [" On Christmas-day, not only 

church was consecrated by the name Bishop White, the Almoner, in his 

of S. John the Evangelist. (See N"ew- morning sermon to the household, but 

court, Reperb. vol. i. p. 729.) Heylin the Bishop of London also ^n his, 

(Cypr. Angl. p. 201) mentions that some two hours after, to the K ng, 

Bray and himself were chaplains on made some sharp invectives against 

this occasion. some points of Popery; and, whit") 

Sir John Wolstenholme was one of was much marvelled at by the audi- 

the Farmers of the Customs, and took tory, quoted Calvin divers times with 

great interest in the Arctic discoveries respect; which when Ph. Burlamachi 

of that time.] was told in my presence, he said it 

1 [See the thanksgiving for the was a good julep against a Par- 

King s recovery, above, p. 104. Verses liament." Mr. Pory to Sir Thomas 

were published by the University of Puckering, Jan. 3, 1632-3. Birch s 

Oxford on this occasion, entitled, Court of Charles I. vol. ii. pp. 213, 

" Musaruni Oxoniensium pro Rege 211.] 

pta."] m [See the proceedings in Rush- 

[Thomas, Earl of Arundel, men- worth s Collections, vol. ii. pp. 150, 

tioned above, p. 191. The King of seq.] 
Bohemia had died Nov. 20. The 


the Puritan faction to undo the Church, The AD. 1632. 
criminal part reserved. 

Feb. 28. Mr. Chancellor of London, Dr. Duck, brought 
me word how miserably I was slandered by some 
separatists. I pray God give me patience and for 
give them. 

Mar. 6. Ash Wednesday, I preached at White- Hall. 

An. 1633. 

April 13. The great business at the Council-table, &c. 

When the E. of Holland 11 made his submission to 

the King. 

This April was most extreme wet, and cold, and 

Maii 13. Monday, I set out of London, to attend King 

Charles into Scotland. 
Maii 24. The King was to enter into York in state. The 

day was extreme wind and rain, that he could not, 

all day long. I called it York Friday. 

Junii 6. I came to Barwick. That night I dreamed that 
K, B. K. B. sent to riie in Westminster church, that he 

was now as desirous to see me, as I him, and that 

he was then entering into the church. I went with 

joy, but met another in the middle of the church, 

who seemed to know the business, and laughed; 

but K. B. was not there. 

Junii 8. Saturday, Whitsun-eve, I received letters from 
K. B. K. B. unalterable, &c. By this, if I return, I shall 

see how true or false my dream is, &c. 
Junii 15. Saturday, I was sworn Counsellor of Scotland. 
Junii 18. Tuesday after Trinity Sunday, King Charles 

crowned at Holyrood Church in Edinburgh . I 

never saw more expressions of joy, than were after 

it, &c. 

Junii 19. Wednesday, I received second letters from K. B. 
K. B. no changeling, &c. 

11 [Henry Rich, Earl of Holland.] Archbishop of Glasgow, in thrusting 

[The ceremony was performed by him aside during the ceremony for 

Archbishop Spottiswoode, and the not wearing his Canonical dress, and 

sermon preached by Lindsay, Bishop putting the Bishop of Ross in his 

of Brechin. Laud is accused of having place. (Rush worth s Collections, vol. 

acted in an overbearing way to the ii. p. 182.)] 


A.D. 1633. K. B, Within three hours after, other letters from K. B. 

Believe all that I say, &c. 

Junii 29. Friday, Letters from K. B. no D. true, if not to 

K. B. my contentment, &c. 

Junii 30. I preached to his Majesty in the chapel in Holy- 
rood House in Edinburgh P. 

Julii 1. Monday, I went over Forth, to Brunt Island. 

Julii 2. Tuesday, To St. Andrews. 

Julii 3. Wednesday, Over Taye, to Dunde. 

Julii 4. Thursday, To Faukland. 

Julii 7. Sunday, To S. Johnston. 

Julii 8. Monday, To Dunblain and Sterling. My dan 
gerous and cruel journey, crossing part of the 
Highlands by coach, which was a wonder there. 

Julii 9. Tuesday, To Lithcoe, and so to Edinburgh. 

Julii 10. Wednesday, His Majesty s dangerous passage 
from Brunt Island to Edinburgh. 

Julii 11. Thursday, I began my journey from Edinburgh 
towards London. 

Julii 13. Friday, That night at Anderweek, I dreamed 
that L. L. came and offered to sit above me at 
the Co. Ta., and that L. H. came in, and placed 
him there *. 

Julii 20. Saturday, The King came from Scotland, to 
Greenwich; having come post from Barwick in 
four days. 

Julii 26. Friday, I came to my house at Fulham, from 

Julii 28. Sunday, K. B. and I met. All the strange dis- 

K. B. courses mistaken. And that which was a very high 

tide at was then the lowest ebb at 

Greenwich that ever I saw. I went away much 

Aug. 3. troubled; but all settled again well, Saturday fol 

Aug. 4. Sunday, News came to Court of the Lord Arch- 

P [Clarendon remarks, (Hist, of Re- monies of the Church, with all the 

bell. vol. i. p. 146,) " He preached in marks of approbation and applause 

the Royal Chapel at Edinburgh, imaginable."] 

(which scarce any Englishman had 1 [Hacket (Life of Williams, par. 

done before in the King s presence,) ii. p. 85) refers to this passage, and 

and principally upon the benefit of explains the initials to mean the 

conformity, and the reverend cere- Bishop of Lincoln, and Lord Holland.] 


bishop of Cant/s death ; and the King resolved A.D. 1633. 
presently to give it me. Which he did, Aug. 6 r . 

Aug. 4. That very morning, at Greenwich, there came 
one to me, seriously, and that avowed ability to 
perform it, and offered me to be a Cardinal : I went 
presently to the King, and acquainted him both 
with the thing and the person. 

Aug. 7. Wednesday, An absolute settlement between me 

K.B. and K. B., after I had made known my case at 
large. God bless me in it. 

Aug. 14. Wednesday, A report brought to me, that I was 

Aug. 17. Saturday, I had a serious offer made me again to 
be a Cardinal : I was then from Court, but so soon 
as I came thither (which was Wednesday, Aug. 21) 
I acquainted his Majesty with it. But my answer 
again was, that somewhat dwelt within me, which 
would not suffer that, till Rome were other than it is. 

Aug. 25. Sunday, My election to the Arch-Bp. was re 
turned to the King, then being at Woodstock. 

Sept. 19. Thursday, I was translated to the Arch-Bishop 
ric of Canterbury. The Lord make me able, &c. 
18. The day before, when I first went to Lambeth, 
my coach, horses, and men sank to the bottom of 
Thames in the ferry-boat, which was over-laden ; but, 
I praise God for it, I lost neither man nor horse. 

A wet summer, and by it a casual harvest. The 
rainy weather continuing till Novemb. 14, which 
made a marvellous ill seed-time. There was barley 
abroad this year, within 30 miles of London, at the 
end of October. 

Nov. 13. Wednesday, Richard Boyer, who had formerly 
named himself Lodowick, was brought into the 
Star Chamber, for most grossly misusing me, and 
accusing me of no less than treason, &c. He had 
broke prison for felony when he did this. His 
censure is upon record 3 . And God forgive him. 

r [The Conge d etre is dated Aug. VIII. iv. p. 60.)] 

12; the royal assent to the election, s [See Hush worth s Collections, vol. 

Sept. 4; and the restitution of the iii. Appendix, pp. 64, 65.] 
temporalities, Sept. 23. (Rymer, Feed. 


A.D. 1033. Nov. 13. About the beginning of this month the Lady 
Davis prophesied against me, that I should very 
few days outlive the fifth of November*. 

And a little after that, one Green came into the 
court at St. James s, with a great sword by his side, 
swearing, the King should do him justice against 
me, or he would take another course with me. All 
the wrong I ever did this man was, that being a 
poor printer, I procured him of the Company of 
the Stationers 5/. a-year during his life. God 
preserve me, and forgive him. He was committed 
to Newgate. 

Nov. 24. Sunday, in the afternoon, I christened King 
Charles his second son, James Duke of York. At 
St. James s u . 

Dec. 10 Twice or thrice in the interim, I advertised his 

and 29. Majesty of the falsehood and practice that was 
against me, by L. T. v , &c. This brake out then 1 . 

Jan. 1. The way to do the -town of Reading good for their 
poor ; which may be compassed by God s blessing 
upon me, though my wealth be small. And I hope 
God will bless me in it, because it was His own 
motion in me. For this way never came into my 
thoughts (though I had much beaten them about 
it) till this night, as I was at my prayers. Amen, 
Lord w . 

An. 1634. 

Mar. 30. Palm Sunday, I preached to the King at White- 

Maii 13. I received the seals of my being chose Chancellor 
of the University of Dublin in Ireland. To which 
1 [ This . . . then. in marg.] 

1 [Eleanor, the youngest daughter in Ballard s Learned Ladies. Heylin 

of George, Earl of Castlehaven, and (Cypr. Angl. p. 250) mentions several 

widow of Sir John Davies, Attorney- amusing anagrams made on her name.] 

General for Ireland. She laid claim u [See above, p. 105.] 

to prophetical powers, and published v [The Lord Treasurer.] 

in 1649 a volume of her strange and w [See the list of Projects at the end 

wonderful prophecies. She is said to of Diary, No. xvi. An account of this 

have foretold the day of her husband s benefaction to Reading is given in 

death. She was brought for these Original Letters, &c. relating to the 

follies before the High Commission Benefactions of Archbishop Laud to 

Court. A full account of her is given the County of Berks. Loud. 1841.] 


Mail 13. office I was chosen Sept. 14, 1633. There were A.D. 1634. 
now, and somewhat before, great fractions in Court : 
and I doubt, many private ends followed, to the pre 
judice of public service. Good Lord, preserve me. 

Junii 11. Mr. Prynne sent me a very libellous letter, about 
his censure in the Star Chamber for his Histrio- 
mastix x , and what I said at that censure ; in which 
he hath many ways mistaken me, and spoken un 
truth of me. 

Junii 16. I showed this letter to the King; and by his 
command sent it to Mr. Attorney Noye. 

Junii 17. Mr. Attorney sent for Mr. Prynn to his chamber, 
showed him the letter, asked him whether it were 
his hand. Mr. Prynn said, he could not tell, unless 
he might read it. The letter being given into his 
hand, he tore it into small pieces, threw it out at 
the window, and said, that should never rise in 
judgment against him : fearing, it seems, an Ore 
tenus for this. 

Junii 18. Mr. Attorney brought him, for this, into the 
Star Chamber ; where all this appeared with shame 
enough to Mr. Prynn. I there forgave him, &c. y 

Julii 26. I received word from Oxford, that the statutes 
were accepted, and published, according to my 
letters, in the Convocation House that week 2 . 

Aug. 9. Saturday, Mr. William Noye, his Majesty s 
Attorney- General, died at Brainford, circa horam 

Aug. 10. noctis decimam. And Sunday morning, his servant 
brought me word of it to Croydon, before I was out 
of my bed. I have lost a dear friend of him, and 
the Church the greatest she had of his condition, 
since she needed any such. 

Aug. 11. One Rob. Seal, of St. Alban s, came to me to 
Croydon ; told me somewhat wildly about a vision 
he had at Shrovetide last, about not preaching the 
word sincerely to the people. And a hand appeared 
unto him, and death ; and a voice bid him go tell 

1 [Sec an account of Prynne s cen- y [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 

sure in Rush worth s Collections, vol. ii. pp. 247 249.] 

ii. pp. 220, seq. No mention is made z [See Hist, of Chancellorship, pp. 

of the Archbishop s speech.] 101 104.] 


1634. Aug. 11. it the Metropolitan of Lambeth, and made him 
swear he would do so ; and I believe the poor man 
was overgrown with fancy. So I troubled not my 
self further, with him, or it. 

Aug. 30. Saturday, At Oatlands the Queen sent for me, 
and gave me thanks for a business with which she 
trusted me; her promise then, that she would be 
my friend, and that I should have immediate address 
to her, when I had occasion a . 

Sept. 30. I had almost fallen into a fever with a cold I 
took ; and it held me above three weeks. 

Oct. 20. The extreme hot and faint October and Novem 
ber, save three days frost, the dryest and fairest time. 
The leaves not all off the trees at the beginning 
of December. The waters so low, that the barges 
could not pass. God bless us in the spring, after 
this green winter. 

Dec. 1. Monday, My ancient friend, E. R., came to me, 
aud performed great kindness, which I may not 

Dec. 4. I visited the Arches, it was Thursday. 

Dec. 10. Wednesday, That night the frost began, the 
Thames almost frozen ; and it continued until the 
Sunday sevennight after. 

Dec. 15. X. E. R. 1 

Janua. 8. Thursday, I married the Lord Charles Herbert b 
and the Lady Mary, daughter to the Duke of Buck 
ingham, in the closet at White-Hall. 

Janua. 5. Monday night, being Twelfth-eve, the frost began 

1 [< X. E. E. in marg.] 

a [Heylin (Cypr. Angl. p. 287) sug- eldest son of Philip Earl of Pembroke, 

gests, that the passages which speak He died shortly afterwards, and his 

of Laud s interviews with the Queen, widow married, secondly, James Duke 

may refer to the coming of Panzani of Richmond and Lennox, (see below, 

into England, for whom the Queen Aug. 3, 1637,) and thirdly, Thomas 

wished to obtain a favourable re- Howard, brother to Charles Earl of 

ception. They were urged against Carlisle. Her marriage with Charles 

him at his trial, (Hist, of Troubles Herbert was urged prematurely for- 

and Trial, chap. xl. pp. 382, 383,) ward, because she had begun to set 

and he expressly states, " As for re- her affections on his younger brother 

ligion, as there is no word of it in my Philip. See Garrard s Letter to the 

Diary, so neither was it at this time Lord Deputy Wentworth, Jan. 11, 

thought on." See Prynne s remarks on 1634-5, Strafforde Letters, vol. i. p. 

these passages, Cant. Doom, p. 418.] 359.] 

b [Charles Lord Herbert was the 


Janua. 5. again ; the Thames was frozen over, and continued A.D. 1634. 

so till February 3, 1634. 

A mighty flood at the thaw 1 . 
Feb. 5. Thursday, I was put into the great Committee of 

trade and the King s revenue, &c. 
Mar. 1. Sunday, The great business, which the King 

commanded me to think on and give him account, 

and L. T. 
Mar. 14. Saturday, I was named one of the Commissioners 

for the Exchequer, upon the death of Rich. Lord 

Weston, Lord High Treasurer of England. 
K. B. That evening, K. B. sent to speak with me at 

White- Hall, a great deal of free and clear expression, 

if it will continue. 
Mar. 16. Monday, I was called against the next day into 

the Foreign Committee, by the King. 

Mar. 22. Palm Sunday, I preached to the King at White- 

An. 1635. 

April 9. Wednesday, and from thenceforward, all in firm 
K. B. kindness between K. B. and me. 
Maii 18. Whitsun Monday, At Greenwich, my account to 
Maii 24. the Queen put off" till Trinity Sunday, then given 
her by myself. And assurance of all that v r as 
desired by me c , &c. 2 

May, In these months, the troubles at the Commission 

June, for the Treasury, and the difference which happened 

July. between the Lord Cottington and myself, &c. d 

Julii 11. Saturday, "I Two sad meetings with K.B. and 

Julii 22. Wednesday, j how occasioned. 

Julii 12. Sunday, At Theobalds the soap business was 

ended, and settled again upon the new corporation, 

against my offer for the old soap boilers; yet my 

offer made the King s profit double ; and to that, 

after two 3 years, the new corporation was raised ; 

1 [ A ... thaw. in marg.j 2 [A passage here erased.] 

3 [From thence to end of paragraph written on opposite side.] 

c [See Prynne s remark on this pas- d [See Clarendon, Hist, of Rebellion, 
sage, Cant. Doom, p. 418.] vol. i. p. 174.] 


A.D. 1035. Julii 12. how tis performed, let them look to it, whom his 
Majesty shall be pleased to trust with his Treasurer s 
staff. In this business and some other of great 
consequence, during the Commission for the Trea 
sury, my old friend, Sir F. W., forsook me, and 
joined with the L. Cottington; which put me to 
the exercise of a great deal of patience, &c. 

Aug. 16. Sunday-night, Most extreme thunder and light 
ning. The lightning so thick, bright, and frequent, 
I do not remember that I ever saw. 

Sept. 2. Wednesday, I was in attendance upon the King 
at Woodstock ; and went thence to Cudsden, to see 
the house which Dr. John Bancroft, then L. Bp. 
of Oxford, had there built, to be a house for the 
Bps. of that See for ever 6 . He having built that 
house at my persuasion. 

Sept. 3. Thursday, I went privately from the Bp. of 
Oxford s house at Cudsden, to S. John s in Oxford, 
to see my building there, and give some directions 
for the last finishing of it. And returned the same 
night, staying there not two hours. 

Sept. 23. Wednesday, I went to Saint Paul s to view the 
building, and returned that night to Croydon. 

Sept. 24 Scalding Thursday. 

Sef> t. 29. The Earl of Arundel brought an old man out of 
Shropshire. He was this present Michaelmas-day 
showed to the King and the Lords, for a man of 
152 or 153 years of age f . 

Oct. 26. Monday, This morning between four and five of 
the clock, lying at Hampton Court, I dreamed that 
I was going out in haste, and that when I came 
into my outer chamber, there was my servant, 
Wi. Pennell, in the same riding suit which he had 
on that day sevennight at Hampton Court with 
me. Methoughts I wondered to see him, (for I 
left him sick at home,) and asked him how he did, 
and what he made there. And that he answered 
me, he came to receive my blessing ; and with that 

e [See the King s Instructions to f [This was Thomas Parr, the me- 
Abp. Laud, xiii. in Annual Accounts morable instance of longevity. He 
of Province, A.D. 1634. Works, vol. v.] was born in 1483.] 


26. fell on his knees. That hereupon I laid my hand AD. 1635, 
on his head, and prayed over him, and therewith 
awaked. When I was up, I told this to them of 
my chamber; and added, that I should find Fennel I 
dead or dying. My coach came ; and when I came 
home, I found him past sense, and giving up the 
ghost. So my prayers (as they had frequently 
before) commended him to God. 

15. Sunday, At afternoon the greatest tide that hath 
been seen. It came within my gates, walks, cloisters, 
and stables, at Lambeth. 

21. Saturday, Charles Count Elector Palatine s came 
to White-Hall, to the King. 

This month the plague, which was hot in some 
parts of France and in the Low Countries, and 
Flanders, began at Greenwich. God be merciful 
unto us. 

30. Saint Andrew s-day, Monday, Charles Frince 
Elector Falatine, the King s nephew, was with me 
at Lambeth, and at solemn evening prayer. 

1 . Many elm leaves yet upon the trees ; which few 
men have seen. 

14. Monday, Charles Frince Elector came suddenly 
upon me, and dined with me at Lambeth. 

25. Christmas-day, Charles F. Elector received the 
Communion with the King at White-Hall. He 
kneeled a little beside on his left hand. He sat 
before the Communion upon a stool by the wall 
before the traverse ; and had another stool and a 
cushion before him to kneel at. 

28. Monday, Innocents -day, About ten at night, 
the Queen was delivered at St. James s, of a 
daughter, Frincess Elizabeth. I christened her on 
Saturday following. 

Tuesday, Candlemas-day, My nearer care of 
J. S. h was professed, and his promise to be guided 
by me ; and absolutely settled on Friday after. 

* [Charles Louis, the eldest sur- mean John Selden, who was induced 

viving son of Fred. Elector Palatine, by Archbishop Laud, at this very 

and Elizabeth, King Charles s sister.] time, to publish his " Mare clausum." 

11 [It is suggested, that J. S. may (Heylin Cypr. Ang. p. 303.)] 



A.D. 1335. Feb. 14. Sunday night. My honest old servant, Rich. Ro 
binson *, died of an apoplexy. 

Feb. 28. I consecrated Doctor Roger Manwaring, Bishop 
of Saint David s J. 

Mar. 6. Sunday, William Juxon, L. Bp. of London, made 
Lord High Treasurer of England k . No Church 
man had it since Henry 7. time 1 . I pray God 
bless him to carry it so, that the Church may have 
honour, and the King and the State service and 
contentment by it. And now if the Church will 
not hold up themselves under God, I can do no 

An. 1636. 

April 7. Thursday, The bill came in this day, that two 
died of the plague in Whitechapel. God bless us 
through the year. 

An extreme dry and hot April and May, till the 
middle of June. 

Maii 16. Monday, The settlement between L. M. St. and 

M. St. me. God bless me, &c. 

Maii 17. Tuesday, I visited the Dean and Chapter of St. 
Paul s, London, &c. m 

Maii 19. Thursday, The agreement between me and L. 

K. CH. K. Ch. which began very strangely, and ended just 
as I thought it would. 

5 [See above, at July 23, 1624.] man he thought might best be found 

J [See above, p. 207, notes and h .] among the Clergy, and among the 

k [Thomas Crosfield, Fellow of Clergy I judge you, my Lord of Lon- 

Queen s College, Oxford, from whose don, the fittest, since you have no 

Diary many extracts are given in the children, &c. to the like effect ; and 

notes to the Archbishop s History of so delivered him a staff in token of 

his Chancellorship, gives the follow- possession of the place. Afterward 

ing anecdote relative to this appoint- he was sworn at the Lord Keeper s 

ment : "March 9. The manner of house, by special commission from 

the Lord Treasurer, i.e. the Bishop of the King."] 

London, was thus : Upon Ash Wed- ! [ Henry the Vlth, viz. anno 1454, 

nesday he was appointed to preach ; when Wm. Grey, Bp. of Ely, was pos- 

after sermon the King thanked him. sessedof it. Biogr. Brit. Art. Juxo 

Then in the Council-house, at the p. 2792, note 4 .J 

table, the Earl of Pembroke being by, m [The Dean and Chapter had pe- 

the King said, that the Treasurer s titioned to the King not to be visited, 

place had been some space void, and But their petition was rejected. See 

it was a place that concerned him Wilkins s Concilia, vol. iv. p. 524. 

nearly to place a man in, that might The Articles of Inquiry, and the In- 

be discreet and provident for the junctions grounded on the replies of I 

good of his children which God had the Chapter to those Articles, are 

blessed him with. Such a conscionable published in vol. v.] 


Junii 21. Tuesday, My hearing before the King about my A.D. 1636, 
right to visit both the Universities jure metro- 
politico. It was ordered with me. The hearing 
was at Hampton Court n . 

Junii 22. Wednesday, The statutes of Oxford finished, and 
published in Convocation . 

Aug. 3. Wednesday night, Towards the morning, I 

Aug. 4. dreamed, that L. M. St. came to me the next day, 
and showed me all the kindness I could ask. And 
that Thursday he did come, and was very kind 
towards me. Somniis tamen hand multum fido. 

Aug. 19. "Friday, I was in great danger of breaking my 
right leg. But God be blessed; for His providence 
only delivered me. 

Aug. 29. Monday, King Charles and Q. Mary entered 
Oxford; being to be there entertained by me as 
Chancellor of the University P. 

Aug. SO. On Tuesday, I entertained them at St. John s 
College. It was St. Felix his day ; and all passed 
happily \ Charles Prince Elector Palatine, and his 
brother, Prince Rupertus, was there. These two 
were present in Convocation ; and, with other 
nobles, were made Masters of Arts. 

Aug. 31. Wednesday, They left Oxford, and I returned 
homewards the day after ; having first entertained 
all the Heads of Houses together. 

Oct. 14. Friday night, I dreamed marvellously, that the 
King was offended with me, and would cast me off , 
and tell me no cause why. Avertat Deus, For 
cause I have given none. 

Nov. 4. Friday night, The most extreme wind that ever 
I heard ; and much hurt done by sea and by land. 

Twice or thrice since, thunder and lightning 
and hail. 

Nov. 20. Sunday night, My fearful dream. Mr. Cobb c 
brought me word, &c. 

1 [ and . . . happily. in marg ] 

11 [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. pp. 124, seq.] 

ii. pp. 324332; and Wilkins s Con- P [Ibid. pp. 148, seq ] 

cilia, vol. iv. pp. 525. 528, 529.] 1 [Two persons of this name are 

[See History of Chancellorship, mentioned in the Archbishop s will.] 


A.U. 1036. Dec. 21. Saturday, Christmas-eve, That night I dreamed 
I went to seel; M. St., and found him with his 
mother sitting in the room. It was a fair chamber. 
He went away, and I went after, but missed him ; 
and after tired myself extremely ; but neither could 
1 find him, nor so much as the house again. 

An. 1637. 

Mar. 17. Thursday, I christened the Lady Princess Ann^ 

and 30. King Charles his third daughter. She was born on 
Friday, March 17. 

JuuiilO. My book of the Records in the Tower, which 
concerned the Clergy, and which I caused to be 
collected, and written in vellum, was brought me 
finished. Tis ab aim. 20. Ed. I. ad aim. 14. Ed. IV. 1 

Junii 1 1. This day, Jo. Bastwick, Dr. of Physic; Hen. 
Burton, Batch, of Divinity ; and Wi. Prynne, Bar 
rister at Law, were censured for their libels against 
the Hierarchy of the Church, &c. a 

Jiinii26 t . The speech I then spake in the Star Chamber, 
was commanded by the King to be printed. And 
it came out Junii the 25. 

Junii 26. This day, Monday, the Prince Elector, and his 
brother Prince Rupert, began their journey toward 
the sea-side, to return for Holland. 

Junii 30. Friday, The above-named three libellers lost their 

Julii 7. Friday, A note was brought to me of a short 
libel pasted on the cross in Cheapside : That the 
Arch- Wolf of Cant, had his hand in persecuting 
the saints and shedding the blood of the martyrs. 
Memento for the last of June l . 

1 [ last of June. now lost in MS.] 

r Tt is a very noble and fair volume, dedicata Oul. Laud Archicp. Cantuar., 

in folio, curiously written, and richly cujus impens. Codex exaratus 1 uit, 

bound. It is still kept in the Library qui mira pulchritudine tuque ac cura 

at Lambeth. 11. W. descriptus eat. Subjungitur Index. 

[See MSS. Lambeth. Numb. 323. See list of Projects at the end of the 

The volume is thus described : Jura Diary. Numb, xix.] 
et Privilegia Clero Anglicano adju- " [See a further notice of these per- 

dicata, ex Parliamentorum Rotulis, sons in the notes to the Archbishop s 

ab anno 20. Edw. 1. ad ami. 14. Speech at their censure, in vol. vi.] 
Edw. IV. deprompta, 1637. Scripta Forsan 16. II. W. 
a Gulielmo Keylcy Blcwnumtlc ; et 


Julii 1 1 . Tuesday, Dr. Williams, Lord Bishop of Lincoln, A.D. 1637. 
was censured in the Star Chamber, for tampering 
and corrupting of witt. u in the King s cause; and 
Julii 24. Julii 24, being Monday, he was suspended by the 

High Commission, &c. x 

Aug. 3. Thursday, I married James Duke of Lenox, to 
the Lady Mary Villars, sole daughter to the L. 
Duke of Buckingham y. The marriage was in my 
chapel at Lambeth ; the day very rainy ; the King 

Wednesday, My L. Mayor sent me a libel found 
by the watch at the south gate of S. Paul s : That 
the devil had let that house to me, &c. 

Friday, Another libel brought me by an officer 
of the High Commiss., fastened to the north gate 
of S. Paul s : That the Government of the Church 
of England is a candle in the snuff, going out in a 

The same day, at night, my Lord Mayor sent me 
another libel, hanged upon the standard in Cheap- 
side. My speech in the Star Chamber, set in a 
kind of pillory, &c. 

Tuesday, Another short libel against me, in verse. 

Sunday, A great noise about the perverting of 
the La. Newport 7i . Speech of it at the Council a . 
My free speecli there to the King, concerning the 
increasing of the Roman party, the freedom at Den 
mark House, the carriage of Mr. Wai. Montague b 

u Witnesses. II. W. chamber longer than his sickness 

x [See A.rchbishop Laud s speech on would have detained him ; and Don 

this occasion, in vol. vi. A detailed Tobiah was in such perplexity, that 

account of the proceedings is given in I find he will make a very ill man to 

Kushworth s Collections, vol. ii. pp. be a martyr, but now the dog doth 

416 449.] again wag his tail." Lord Vine. Con- 

y [See above, p. 222.] way to the Lord Deputy, (without 

" [The wife of Montjoy Blount, na- date.) Strafforde Letters, vol. ii. p. 

tural son of Charles Blount, Earl of 125.] 

Devonshire, by Lady llich, to whom b [Walter Montague, younger son 

he was afterwards married. He wa.s of. Henry first Earl of Manchester, 

created Earl of Newport, Aug. 3,1028.] He became llomauist in 1635 ; and on 

a ["My Lord Newport was so fierce retiring to France was appointed, by 

in complaining for his wife being the interest of the Queen mother, first 

made a Papist, that the matter was Abbot of Nanteuil, afterwards Abbot 

debated at the Council-table, where of S. Martin, near Pontoise, and ulti- 

the King did use such words of Wat mately (it is said) Archbishop of Gui- 

Montague and Sir Tobie Matthew, enrie. (Sec Biog. Brit. p. 4047. note O, 

that the fright, made Wat keep his and Wood, F. 0. vol. ii. pp. 281, 235.)] 


A.D. 1637. Oct. 22. and Sr. Tobye Mattliewe c . The Queen acquainted 
with all I said that very night ; and highly displeased 
with me, and so continues. 

Nov. 22. Wednesday, The extreme and unnatural hot win 
ter weather began, and continued till Decemb. 8. 

Dec. 12. Tuesday, I had speech with the Queen a good 
space, and all about the business of Mr. Montague, 
but we parted fair. 

An. 1638. 

April 29. The tumults in Scotland, about the Service-Book 
offered to be brought in, began Julii 23, 1637, and 
continued increasing by fits, and hath now brought 
that kingdom in danger. No question, but there s 
a great concurrence between them and the Puritan 
party in England. A great aim there to destroy 
me in the King s opinion, &c. 

Maii 26. Saturday, James L. Marquess Hamilton set forth, 
as the King s Commissioner 01 , to appease the tumults 
in Scotland. God prosper him, for God and the 
King. It was a very rainy day. 

June. My visitation then began of Merton Coll. in 

Oxford, by my visitors 6 ; was adjourned to my own 
hearing, against, and upon Octob. 2. 

Oct. 2, 3, 4. I sat upon this business these three days, and 
adjourned it to Junii 1, inter horas primam et ter- 
tiam, Lambeth. The Warden f appeared very foul. 

Oct. 19. Friday, News was brought to us, as we sat in the 
Star Chamber, That the Q. Mother of France e 
was landed at Harwitch. 
Many and great apprehensions upon this business. 

c [Eldest son of Dr. Toby Matthew, England to the See of Rome. He died 

Archbishop of York. He was con- in 1655, in the College of the English 

verted to the Romish Church by the Jesuits at Ghent.] 

persuasion of Parsons the Jesuit, and d [See the Commission in King 

joined the Society of the Jesuits. On Charles s Large Declaration/ pp.77, 

his return to England, from which he 78. Lond. 1639.] 

had been absent some years, he was e [Their names are given in the 

knighted by James L, Oct. 10, 1623. preamble to the Injunctions. See 

He was taken into favour by Lord Works, vol. v.] 

Strafforde, and went with him to f [Sir Nathaniel Brent.] 

Ireland, where he remained only a [Mary de Medicis, driven from 

short time. He was employed, ac- France by Card. Richelieu. The King 

cording to Prynne, (Cant. Doom, p. went in state to meet her at liar- 

456,) by Urban VII I., to reconcile wich.] 


Oct. 19. Extreme windy and wet weather a week before A.D. 1038. 
and after. The watermen called it, Q. Mother 

Oct. 26. Friday, A most extreme tempest upon the 
Thames. I was in it, going from the Star Cham 
ber home, between six and seven at night. I was 
never upon the water in the like storm ; and was in 
great danger at my landing at Lambeth Bridge. 

Oct. 31. Wednesday, The Q,. Mother came into London, 
and so to S. James s h . 

Nov. 13. Tuesday, The agreement between me and Ab. 

A. S. S., &c. 

Nov. 21. Wednesday, The General Assembly in Scotland 
began to sit \ 

Nov. 29. Thursday, The proclamation issued out, for dis 
solving the General Assembly in Scotland, under 
pain of treason k . 

Dec. 20. They sat notwithstanding ; and made many 
strange acts 1 , till Decemb. 20, which was Thurs 
day, and then they rose. But have indicted another 
assembly against July next. 

Jan. 14. Monday, About five at night, a most grievous 
tempest of wind, thunder, lightning, and rain. 

Feb. 10. My book against Fisher the Jesuit was printed m ; 
and this day, being Sunday, I delivered a copy to 
his Majesty. 

Feb. 12. Tuesday night, I dreamed, that K. C. was to be 
married to a minister s widow ; and that I was 
called upon to do it. No Service-Book could be 
found arid in my own book, which I had, I could 
not find the Order for Marriage. 

h [See an account of her reception to their ecclesiastical superiors ; de- 

by Henrietta Maria, in Strickland s posed and excommunicated the two 

Queens of England, vol. viii. p. 74. Archbishops with the greater number 

Lond. 1845.] " of the Bishops, degraded the re- 

1 [See the King s " Large Declara- mainder, and failed not to renew the 

tion," p. 234.] expression of their abhorrence against 

k [Ibid. pp. 290. 294.] the Canons, Liturgy, the Perth Arti- 

1 [Bishop Kussell (Hist, of Church cles, and the High Commission."] 
of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 169) sums up m [This was the first separate edi- 

their proceedings in these words: tion. It will be remembered that it 

" They condemned the several assem- first appeared as an Appendix to 

blies by which Episcopacy had been White s "Reply to Jesuit Fisher s 

sanctioned; released the ministers Answere." See above, p. 140, note" 1 .] 
from the oaths which they had taken 


A.D. 1639. An. 1639. 

Mar. 27. Wednesday, Coronation- day", King Charles took 
bis journey northward, against the Scottish cove 
nanting rebels . God of His infinite mercy bless 
him with health and success. 

Mar. 29. Friday, An extreme fire in St. Olave s parish, 
South wark : forty houses burnt down. 

April 3. Wednesday, Before the King s going, I settled 
with him a great business for the Queen ; which 
I understood she would never move for herself. 
The Q. gave me great thanks. And this day I 
waited purposely on her, to give her thanks for her 
gracious acceptance. She was pleased to be very 
free with me, and to promise me freedom P. 

April 29. Monday, This day the King went from York 
toward Newcastle ; but stays at Durham for a week 
at least. 

Mail 8. His Majesty encamped two miles west from Bar- 
wick by Tweed. 

Junii 4. Whitsun Tuesday, As I was going to do my 
duty to the Queen, an officer of the L. Mayor s 
met me, and delivered to me two very seditious 
papers; the one to the L. Mayor and Aldermen, 
the other to excite the apprentices, &c. Both sub 
scribed by Jo. Lilburn, a prisoner in the Fleet, 
sentenced in the Star Chamber, &c.i 

Junii 5. Wednesday, I delivered both these to the Lords 
of the Council. 

Junii 15. Saturday and Monday, The peace concluded 

Junii 17. between the King and the Scottish rebels 1 ". God 
make it safe and honourable to the King and the 

" [See above, p. 213, note r .] News from Ipswich. He was con- 

[See the prayer on this occasion, demned to be whipped, to be set in 
above, p. 105. The use of the word the pillory, and to pay a fine of 500. 
rebellious in this prayer, was ob- to the King. He became an active 
jected against the Archbishop by the officer, and at last Lieutenant-Colonel 
Scotch Commissioners. (See Hist, of in the Parliamentary Army, in which 
Troubles and Trial, chap. iii. p. 131, capacity he behaved very gallantly at 
in marg.)] Marston Moor. Ultimately he joined 

P [See Prynne s remark on this the sect of the Quakers ; and died at 

passage, Cant. Doom, p. 418. And Eltham, in Kent, Aug. 29, 1657.] 

see above, p. 222, note a .] r [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 

1 [Lilburn had been sentenced, Feb. iii. pp. 943945.] 
13, 1637-8, for publishing Prynne s 


Junii 28. Friday, I sent the remainder of my manuscripts A.D. 1639. 
to Oxford, being in number 576 s . And about an 
hundred of them were Hebrew, Arabic, and Persian. 
I had formerly sent them above 700 volumes. 

Aug. 1. Thursday, His Majesty came back from his 
northern journey to Theobalds, and to White- Hall 

Aug. 3. on Saturday, Aug. 3. 

Many varieties, since the Assembly held and 
ended in Scotland *. The bishops thrust out. The 
Parliament there yet sitting. 

Oct. 11. Friday and Saturday, The Spanish navy was set 
12. upon by the Hollanders in the Downs. The fight 
began to be hot, when they were past Dover. They 
were in all near 60 sail. The Spaniards suffered 
much in that fight, not without our dishonour, 
that they should dare to begin the fight there. But 
this is one of the effects of the Scottish daring u . 

Dec. 2. Monday, A. Sh. my chirurgeon in trust, gave me 

A. Sh. great and unexpected ease in my great infirmity. 
But after, the weakness continued. 

Dec. 5. Thursday, The King declared his resolution for 
a Parliament, in case of the Scottish rebellion. 
The first movers to it were my L. Dep. of Ireland , 
my L. M. Hamilton, and myself. And a resolution 
voted at the Board, to assist the King in extra 
ordinary ways, if the Parliament should prove 
peevish x , and refuse, &c. 

Dec. 27. Friday, Being St. John s day, at night, between 
12 and 2 of the clock the next morning, the 
greatest wind that ever I heard blow. Many of the 
poor watermen at Lambeth had their boats tumbled 
up and down, as they lay on the land, and broken 
to pieces. One of my servants went into London, 
and durst not come home, the evening was so foul. 
And it was God s great blessing both on him and 
me. For that night, the shafts of two chimneys 
were blown down upon the roof of his chamber, and 

8 [See History of Chancellorship, oftheDowns.^ 

pp. 225227.] v [The Earl of Strafforde.] 

1 [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. x [This expression was objected 

iii. pp. 952, seq.] against the Archbishop at his trial. 

u [This was the great victory of Van See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap. 

Tromp, commonly known as the battle xxiii. p. 280, in ma;g.] 


A.D. 1639. Dec. 27. beat down both the lead and the rafters upon his 
bed ; where had he been that night, he must have 
perished y . At Croydon, one of the pinnacles fell 
from the steeple, and beat down the lead and the 
roof of the Church, near 20 foot square. 

Jan. 24. Friday, At night I dreamed, that my father (who 
died 46 years since) came to me ; and, to my 
thinking, he was as well and as cheerful as ever 
I saw him. He asked me, what I did here ? And 
after some speech, I asked him, how long he would 
stay with me ? He answered, he would stay till he 
had me away with him. I am not moved with 
dreams ; yet I thought fit to remember this. 

Jan. 25. Saturday, St. Paul s, A very blustering and a 
tempestuous day. 

Jan. 26. Sunday, I received the Queen s gracious as 
surance of her favour in the business which his 
Ma. had committed to me with others , &c. 

Feb. 9. Sunday, A large passage inserted, and afterwards 
blotted out. 

An. 1640. 

April 13. Monday, The Parliament sat down. Called about 
the rebellion of Scotland. 

April 14. Tuesday, The Convocation began at S. PauFs. 

April 24. Friday, The hot contestation in the Lords 
House, w r hich should have precedence, the King s 
supply, or the Subjects grievance. Voted in the 
Upper House for the King z . 

Maii 5. Tuesday, The Parliament ended, and nothing 
done. The Convocation continued. 

May 9. Saturday, A paper posted upon the Old Exchange, 

and 11. animating prentices to sack my house upon the 
Monday following, early. 

1 [ with others/ inserted at a later time.] 

y Hence may be corrected a great (Breviate of the Archbishop s Life, 

mistake committed by Heylin in the pp. 34, 35,) who not unwillingly took 

Life of the Archbishop, p. 450, [p. 422. the latter from a lying pamphlet, 

Ed. 1671.] The relation also, which wrote and published by that notorious 

followeth in Heylin, p. 451, [pp. 422, villain, Richard Culmer, entituled, 

423,] concerning the accident which Cathedral News from Canterbury. 

happened that night at Christ s H. VV. 

Church, Canterbury, is a no less wide 7 [See Nalson s Collection, vol. i. 

mistake, being unadvisedly taken, p. 331.] 
as well as the former, from Prynne, 


II. W. From this place, four pages* together in the original A.D. 1640. 
are in part burned, in the form of a crescent. This damage 
was done to the book while it was in Mr. Prynne s hands, 
before it was produced as evidence against the Archbishop at 
his trial. For, in the following History, at March 13, 1643, 
the Archbishop saith : I know into whose hands my book is 
fallen ; but what hath been done with it, I know not. This 
is to be seen. Some passages in that book are half burnt 
out; whether purposely, or by chance, God knoweth b . And 
the like words of the Archbishop occur afterwards, at July 29, 
1644 : That passage (of Febr. 11, 1640, urged against the 
Archbishop out of his Diary] is more than half burnt out, as 
is to be seen, whether of purpose by Mr. Prynne, or c isually, 
I cannot tell ; yet the passage is confidently made up, and 
read to your Lordships, as if nothing were wanting . It is 
indeed undeniably evident to any one ivho compareth the 
original with Prynne s printed copy, that this accident had 
befallen the book before Prynne had caused it to be tran 
scribed for the press. Yet he taketh no notice of it, but 
filleth up the places with such words as himself pleaseth ; and 
publisheth the whole without any distinction of his own addi 
tions. I have, partly from Prynne, partly from my own 
conjecture, supplied the mutilated places as well as I could ; 
but have included all such suppletory words in crotchets ; that 
so the reader may easily distinguish those words which are 
yet to be read in the original, from those ivhich are not ; and 
may judge, whether the several places be aptly filled up (l . 

May 11. Monday night, At midnight my house a[t Lam-] 
beth was beset with 50 [0 of] these rascal routers. 
[I] had notice, and stren [gthened] the house as 
well [as I] could; and God be [thanked, I had] 
no harm ; t [hey continued] there full two [hours] . 

Since I hav[e for]tified my house as well as 

I can ; and hope all may be safe. But yet libels are 
continually set up in all places of note in the city. 

a [leaves.] must be considered as representing 

b [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, the present state of the MS., and not 

chap, xxiii. p. 230, in marg.] the state in which it was found by 

c [Ibid. chap. xlii. p. 408, in marg.] H. Wharton.] 
d [The brackets, as now inserted, 


A.D. 1640. Mail 11. My deliverance was great; God make me thank 
ful for it. 

Maii 21. Thursday, One of the chief being taken 6 , was 
condemned at Southwark, and hanged and quar- 

May 23. tered on Saturday morning following. 

Maii 15. But before this, some of these mutinous people 
came in the day-time, and brake the White Lion 
Prison f , and let loose their fellows, both out ot 
that prison and the King s Bench, and the other 
prisoners also out of the White Lion. 

Maii 29. Friday, The Convocation sat after the ending 
of the Parliament till May 29, and then ended ; 
having made in that time 17 Canons; which, I 
hope, will be useful to the Church . 

Maii 29. The Bishop of Glocester, Godfrye Goodman, sus 
pended for notorious scandal to the Church, in 
refusing, first to subscribe the Canons, and after to 
profess h a reservation \ He had long before been 
suspected as inclining to [Pop]ery. 

The Canons were all [voted] nemine dissen- 
ti\ente^\ save this Bishop, who had in general con 
sented before. 

Julii 10. Friday, I took my oath to the new Canons at the 
Council Table ; and so did my L. Bp. of London ; 
and after him the Bp. of Glocester submitted him 
self, and took the oath; and was released out of 
prison by the King s command. 

Julii 22. Tuesday, I christened the King s young son, 
Henry, at Oatlands. The Queen was there happily 

Julii 8. delivered of him, on Wednesday, being the day of 
the solemn fast, about 6 of the clock in the evening. 

Aug. 20. Thursday, His Majesty took his journey towards 
the north in haste, upon information that the Scots 
were entered the Monday before into England, and 

e [See the Proclamation for the a narrative of the proceedings in Con- 
apprehension of the rioters, Rymer, vocation is contained in Nalson s 
Fred. IX. iii. p. 7.] Collection, vol. i. pp. 351 376.] 

f [In Southwark. It was situated h L. for professing. H. W. 
at the south end of S. Margaret s Hill, * [See a detailed account of Good- 
near S. George s Church.] man s conduct in Hist, of Troubles 

f [They are reprinted in Kalson s and Trial, chap. ii. pp. 8183, in 

Collection, vol. i. p. 542, seq. ; Wilkins s marg.] 
Concilia, vol. iv. pp. 543, seq. And 


Aug. 20. meant to be at Newcastle by Saturday k . The Scots A.D. 1G40. 
entered Aug. 20. l 

Aug. 22. Saturday, A [vile] libel brought me, [found in] 
Covent Garden; ani [mating] the apprentices [and 
sol] diers to fall up [on me] in the King s absence. 

Sept. 21. I received a [letter from] John Kockel, a m[au 
both by] name and person [unknown] to me 1 . He 
was [among the] Scots, as he tra [veiled through 
the] Bishopric of [Durham] he heard them [in 
veigh and] rail at me [exceedingly, and that] they 
hoped shortly [to see me, as the Duke] was slain 
by [one least] suspected. His le[tter was to] ad 
vise me to look to myself. 

Sept. 24. Thursday, A great Council of the Lords were 
called by the King to York m , to consider what way 
was best to be taken to get out the Scots ; and this 
day the meeting began at York, and continued till 
Octob. 28. 

Oct. 22. Thursday, The High Commission sitting at S. 
Paul s, because of the troubles of the times. Very 
near 2,000 Brownists made a tumult at the end of 
the court, tore down all the benches in the con 
sistory; and cried out, they would have no Bishop, 
nor no High Commission 11 . 

Oct. 27. Tuesday, Simon and Jude s eve, I went into my 
upper study, to see some manuscripts, which I was 
sending to Oxford . In that study hung my 
picture, taken by the life. And coming in, I found 
it fallen down upon the face, and lying on the floor. 
The string being broken, by which it was hanged 
against the wall. I am almost every day threatened 
with my ruin in Parliament. God grant this be 
no omen P. 

1 [ The . . . Aug. 20. in marg.] 

k [See the prayer used on this Archbishop Usher, Oct. 23, 1640.] 
occasion, above, p. 106.] [See History of Chancellorship, 

1 [See Eockel s Letter in Prynne s pp. 293, 294.] 

Hidden Works of Darkness, pp. 187, P [This passage was urged against 

188.] the Archbishop at his trial. (Hist, of 

m [See the Writ in Rushworth s Col- Troubles and Trial, chap. xlii. p. 408, 

lections, vol. iii. p. 1257.] in marg.)] 

n [See the Archbishop s Letter to 


A.D. 1640. [Nov. 3.] Tuesday, The Parliament began. The King [di]d 
not ride, but went by [w] ater to King s Stairs, and 
[th] rough Westminster-Hall to the Church, and so 
to the [Hou]se. 

[Nov. 4.] Wednesday, The Convo[catio]n began at S. Paul s. 

Nov. 1 1 . Wednesday, Thomas Vis [count] Wentworth, Earl 

of [Strafforjd, accused to the Lords [by the] House 

of Commons, for [high] treason, and restrained to 

[the us] her of the House *. 

[Nov.] 25, Wednesday, He was sent to the Tower. 
Dec. 2. Wednesday, A great debate in the House, that 
no B. should be so much as of the Committee for 
preparatory examinations in this cause, as accounted 
causa sanguims ; put off till the next day. 
Dec. 3. Thursday, The debate declined. 
Dec. 4. Friday, The King gave way, that his Councel 
should be examined upon oath in the E. of Straf- 
ford s case. I was examined this day. 

Dec. 16. Wednesday, The Canons condemned in the House 
of Commons, as being against the King s preroga 
tive, the fundamental laws of the realm, the liberty 
and propriety of the subject, and containing divers 
other things tending to sedition, and of dangerous 
consequence 1 . Upon this I was made the author of 
[them,] and a Committee put upon me to [en] quire 
into all my actions, [and] to prepare a charge. 

The same morning, in [the] Upper House, I was 
na[med as an] incendiary by [the Scot]tish Com 
missioners; and [a ....] complaint promised to 
[be drawn up] to-morrow. 

I was con- Dec. 18. Friday, I w[as accu]sed by the House [of Com- 
Bishopof mons] for high tre[ason, without] any particular 

^ aint [charge] laid against me ; [which they] said, should 

November be [prepared in] convenient time. [Mr. Denzell] 

18 > 1621> Hollys s was the [man that brought] up the mes 

sage [to the Lords. Soon] after, the charge [was 
brought into] the Upper House [by the Scottish] 

<> [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. on Dec. 14. There is a detailed ac- 

viii. (which is occupied exclusively count of the speeches in Nalson s 

with the Earl s trial), p. 3.] Collection, vol. i. pp. 666679.] 

r [The debate on the Canons began s [Second son to John Earl of Clare.] 


.Dec. 18. Commissioners, [tending to] prove me an [incen- A.D. 1G40. 
diary,] I was presently [committed to the] gentle 
man us [her ; but was permitted] to go in his 
comp[any to my house at Lam]beth t , for a book or 
two to read in, and such papers as pertained to 
my defence against the Scots. 

I stayed at Lambeth till the evening, to avoid 
the gazing of the people. I went to evening prayer 
in my chapel. The Psalms of the day, and chap. 50. Psal. 93, 
of Esai, gave me great comfort. God make me ar 
worthy of it, and fit to receive it. 

As I went to my barge, hundreds of my poor 
neighbours stood there, and prayed for my safety, 
and return to my house. For which, I bless God 
and them. 

Dec. 21. Monday, I was fined 500/. in the Parliament 
House, and Sir John Lambe and Sir Hen. Martin, 
250/. a piece, for keeping Sir Eob. Howard close 
prisoner in the case of the escape of the Lady 
Viscountess Purbecke out of the G ate-house ; which 
lady he kept avowedly, and had children by her u . 
In such a case, say the imprisonment were more 
than the law allow ; what may be done for honour 
and religion sake? This was not a fine to the 
King, but damage to the party 1 . 

[Dec. 23.] Wednesday, The Lords ordered me to pay the 

money presently; which was done. 

[Jan.21\] Thursday, A Parliament [man] of good note, and 
interessed [with] divers Lords, sent me word, 
[that] by reason of my patient [and m]oderate 
carriage since my [commit] ment, four Earls of 
great [power] in the Upper House [of] the Lords 
1 [ Tliis . . . party. note in marg.] 

i [Prynne remarks, (in margin of below, Hist, of Troubles and Trial, 

Breviate, p. 24,) Where he then chap. v. p. 146, in marg.] 

burned most of his privy letters and x [This date is inserted by H.Whar- 

papers. See the Archbishop s Eeply ton on conjecture. But H. Wharton 

to this assertion, at the end of the (above, p. 235) and the Archbishop 

Diary.] himself (Hist, of Troubles and Trial, 

u [See above, Jan. 21, and March chnp. xlii. p, 408, in marg.) refer to it 

5, 1624, and Novemb. 1628. This case as "Feb. 11."] 
is also mentioned more in detail 


,.D. 1040. [Jan. 21.] were not [uow] so sliarp against me [as at] first. 
And that now they [were] resolved only to se- 
[quester] rne from the King s Coun[cil, and] to put 
me from my [Arch] bishopric. So I see, what 
justice I may expect; since here is a resolution 
taken, not only before my answer, but before my 
charge was brought up against me y. 

Feb. 14. Sunday, A. R. z And this, if I live, and continue 
Archbishop of Canterbury, till after Michaelmas- 
day come twelvemonth, anno 164.2. God bless me 
in this. 

Feb. 26. Friday, This day I had been full ten weeks in 
restraint at Mr. Maxwell s house. And this day, 
being St. Aug. day, my charge was brought up 
from the House of Commons to the Lords, by Sir 
Henry Vane the younger l . It consisted of fourteen 
articles. These generals they craved time to prove 
in particular. The copy of this general charge is 
among my papers. I spake something to it. And 
the [co]py of that also is among my papers. I had 
favour [from the] Lords not to go to the [Tower] 
till the Monday foil [owing.] 

Mar. 1. Monday, I went [in Mr.] Maxwell s coach to the 
[Tower.] No noise, till I ca[me into] Cheapside. 
But from [thence] to the Tower, I was [followed] 
and railed at by the [prentices and] the rabble, in 
great [numbers,] to the very Tower [gates, where I 
left] them ; and I thank G [od, he made me] 

Mar. 9. Shrove-Tuesday, [........] was with me in 

[the Tower;] and gave great [engagements of his] 
faith to me. 

Mar. 13. Saturday a , [Divers Lords] dined with the L[ord 
Herbert b , at his] new house by [Fox-Hall in] Lam- 

1 [ by younger. inserted in marg.] 

>" [This passage was urged against had set his mind, but which he had 
the Archbishop at his trial. Hist, of not carried out.] 
Troubles and Trial, chap. xlii. p. 408, a The defects of this place are sup- 
in marg.] plied from the following history. 

1 [Query, do these letters signify H. W. 

" Appropriations redimendre "! This b [Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of 

was a design on which the Archbishop Worcester. He succeeded his father. 


bcth. Three [of these Lords in the] boat together, A.I>. 1640. 
[when one of] them saying, he [was sorry for my] 
commitment, beca[use the buil]ding of St. Paul s 
went [slow] on therewhile; the Lo[rd] Brooke 
replied, I hope some of us shall live to see no one 
stone left upon another of that building. 

Iar.l[5], Monday, A Committee for Religion settled in the 
Upper House of Parliament. Ten earls, ten bishops, 
ten barons. So the lay-votes shall be double to the 
clergy. This Committee will meddle with doctrine 
as well as ceremonies, and will call some divines to 
them to consider of the business. As appears by a 
letter hereto annexed, sent by the L. Bp. of Lincoln 
to some divines to attend this service d . Upon the 
whole matter, I believe this Committee will prove 
the national synod of England, to the great dis 
honour of this Church. And what else may follow 
upon it, God knoweth. 

Mar. 22. Monday, The E. of Stafford s trial began in 
Westminster-Hall 6 ; and it continued till the end of 
April, taking in the variation of the House of Com 
mons, who after a long hearing drew a Bill of 
Attainder against him. 

[^ra. 1641.] 

"Mar. 25.] Thursday, A. Sh. performed his promise to the 

"May 1 .] Saturday, The King came into the Upper House, 
[and] there declared before both Houses how dili 
gently he [had] hearkened to all the proceeding! 
with the E. of Strafford; [and] found that his 
fault, what [ever it was], could not amount to [high 
tre] ason : that if it went by [bill] it must pass by 
him ; and [that] he could not with his con [scien] ce 
find him guilty, nor [would] wrong his conscience 

as second Marquis of Worcester, and Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 455. Oxf. 1826; 

was active in the King s cause. He and South s Sermons, vol. L p. 185. 

is known also as the author of The Ozf. 182$, See also below, p. 249. 

Century of Inventions. ] March 2, 1642.] 

e . [Robert Greville, who met with hia d [See History of Troubles and Trial, 

death in so remarkable a manner when chap. viii. pp. 174, 175, in marg.] 

assaulting Lichfield cathedral on 8. e [Bee Ruahworth s Collections, vol. 

Chad s day. See Clarendon s Hist of viii. pp. 101, seq.] 

LAUD. VOL. in. R 


A.D. 1641. May J . [so f]ar. But advised them to pro[ceed] by way of 
misdemeanour ; [and he] would concur with them f . 
The same day, after the [King] was gone, a letter 
was [read] in the Upper House from the Scots, in 
which they did earnestly desire to be gone. It was 
moved for a present conference with the House of 
Commons about it. The debate about it was very 
short ; yet the Commons were risen beforehand. 

Maii 12. Wednesday, The Earl of Straff ord beheaded upon 

Junii 23. Wednesday, I acquainted the King by my Ld. of 
London, that I would resign my Chancellorship of 
Oxford, and why . 

Junii 25. Friday, I sent down my resignation of the Chan 
cellorship of Oxford, to be published in Convocation 11 . 

Julii 1. Thursday, This was done; and the E. of Pem 
broke chosen Chancellor by joint consent. 

Aug. 10. Tuesday, The King went post into Scotland. The 
Parliament sitting, and the armies not yet dissolved. 

Sept. 23. Thursday, Mr. Adam Torless, my ancient, loving 
and faithful servant, then my steward, after he had 
served me full forty-two years, died, to my great 
loss and grief 1 . 

Oct. 23. The Lords in Parliament sequestered my juris 
diction to my inferior officers 14 , and ordered, that 
I should give no benefice without acquainting them 
first to whom I would give it, that so they might 

Nov. 2. approve. This order was sent me on Tuesday, 
November 2, in the afternoon. 

Nov. 1. News came to the Parliament of the troubles in 
Ireland. The King being then in Scotland, where 
there were troubles enough also. 

Nov. 25. Thursday, The King at his return from Scotland 
was sumptuously entertained in London, and great 
joy on all hands. God prosper it. 

f [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. the valuable services of this faithful 

viii. p. 734.] attendant in Hist, of Troubles and 

* [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, Trial, chap. x. p. 182 in marg.] 
chap. x. p. 181 in marg.] k j-^ t tne suggestion of Abp. Wil 

h [See Hist, of Chancellorship, pp. liams. See ibid. chap. xi. p. 183 in 

298, seq.] marg.] 

1 [The Abp. speaks more fully of 


Dec. 30. Thursday, The Archbishop of York 1 , and eleven A.D. 1641. 
bishops more m , sent to the Tower for high treason, 
for delivering a petition and a protestation into the 
House, that this was not a free Parliament, since 
they could not come to vote there, as they are . 
bound, without danger of their lives. 

Tuesday, His Majesty went into the House of 
Commons, and demanded the persons of Mr. Denzill 
Hollis, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. Jo. Pym, Mr. Jo. 
Hampden, and Mr.Wi. Strode, whom his Attorney n 
had the day before, together with the Ld. Kimbol- 
ton , accused of high treason, upon seven articles. 
They had information, and were not then in the 
House : they came in after, and great stir was made 
about this breach of the privileges of Parliament. 

Saturday, Voted in the Lords House, that the 
bishops shall have no votes there in Parliament. The 
Commons had passed that bill before. Great ringing 
for joy, and bonfires in some parishes. 

Friday, The Queen went from Greenwich toward 
Dover, to go into Holland with her daughter, the 
Princess Mary, who was lately married to the Prince 
of Orange his son P. But the true cause was, the 
present discontents here. The King accompanied 
her to the sea. 

Feb. 14. His Majesty s message to both Houses, printed, by 
which he puts all into their hands ; so God bless us ^. 

Feb. 14. An order came, that the twelve bishops might . 
put in bail, if they would; and that they should 
have their hearing upon Friday, Feb. 25. They 
went out of the Tower on Wednesday, Feb. 16, and 

1 [John Williams, translated Dec. 4, Llandaff.J 

1641.] n [Sir Edward Herbert, afterwards 

m [Thomas Morton, Bp. of Durham ; made Lord Keeper.] 
Joseph Hall, Bp. of Norwich ; Kobert [Edward Montagu, the eldest son 
Wright, Bp. of Cov. and Lich. ; John of the Earl of Manchester ; afterwards 
Owen, Bp. of St. Asaph ; William his successor in the title, and a Par- 
Pierce, Bp. of Bath and Wells; George liamentary General. He was now a 
Coke, Bp. of Hereford; Matthew Wren, member of the House of Peers.] 
Bp. of Ely; Robert Skinner, Bp. of P [By this marriage she was the 
Oxford ; Godfrey Goodman, Bp. of mother of William the Third.] 
Gloucester ; John Towers, Bp. of Pe- 1 [See Eushworth s Collections, vol. 
terborough; and Morgan Owen, Bp. of iv. p. 553.] 

n 2 


A.D. 1641. Feb. 14. were sent in again, Feb. 17, the House of Commons, 
on Wednesday night, protesting against their coming 
forth, because they were not in a parliamentary way 
made acquainted with it. 

Feb. 20. Sunday, There came a tall man to me, under the 
name of Mr. Hunt. He professed he was unknown 
to me ; but came (he said) to do me service in a 
great particular ; and prefaced it, that he was not 
set on by any statesman, or any of the Parliament. 
So he drew a paper out of his pocket, and shewed 
me 4 Articles drawn against me to the Parliament, 
all touching my near conversation with priests, and 
my endeavours by them to subvert religion in 
England. He told me the Articles were not yet put 
into the House : they were subscribed by one Wil- 
loughby, who (he said) was a priest, but now come 
from them. I asked him what service it was he 
could do me. He said, he looked for no advantage 
to himself. I conceived hereupon this was a piece 
of villany : and bade him tell Willoughby he was a 
villain ; and bid him put his Articles into the Par 
liament, when he will. So I went presently into 
my inner chamber, and told Mr. Ed. Hyde r , andj 
Mr. Rich. Cobb s , what had befallen me. But after 
I was sorry at my heart, that my indignation at this 
base villany made me so hasty to send Hunt away ; 
and that I had not desired Mr. Lieutenant to seize 
on him, till he brought forth this Willoughby. 

Feb. 25. Friday, The Q. went to sea for Holland, and her 
eldest daughter the Princess Mary with her. 

Mar. 6. Sunday, After sermon, as I was walking up and 
down my chamber before dinner, without any slip 
or treading awry, the sinew of my right leg gave a 
great crack, and brake asunder in the same place 
where I had broken it before, Feb. 5, 162J *. 
Orders about Stisted u . 

1 [Afterwards the celebrated Earl of above, pp. 82, 83.] 

Clarendon.] [See a full account of the business 

1 [His faithful servant. See Will.] relating to Stisted in Hist, of Troubles 

1 [See prayer on this occasion, and Trial, chap. xv. p. 194 in marg.] 


[An. 1642.] A.D. 1642. 

It was two months before I could go out of my 

aii 15. chamber. On Sunday I made shift between my 

man and my staff to go to church. There one Mr. 

Joslin x preached, with vehemency becoming Bedlam, 

with treason sufficient to hang him in any other 

State, and with such particular abuse to me, that 

women and boys stood up in the church to see 

how I could bear it. I humbly thank God for my 


All along things grew higher between the King 
and the Parliament. God send a good issue, 
laii 29. Four ships came into the river, with part of the 

ammunition from Hull y. 

Aug. 22. Monday, The King set up his standard at Not 

g. 24. The Parliament having committed three officers 
of the ordnance, and sent two new ones in the room ; 
this day they brake open all the doors, and pos 
sessed themselves of the stores. 

g. 27. Saturday, E. of Southampton z and Sir Jot Cul- 
pepper a sent from the K. to have a treaty for 
peace b . Refused. Unless the K. would take down 
his standard, and recal his proclamation which made 
them traitors c . 

Sept. 1. Thursday, Bishops voted down, and Deans and 
Chapters l , in the Lower House. That night bonfires 
and ringing all over the city : ordered cunningly 
by Pennington the new L. Mayor d . 

Ante ult. Aug. About this time the Cathedral of Canter 
bury grossly profaned. 

1 [ and . . . chapters, in marg.] 

x [Ralph Josselin was at this time Peer.] 

Vicar of Earl s Colne. Was this the b [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 

person 1] iv. p. 784.] 

y [Sent by Sir John Hotham, who c [Ibid. p. 785. J 

had garrisoned Hull by order of Par- d [Isaac Pennington, chosen in the 

liamcnt.] room of Sir R. Gurney; afterwards 

2 [Thomas Wriothesley, the father made Governor of the Tower, and 

of Lady Rachel Russell.] appointed one of the King s Judges, 

a [Chancellor of the Exchequer, though he did not take his scat 

afterwards Master of the Rolls, and a among them.] 


A D. 1612. Sept. 9. Friday, An Order from the House, about the 
giving of Allhallows-Bread-street. 

The E. of Essex set forward towards the King. 

Sept. 10. [Bishops] voted down in the upper House (Du- 
bitatur} . 

Oct. 15. Saturday, Resolved upon the question, that the 
fines, rents, and profits of Archbishops, Bishops, 
Deans, and Chapters, and of such notorious delin 
quents who have taken up arms against the Parlia 
ment, or have been active in the commission of 
array, shall be sequestered for the use and service 
of the Commonwealth. 

Oct. 23. Sunday, Keinton 6 Field 1 . 

Oct. 24. Monday, An Order from the House. Keep but 
two servants, speak with no prisoner or other per 
son, but in the presence of my warder, (this com- 

Oct. 26. mon to other prisoners 2 .) This order not shown 

Oct. 27. me till Oct. 26. And I sent a petition to the House 
for a cook and a butler, Thursday. This order 

Oct. 28. revoked, Friday : And this granted me. Wednes 
day, Mr. Cook s relation to me of some resolutions 
taken in the city, &c. 

Nov. 2. Wednesday night, I dreamed the Parliament was 
removed to Oxford ; the Church undone : some old 
courtiers came in to see me, and jeered : I went to 
St. John s, and there I found the roof off from some 
parts of the College, and the walls cleft, and ready 
to fall down. God be merciful. 

Nov. 8. Seventy-eight pounds of my rents 3 taken from 
my controller, by Mr. Holland and Mr. Ashurst 4 , 
which they said was for maintenance of the King s 

Nov. 9. Wednesday morning, Five of the clock, Captain 
Brown and his company entered my house at Lam- 

[ K-einton Field. in marg-.J 

[< (this . . . prisoners.) in marg.] 

[< of my rents in marg.] 

[ Rushworth inserted originally, then erased.] 

e [Better known as Edge Hill.] 


Nov. 9. beth, to keep it for public service ; and they made A.D. 1612. 
of it 1 

The Lords, upon my petition to them, denied 
they knew of any such order, and so did the Com 
mittee ; yet such an order there was, and divers 
Lords hands to it ; but upon my petition they 
made an order that my books should be secured 
and my goods. 

Nov. 10. Some Lords went to the .King about an accom 
modation f . 

Nov. 12. Saturday, A fight about Brainford ; many slain 
of the Parliament s forces, and some taken pri 
soners. Such as would not serve the King, were 
sent back with an oath given them 2 . The fight is 
said to begin casually about billetting. Since this, 
voted in the House for no accommodation, but to 
go on, and take all advantages. 

Nov. 16. Wednesday, An order to bar all prisoners men 
from speaking one with another, or any other, but 
in presence of the warder ; nor go out without the 
lieutenant s leave 3 : and to bar them the liberty of 
the Tower. 

Nov. 22. Tuesday, Ordered, That any one of them may go 
out to buy provision. 

Nov. 24. Thursday, The soldiers at Lambeth House brake 
open the chapel door, and offered violence to the 
organ; but before much hurt was done, the cap 
tains heard of it, and stayed them. 

Dec. 2. Friday, Some of the King s forces taken at Farn- 

About an hundred of them brought in carts to 
London : ten carts full. Their legs bound. They 
were sufficiently railed upon in the streets. 

Dec. 19. Monday, My petition for Mr. Corners * to have 

1 [These two entries of Nov. 8 and 9 originally transposed. This sentence 
left imperfect.] 

2 [ Such . . . them. inserted on opposite page.] 

3 [ nor . . . leave : in marg.] 

f [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. pears to have been a relation of Sir 

v. pp. 5658.] John Coniers, the Lieutenant of the 

* [The Lecturer at Bow. He ap- Tower, who applied to Laud in hi.-* 


A D. 1624. Dec. 19. the vicarage of Horsham. Before it came to be 
delivered, the House had made an order against 
him, upon complaint from Horsham of his dis- 

Dec. 21. orderly life. So I petitioned for my chaplain, 

St. Tho- Mr. W. Brackstone h . Refused: yet no exception 

mas s taken 1 . 

day. That day, in the morning, my young dun horse 

was taken away, by warrant under the hands of 
Sir Jo. Evelyn *, Mr. Pirn k , and Mr. Martin l . 

Dec. 23. Thursday, Dr. Lay ton m came with a warrant 
from the House of Commons 2 for the keys of my 
house to be delivered to him, and more prisoners 
to be brought thither, &c. 

Jan. 5. A final order from both Houses for settling of 
164| Lambeth prison, &c. 

Thursday. All my wood and coals spent, or to be spent 
there, not reserving in the order that I shall have 
any for my own use; nor would that motion be 
hearkened to. 

Jan. 6. Friday, Epiphany, E. of Manchester s letter from 
the House, to give Allhallows, Bread- street, to 
Mr. Seaman 11 . 

Jan. 26. Thursday, The bill passed the Lds. House for 
abolishing Episcopacy, &c. 

Feb. 3. Friday, Dr. Heath came to persuade me to give 
Chartham P to Mr. Corbet *, &c, 

1 [ yet . . . taken. inserted on opposite page.] 

2 [ from . . . Commons in marg.] 

behalf. See Hist, of Troubles and Seaman, Chaplain to the Earl of 

Trial, chap. xvi. p. 198 in marg.] Northumberland, was afterwards ap- 

h [Son of an Alderman of Eeading. pointed Master of Peterhouse, Cam- 
He was elected to S. John s College, bridge. He was ejected at the 
Oxford, from Reading School.] Restoration, and died Sept. 9, 1675.1 

1 [Of West Dean, in Wilts.] [Laud (Hist, of Troubles and 

k [John Pym, the keen opponent of Trial, chap. xvii. p. 200 in marg.) 

the Archbishop.] mentions that he was of Merton Col- 

1 [Henry Marten, one of the regi- lege. Wood (F, 0. i. 475) mentions a 

cides.] Dr. Heath of that House, who was 

m [Alexander Leighton, the author Chancellor of Peterborough, and who 
of Sion s Plea against Prelacy. Laud afterwards became a Romanist. He 
considered the appointment of Leigh- was probably the same person.] 
ton to the charge of Lambeth Palace P [Vacant by the death of Dr. Isaac 
as a studied indignity. See Hist, of Bargrave, Dean of Canterbury.] 
Troubles and Trial, chap. xvi. p. 198 i [Edward Corbet, of Merton Col 
in marg.] lege. See Hist, of Chancellorship, 

n [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, p. 133.] 
chap, xvi. p. 199 in marg. Lazarus 


Feb. 14. Tuesday, I received a letter r , dated Jan. 17 l , from A.D. 1642. 
His Majesty, to give Chartham to Mr. Reddinge 8 , or 
lapse it to him. 

That afternoon, the E. of Warwick i came to me, 
and brought me an order of the House to give it to 
one Mr. Culmer u . This order bare date, Feb. 4. 

Feb. 25. Saturday, Mr. Culmer came to me about it. I 
told him I had given my L. my answer. 

Mar. 2. Thursday, S. Cedd s day. The Lord Brooke shot 
in the left eye, and killed in the place, at Lichfield, 
going to give the onset upon the close of the 
church, he having ever been fierce against Bps. 
and cathedrals : his beaver up, and armed to the 
knees, so that a musket at that distance could have 
done him but little harm. Thus was his eye put 
out, who about two years since said, he hoped to 
live to see at S. Paul s not one stone left upon 
another x . 

Mar. 10. Friday, This night preceding, I dreamed a war 
rant was come to free me ; and that I spake with 
Mr. Lieutenant, that my warder might keep the 
keys of my lodging, till I had got some place for 

1 [ dated Jan. 17, inserted above the line.] 

r [This letter is recorded by Prynne forbear to present any other to the 

(Breviate, pp. 32, 33) : same, that so the said Parsonage 

" Charles Rex, lapsing into our gift, we may, as we 

" Most reverend Father in God, and intend, confer it on him. This we 

right-trusty and well-beloved, we greet are confident of from you, both in 

you well. regard of the person s worthiness and 

" We are informed that Dr. Isaac sufferings, and that we shall therein 
Bargrave, Dean of our Cathedral of receive very good content and satis- 
Cant., is very lately deceased, and by faction. Given at our Court at Ox- 
his death the Parsonage of Chartham, ford, the 27th (17th ?) of January, 
near Cant., became void. Many good 1642."] 

motives and reasons have graciously s [John Heading, of S. Mary s, Do- 
inclined us to favour therewith John ver, where he was cruelly treated by 
Reading, Clerk, now beneficcd at the Puritans. He was presented to a 
Dover, in our County of Kent, but stall in Cant. Cath. ; but did not enjoy 
deprived, as we understand, of the either that or the Rectory of Chartham 
small livelihood he had thence accru- till the Restoration. (Wood, Ath. Ox. 
ing by the perverse disposition of iii. 794796.)] 

some of his turbulent parishioners. l [Robert Rich, a great favourer of 

Wherefore we very earnestly desire the Puritans.] 

you to bestow the Parsonage of Char- u [The notorious Richard Culmer, 

tham upon the said John Reading, or the profaner of Cant. Cathedral, of 

at the least, that if you shall be re- whom more hereafter.] 

strained from so doing by either or * [See above, p. 241, March 13, 

both Houses of Parliament, you then 1640.] 


AD. 1642. Mar. 10. myself and my stuff, since I could not go to 

Lambeth. 6 

I waked, and slept again, and had the very same 
dream a second time. 

Mar. 20. Monday, The L. of Northumberland y, Mr. Par- 
point z , Sir Jo. Holland a , Sir Wi. Ermin b , and Mr. 
Whitlock c , went from both Houses to treat of peace 
with his Majesty d . God of his mercy bless it and us. 
Mar. 24. Friday, One Mr. Foord told me (he is a Suffolk 
man) that there was a plot to send me and Bp. 
Wrenn, as delinquents, to New England within four 
teen days ; and that Wells e , a minister that came 
thence, offered wagers of it. The meeting was at Mr. 
Barks a merchant s house in Friday-street, being this 
Foord s son-in-law. I never saw Mr. Foord before. 

[An. 1643.] 

Mar. 28. Tuesday, Another order from the Lords to give 
Chartham to one Mr. Edw. Hudson. My answer, 
as before. 

April 11. Another order for the same, and very peremp- 
Tuesday 1 . tory. This came to me April 12, whereupon I 
April 13. petitioned the House, Thursday, April 13. My 
former answer being wilfully mistaken by Hudson. 
That present day another order, very quick ; 
April 14. which was brought to me Friday, April 14. I peti 
tioned the House again the same day with great 
submission, but could not disobey the King. 
April 12. Another peremptory order, to collate Chartham 
on Mr. Edw. Corbet f , brought to me Saturday, 

1 [ Wednesday erased. Tuesday in marg.] 

y [Algernon Percy, tenth Earl of one of the Commissioners of the Par- 
Northumberland.] liamentary Great Seal, and one of 

z [William Pierrepoint, second son Cromwell s Lords.] 

of the Earl of Kingston.] d [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 

a [Afterwards one of the Commis- v. p. 175.] 

si oners to treat with Charles II. at the e [Wells had been suspended by 

Hague.] Laud when Bp. of London. See Hist. 

b [Sir William Armyne, many times of Troubles and Trial, chap. xx. pp. 

employed by Parliament in public 213, 214, in marg.] 

commissions.] f [See above, p. 248. note q.] 

c [Bulstrode Whitlock, afterwards 


April22. April 22. I gave my Answer as before, but in A.D. 1643. 

April 24. as soft terms as I could. Monday, April 24. 

April 25. Tuesday, It was moved in the House of Commons 
to send me to New England ; but it was rejected . 
The plot was laid by Peters, Wells, and others. 

Maii 1. Monday, My chapel windows at Lambeth defaced, 
and the steps torn up. 

Maii 2 1 . Tuesday, The cross in Cheapside taken down h . 

Maii 9. Tuesday, All my goods seized upon, books and 
all. The seizers were Capt. Guest, Layton, and 
Dickins. The same day an order for further re 
straint of me, not to go out of it without my keeper. 
This order was brought to me Maii 10. 

Maii 1 6. Tuesday, An order of both Houses for the disposing 
of my benefices, &c. void, or to be void 1 . This order 

Maii 17. was brought to me Wednesday, Maii 17, at night. 
Methinks I see a cloud rising over me about Chart- 
ham business ; there having been a rumour twice 
that I shall be removed to a prison lodging. 

Maii 23. Tuesday, I sent my petition for maintenance. 

This day the Queen was voted a traitor in the 
Commons House. 

Maii 19 J. Saturday, Another order to collate Edward Corbet 

Maii 26. to Chartham. It was brought to me Friday,Maii 26. 

Maii 27. I answered it Maii 27, as before. 

7 H. W. Thus far the Archbishop had proceeded in his 
Diary ; when it was violently seized, and taken out of his 
pockets by William Prynne, on the last day of May 1643. 
The seizure of it is related by Prynne himself, (Breviate of the 
Archbishop s Life, p. 28,) and gloried in as a most worthy 
action. But the barbarous manner of it is more largely 
described by the Archbishop himself in the following History*. 
1 [These two entries of May 1 and 2, precede the one of April 25.] 

s [There was published at this time h [One of the nine crosses erected 
a burlesque petition, entitled A Copy by Edward I. to the memory of his 
of the Petition presented to the Queen Eleanor. John Evelyn men- 
Honourable Houses of Parliament, by tions being present at its destruction.] 
the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, l [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, 
wherein the said Archbishop desires chap. xvii. p. 203 in marg.] 
that he may not be transported be- j Leg. 20. H. W. 
yond the seas^ to New England, &c. k [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, 
.London, 1643. ] chap, xviii. pp. 205, 206, in marg.] 


A.D. 1643. After the book came into his enemies hands, it was frequently 
urged against him as evidence at his trial ; and when the trial 
was near finished, Prynne caused it to be printed, and published 
it in the beginning of September 1644, but corrupted, and in 
part only ; of which see before in the Preface. The Arch- 
bishop had almost filled up his paper book (wherein he wrote 
this Diary) , when it was taken from him. But in the last leaf 
of it are found certain projects wrote with his own hand, (at 
what time, or in what year, is uncertain,] which I have 



I. Blotted out. 

II. To build at S. John s in Oxford, where I was bred up, 
for the good and safety of that college a . Done l . 

III. To overthrow the feoffment, dangerous both to Church 
and State, going under the specious pretence of buying in 
impropriations b . Done 2 . 

IV. To procure King Charles to give all the impropria 
tions, yet remaining in the crown, within the realm of 
Ireland, to that poor Church . Done, and settled there 3 . 

V. To set upon the repair of S. Paul s church in London d . 
Done 4 . 

VI. To collect and perfect the broken, crossing, and 
imperfect statutes of the University of Oxon ; which had lain 
in a confused heap some hundred of years. Done e . 

VII. Blotted out. 

VIII. To settle the statutes of all the cathedral churches 
of the new foundations; whose statutes are imperfect, and 
not confirmed f . Done for Canterbury 5 . 

1 [ Done. in marg.] 2 [ Done. in marg.] 

3 [ Done . . . there. in marg.] 4 [ Done. in marg.] 

5 [ Done for Canterbury. in marg.] 

a [See above, July 26, 1631, p. 214.] 40,000/. for the purchase of impropria- 

b [See above, at Feb. 13, 1632, p. tions in Ireland out of his own purse."] 

216. This was brought against the d [The Commission for this purpose 

Archbishop in the 6th additional was dated April 10, 1631. The whole 

Article at his trial. See Hist, of sum expended on the work was up- 

Troubles and Trial, chap, xxxix. p. wards of 100,000. This also was urged 

371 in marg.] against the Archbishop at his trial. 

c [Laud brings this point under the Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap. xxv. 

notice of Strafford, in the first letter pp. 244, seq. in marg.] 

written to him after he became Lord e [He entered on this project im- 

Lieutenant. This was another of the mediately on his election to the 

charges against him. (Ibid. chap. Chancellorship. See Hist, of Chan- 

xxx. pp. 296, 297, in marg.) Bp.Vesey, cellorship, p. 13. This was brought 

in the Life of Abp. Bramhall, prefixed forward at his trial. Ibid. chap. xxxi. 

to his Works, fol. Dubl. 1677, p. 15, pp. 304, 305, in marg.] 

states that "he is said to have designed f [This formed one of the charges 


IX. To annex for ever some settled commendams, and 
those, if it may be, sine curd, to all the small bishoprics g . 
Done for Bristol, Peterborough, S. Asaph, Chester, Oxford l . 

X. To find a way to increase the stipends of poor vicars. 

XI. To see the tithes of London settled, between the 
clergy and the city h . 

XII. To set up a Greek press in London and Oxford, for 
printing of the library manuscripts ; and to get both letters 
and matrices *. Done for London 2 . 

XIII. To settle eighty pounds a-year for ever, out of Dr. 
Fryar s lands, (after the death of Dr. John Fryar the son,) 
upon the fabric of S. Paul s, to the repair, till that be 
finished, and to keep it in good state after. 

XIV. To procure a large charter for Oxford, to confirm 
their ancient privileges, and obtain new for them, as large as 
those of Cambridge, which they had gotten since Henry VIII. ( 
which Oxford had not k . Done 3 . 

XV. To open the great square at Oxford between S. Mary s 
and the schools, Brasen-nose and All Souls. 

XVI. To settle an hospital of land in Reading, of one 
hundred pounds a-year, in a new way. I have acquainted 
Mr. Barnard, the vicar of Croydon, with my project. He is 
to call upon my executors to do it ; if the surplusage of my 
goods (after debts and legacies paid) come to three thousand 
pounds. Done to the value of two hundred pounds per 

1 [ Done . . . Oxford. in marg.] 2 [ Done for London. in marg.] 

3 [ Done. in marg.] * [ Done. . . annum." in marg.] 

against him. Ibid. p. 306 in marg. to establish a learned press in 

Such statutes as can be obtained, will Oxford.] 

be published with similar documents k [See Hist, of Chancellorship, p 

in vol. v.] 118.] 

* [See ibid. chap. xxx. p. 298 in [See above, at Jan. 1, 1633. An 

marg.] account of the Archbishop s benefac- 

h [See ibid. chap. xxv. pp. 251, 252, tion to Reading is given in Original 

in marg.] Letters, &c relating to the Benefac- 

1 [See the Abp. s Letter to the tions of Abp. Laud to the county 

King s Printers, Jan. 18, 1633. Fre- of Berks. Lond. 1841. The Arch- 

quent mention is made in the History bishop s letters on this subject will be 

of his Chancellorship, of his anxiety found in vol. vi] 


XVII. To erect an Arabic lecture in Oxford, at least for 
my lifetime, my estate not being able for more : that this 
may lead the way, &c. The lecture began to be read Aug. 10, 
1636 m . Done. I have now settled it for ever 1 n . 

XVIII. The impropriation of the vicarage of Cuddesden 
to the Bp. of Oxford, finally sentenced Wednesday, April 19, 
1637. And so the house built by the now Bp. of Oxford, 
Dr. Jo. Bancroft, settled for ever to that bishopric . Done 2 . 

XIX. A book in vellum, fair written, containing the records, 
which are in the Tower, and concern the Clergy. This book 
I got done at my own charge, and have left it in my study at 
Lambeth for posterity, Junii 10, 1637. Ab anno 20 Ed. I. 
ad annum 24 Ed. IV.? Done 3 . 

XX. A new charter for the college near Dublin to be pro 
cured of his Majesty; and a body of new statutes made, to 
rectify that government 1. Done 4 . 

XXI. A charter for the town of Reading 1 , and a mortmain 
of ... Done 5 . 

XXII. If I live to see the repair of S. Paul s near an end, 
to move his Majesty for the like grant from the High Com 
mission, for the buying in of impropriations, as I have now 
for S. PauF s. And then I hope to buy in two a-year at 

XXIII. I have procured for S. John Bap. s College in 
Oxford the perpetual inheritance and patronage of, &c. 

1 [ Done . . . ever. in marg.] 2 [ Done/ in marg.] 

3 [ Done. in marg.] 4 [ Done. in marg.] 

5 [ Done. in marg.] 

111 [See Hist, of Chancellorship, p. 1 [The statutes were forwarded to 

147. J the Lord Deputy Wentworth, with a 

n [Ibid. p. 280.] letter from the Archbishop, March 21, 

[The documents relating to this 163f.] 

impropriation are recorded in the r [This charter will be found in 

Archbishop s Register, foil. 261. b. Man s History of Heading, Append. 

270. b.] p. i.] 

P [See above, p. 228.] 




LAOD. V01. III. 


THE following notes on Prynne s Breviate, now published 
for the first time,, require a few words of introduction. 

It has been already noticed by Henry Wharton, in his 
Preface to the Diary, and in his concluding note, that Prynne, 
by order of the two Houses, seized the Diary, Private Devo 
tions, and other papers belonging to the Archbishop, and that 
he compiled from them his " Breviate of the Life of William 
Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, extracted for the most part 
verbatim out of his own Diary, and other writings under his 
own hand." This volume was printed, by order of the House 
of Commons, Aug. 16, 1644, as is stated in the title : and on 
Monday, Sept. 2, when the Archbishop was required to reca 
pitulate his defence, he " saw every Lord present with a new 
thin book in folio, in a blue coat." (Hist, of Troubles and 
Trial, chap. xlii. pp. 411, 412, in marg.) This was a copy of the 
Breviate, and that time was selected for its publication, that it 
might damp the Archbishop, and disenable him to speak/ 

The Archbishop was deeply grieved at this publication, and 
though fully occupied by the details of his Trial, contemplated 
a reply, which he intended to prepare on the completion of 
his History. " For this Breviate of his, if God lend me life 
and strength to end this first, I shall discover to the world 
the base and malicious slanders with which it is fraught." 
(Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap. xxv. p. 254 in marg.) 

It appears from the following memoranda, from the Tanner 
MSS., that the Archbishop was known to have made notes 
on a copy of the Breviate in preparation for a reply, and that 
inquiry was made for the copy of the book in which they 
were entered. 

" Memorand. to ask Mr. Dell s Lady for 

My Lord s Annotations on Prynne s Book, which he calls the Archbishop s 
Diary. My Lord hath noted the book quite through with his own hand ; his 
notes are written in the margin, which is large. The book is in folio, stitched 
up in a blue paper. 

Another book in folio and stitched up like the other, called A Breve of the 
Archbishop s Enormities set forth by Prynne ; noted also as the former with 
my Lord s own hand. 


260 NOTICE. 

The account of some particulars in my Lord s charge, which my Lord would 
not answer to in particular, but in general cleared himself; and would not 
manifest his warrants and orders, lest anything might prejudice the King his 
master s honour. This is two sheets of paper, folded up but not stitched; 
endorsed with Mr. Dell s hand thus : An account of some particulars, &c. 

A copy of the Queen s three letters to my Lord, wherein she seemed to take 
it unkindly, that my Lord was so severe against Popish priests. They are tied 
together with a small red thread. 

The original of my Lord s observations on his sufferings, with short hints on 
his dreams since a prisoner, which strangely prophised (sic) the success which 
since befel the kingdom. Tis a thin paper book, in 4to., half written through, 
without a cover. 

All these, with divers others, Mr. Dell showed me at Mr. Gore s house, (in 
Maiden-lane I think tis,) and promised to deliver them all to me, which I am 
confident he had done, but that I was in France when he died, which fell out 
a month before our appointed meeting in London. 

Endorsed : A note of papers in the hand of Mrs. Hatton ; given unto rne by 
Mr. Birkenhead. 

Also, in another hand : A note of papers concerning Archbp. Laud, in the 
hands of Mrs. Hatton and Sir John Birkenhead." Tanner s MSS., (in the 
Bodleian Library,) vol. Ixi. fol. 243. 

Before the present Editor met with these memoranda, he 
had ascertained that some papers of Archbishop Laud were 
to be found in the " Warrington Museum and Library." And 
on inquiry it appeared that that institution was in possession 
of a copy of Prynne s Breviate, filled with marginal notes, 
evidently by the Archbishop ; and though they are certainly 
not in his handwriting, yet they possess internal evidence 
that they were transcribed from his autograph. On the title- 
page of the volume is written, in a contemporary hand, 

" Memorand. Mr. Prynn presented this worke of his to the Lds., Sep. 2nd, 
1644, y e same day that y e poor Archbp. was to make his recapitulation, divers 
Lords holding it in their hands all the while, &c." 

And beneath this, apparently in the same hand, is written, 
" This I suppose was written by Mr. Dell, secretary to Archbp." 

The volume was presented to the Warrington Museum and 
Library by Mr. Crosfield, of Fir Grove, near Latchford. It 
appears to have been purchased by his father about twenty 
years ago, at a book-stall in Manchester ; but the book 
contains no record of its earlier history, or the names of any 
of its previous owners. 

The Editor desires to express his acknowledgments to 
Mr. Marsh, the Hon. Sec. of that institution, for the pains he 
has taken in transcribing this interesting document, and for 
the information he has obligingly furnished respecting it. 


Sufficient portions of the Breviate are here introduced, to make the Notes 
intelligible. The references are to page and line. 

Epistle Dedicatory. P. 1, 1. 17. Trouble of making good the 
charge against the Archbishop, which I gladly would have 
declined^] Many think you might if you would, and it 
would have been much better. 

1. 18. the importunity of diverse honourable friends. ,] I can 
not hastily believe this. 

p. 2, 1. 2. A misconstruction, which some no doubt will make 
of my publications in this kind.~] A no misconstruction. 

1. 13. Exile in foreign parts, to which this Arch-Prelate had 
eternally designed me.~] I was no author of y e business, 
and therefore could have no design. 

1. 16. in selecting me above all others, contrary to my inclina 
tion and desire, to be both the seizer and peruser of his 
papersJ] He y* will, may believe this. 

1. 19. principall meanes of making good his charge. ] Under 
favour, tis not made good. 

1. 22. this imposed employment. ] But was it not first 
sought for ? 

1. 30. There are, to my knowledge, some hundreds of pious 
Christians quite ruined . . . by . . . this oppressing Arch- 
Prelate. ] For this I leave him to God. 

BREVIATE, &c. Preliminary paragraph, last line. Some pas 
sages . . . are here totally omitted. ] The reader will find 
many passages wch were objected at my Tryall. 

p. 1 . 1. 2. He was born . . . of poor and obscure parents. ~] 
All this, if true, is no fault of mine. 

Parents. ] My father had born all offices in y e town 
save y e mayrolty. 


In a cottage. ,] The bowsing wch my father dwelt in 

is rented at this day at thirty-three pounds a-year. 
1. 3. Just over against the cage.~] The cage stood two streets 

of from my father s house all his life time,, and divers 

years after,, as many yet living know. By whom it was 

removed into y e street, and why out again, I know not. 
1. 9. The cottage pulled down, and new built by the Bishop. ~\ 

No one stick of y e cottage was pulled down by me. 
1. 12. but that God reserved him to be a future scourge . 

to this Church and State, <Sfc.] Who told him so ? God 

grant himself be not what he says I am. 
1. 15. He cameapoore scholler to Oxford.~] J Tis true I was 

poor enough a , yet a commoner I was till I was chosen 

scholler of y e house. 
1. 23. He became Chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire, which 

after proved his great happiness^] These words in my 

diary relate not to my being Chaplin to y* Hon ble pson, 

but to another hope cast of b . 
p. 2, 1. 3. His supposition (for B.D. degree) . . . concerning 

the efficacie of Baptism, was taken verbatim out of Bellar- 

mine. ] Not possible ; and I hope it is yet to be seen c . 
1. 4. Doctor Holland openly reprehended him in the schools. ] 

My tenet was, and is still, y* Episcopatus is Jure divino : 

But it was when I p r ceeded D r ; and it is a notorious 

untruth y* Dr. Holland said any such thing. 
1. 10. Which this day he puts into . . . his diary.] The 

words in my diary are these : My cross about y e E. of 

1. 12. Dr.Ayry questioned him for a Sermon, fyc.~\ And 

upon full hearing, absolved me in all particulars. 
1. 27. The suite about the Presidentship of Saint John s began, 

in which there was great toivsing.~\ Not by me, for I lay 

very sick at London. 
1. 30. Dr. Abbot . . . opposed him, as foreseeing he ivould 

prove a dangerous firebrand, fyc.~\ There was another 

reason, in wch I shall spare y e dead. 

[In Palmer s Nonconformists Me- Mrs. Burnegham.] 

morial, (under the name of William b [See above, p. 132.] 

Bailey, of Stoke Fleming,) it is c [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, 

stated that the Archbishop owed his chap. xl. p. 380 in marg.] 
college education to the liberality of 


1. 44. He set up a great organ in Saint John s Chapel.~] But 
it was at S 1 Wi. Paddy s cost, having bin a student of y fc 

p. 3, 1. 15. / became C. (Confessor) . . . to the Duke of 
Buckingham.] Note it well : for if I became his Con 
fessor, it was no ways fit to write down those passages 
in paper. 

1. 21. He desired (his answer to Fisher) might pass in the 
name of ... R. B. } lest he should be thought too much 
engaged thereby against his friends the Papists] Any 
thing but malice might have found another reason ; for 
this was not mine; if it had, I would not have been 
farther in gaged since. 

1. 35. / dreamt that L. K. (Williams) was dead.] What 
warrant have you y fc he is meant ? 

p. 4, 1. 5. That I had given the Church such a wound in 
speaking to any Lord of the laity about it.] Had this 
come from me, it would have had a Note this in y e 
margent d . 

1. 21. It is credibly reported that the Duke made the Bishop 
at that time put off his gown and cassock, and then to 
dance before him like an hobgoblin] Here by y r self; 
but I sollemnly avow there was never any such thing. 

1. 34. Oct. 10, / fell at night in passionem iliacam] This 
is mistaken either of me or by me, for I never had y* 

p. 7, 1. 11. In January he compiled the book for the King s 
coronation.] This is a most notorious untruth. The 
words in my diary are, Librum habui paratum/ wch is 
to have a booke ready, not to compile a booke. 

1. 12. Hee altered the coronation oath.] And this is a most 
false and un-Xtian slander, and, I very beleive, ag st his 
own conscience. The whole business I have answered in 
Parliament 6 . 

1. 42. This speech of his (King Charles s at the opening of the 
Parliament, 1626) was penned for him by this pragmati 
cal Bishop.] I was an auditor then, but had nothing to 
do with y e penning of y* speech. And for ought I can 

d [Referring to the marginal notes e [Hist, of Troubles and Trial, chap, 
of this kind in the Breviate. ] xxxiii. pp. 319, seq. in marg.] 


find either in my notes or memory, there was no such 
copy evidenced ag st me. 

p. 8, 1. 27. The Bishop . . . was such a sworn vassall to the 
Duke, that he penned his speech which he made .... 
against the Commons " impeachment .] Not vassall,, but 
such a poor true friend as y* honble person s favours 
had made me. That wch follows I have answered in 
Parliament f . 

1. 47. At this time Urban the Eighth sits Pope.~\ Here my 
diary adds, y 1 if Pope and Spaniard wou d desier any 
thing acceptable for their ends, they could not think of 
a better course then these distractions of this great 
councell of y e kingdom. But note y* this is left out. 

p. 9, 1. 26. If A. B. C. $c. (that is, if the Archbishop of 
Canterbury died . . . that he should succeed him. ] This 
is y e author s coment upon his A. B. C. Note it. 

1. 31. Stephen Boutin, SubdeaconJ] Tis Subdean in my 

1. 34. Gracious King Charles^] In my diary tis, a serenis- 
simo Rege Carolo. 

1. 37. The . . . king . . . gave me thanks, ,] I humbly pray 
you to do so. 

1. 55. / . . . held the cup to him. ] In y* Breviate in wch 
y e Archbp. has made [his notes], tis printed City, and 
in this place he has [noted], In my diary tis Calicem. 
Note y*. 8 . . . 

p. 10, 1.12. I dreamed I had been reconciled to the Church 
of Rome. This dream distracted me.~\ I hope y c reader 
will note my trouble at y e dream, as well as y e dream. 

1. 36. He whispered me in the eare, fyc.~\ And I pray note 
y* this allso was a wild fancy in a dream. 

1. 45. The exceptions which the Abp. of Cant, exhibited 
against the sermon of Dr. Sibthorpe were first brought 
to me.] I have answered this allso in y e High Court 
of Parliament h . 

f [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, occurs, as e. g. in S. John s College 

chap. xlii. pp. 400, 401 in marg.] Lib. Oxford, and in the King s Lib. 

[This note was evidently added by Brit. Mus.] 

the transcriber of the original notes. h [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, 

Other copies of the Breviate have chap, xxxvii. pp. 356, 357 in marg.] 
been found in which the word City 


p. 11, 1. 10. / went to my Lord of Rochester to consider 
about the Abp. of Cant. ] I did this by comand. 

1. 16. Which commission (against Abbot) being of his own 
procurement. ~] This is a most notorious scandal and 
slander cast upon me. 

p. 13, 1. 2. That I was as like (to be sacrificed) as anyJ\ 
This was not forgotten at my tryall. 

1. 39. What a professed votary . . . this Bishop was to the 
Duke of Buckingham will appear by these his special 
prayers for him.~\ What sin of mine was it to pray 
often for an honble pson to whom I was much bound, 
and in his times of danger ? 

p. 14, 1.1. That he was privy to his journey into Spain.] 
I was never made acquainted with y* journey till after 
they were gone two days at least. And this also was 
remembred at my tryall *. And for y e ensuing prayer 
wch I made when I heard of it, let y e Christian reader 
judge of that. 

1. 2. Which voyage was purposely plotted to pervert him in 
his religion. ] This is more then I know or ever shall 
beleive ; and bare articles are no proofe. 

1. 28. This prayer (for the D. of Buckingham) was much 
daubed through frequent use.~\ If y e prayers be good, y c 
frequent use cannot be ill : Tho he labours to make an 
ill construction of them. 

p. 15, 1. 15. And when I would have put it (my Rochet) on 
again, I could not find it.~] Indeed, all this consider d, 
His time to note this k . 

1. 20. Parliament .... laboured my ruin.~] It follows in 
y e Diary, ( but God be thanked, nothing was found 
ag sfc me/ 

p. 17, 1. 3. find in L. T.~] Is it not possible he was mistaken 
in decyphering these letters, as well as he was very 
grosly in his Rome s Masterpiece, p. 29 * ? 

1 [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, " Dr. S. with me at Fulham 

chap. xl. pp. 381, 382 in marg.] meant of Dr. Smith, the Popish 

k [Prynne had written, " NOTE " in Bishop of Chalcedon." See Home s 

margin opposite this entry.] Master Piece, p. 598 in marg. in this 

1 [The Archbishop refers to the edition, and the entry in the Diary 

following passage, quoted by Prjnne above, p. 215.] 
from his Diary, 1632, Junii 25 : 


1. 26. Master Francis Windebanke . . . ivas sworn Secretary 
of State, .] This was objected allso at my tryall m . 

1. 31. Dr. Juxon . . . at my suit sworn Clerk of his Majesty s 
closet. ] I know no sin in this. 

1. 42. The Feofees .... ivere dissolved, fyc.~] This allso was 
urged and answer d at my tryall n . 

p. 18, 1. 15. / dreamed that L. L. (the Bishop of Lincoln). . . 
offered to sit above me at the Council Tabled} May not 
this authour dream here waking as much as I did 

1. 24. / went presently to the King, and acquainted him both 
with the thing and person.] I did herein as y e law binds 
me, yet this was objected first in Rome s M r peice and 
after in my tryall P. 

1. 30. Somewhat dwelt within me, which would not suffer 
that, till Rome were other than it is.~\ The reader allso 
I hope will note, y* my conscience went ag st this 1. 

1. 35. I praise God for it, I lost neither man nor horse. ] So 
I have noted this already 1. 

p. ]9, 1. 7. he (Prynne) tare it (a letter sent by him to 
Laud). ] This Mr. Atturny told me. 

1, 21. the Queene sent for me, and gave me thanks, fyc.] This 
allso was objected and answered at my tryall 1 . 

I. 37. my account to the Queen put off, fyc. ] This allso was 
objected and answered at my tryall 8 . 

1. 47. My old friend Sir F. W(indebank) forsook me. ] Yet 
actions of his charged upon me at my tryall after this 
breach had made us strangers -, tho it appears here y 4 
this authour knew y e breach and strangness between us. 

p. 20, 1. 27. William Juxon . . . made Lord High Treasurer 
of England . . . God bless him in it.~\ This also was 
objected ag st me at my tryall 1 ; but I hope it was no 
crime to pray for him in y fc slippery place, and y* y e 
Church might have no hurt by it. 

m [See Hist, of Troubles and Trial, 1 [These two remarks refer to the 

chap. xli. p. 394 in marg.] word note/ marked opposite these 

n [Ibid. chap, xxxix. pp. 371, 372 passages in the margin.] 

in marg.] r [History of Troubles and Trial, 

[Rome s Masterpiece, p. 596 in chap. xl. p. 382 in marg.] 

marg.] * [Ibid. p. 383 in marg.] 

P [History of Troubles and Trial, * [Ibid. chap. xxix. p. 289 in marg.] 
chap. xl. p. 383 in marg.] 


p. 21, 1. 22. That the devill had left that house to me.~\ 
I humbly desire y e reader to note these libells. 

1. 29. My free speech . . . concerning the increase of the 
Roman parti/. ] I desire this may be noted too. 

1. 37. No question, but there is a great concurrence between 
them and the Puritan party in England. ] I desire allso 
it may be noted. 

p. 22, 1. 6. I settled with him a great business for the Queen.] 
This allso was objected ag st me at my tryall u , and 
I answered it so far as it needed any. 

1. 34. If the Parliament should prove peevish. ] This allso 
was charged upon me at my tryall v and answer d : But 
it was an ill phrase, and unadvisedly dropped from 
my pen. 

1. 39. / received the Queen s gracious assurance of her 
favour. ,] This allso was objected ag st me and answer d x . 

1. 51. Since I have got Canons.] This passage of my diary 
was burnt while it was in M r . Pryn s hands y. In y* wch 
remains is no mention of getting Cannons ; but these 
words wch are pfect (namely : my deliverance was great, 
God make me thankful for it) are here omitted. 

p. 23, 1. 31. In that studie hung my picture taken by the 
life. ] This I could not but observe in y e troubles of y e 
time ; and it was not spar d at my tryall z . 

p. 24. marg. Where he then burned most of his privy letters 
and papers, ,] M r . Maxwell was by comand of y e honble 
House to be by me all y e while. And he was not one 
minute from me, and knows I did not burn any one 

1. 18. / see what justice I may expect, fyc.] The former 
part of this passage was burnt allso in M r . Pryn s hands, 
and y e same left impfect tho here roundly set down. 
It was objected allso at my tryall, and answer d a . 

1. 29. He would by no means lie in the lodgings in which the 
Bishop of Lincoln formerly lay . . . though fittest for him,] 
This man will be judge of my very lodgings; but by his 
leave they were no ways fitt for me. 

u [History of Troubles and Trial, * [See Diary, May 11, 1640.] 
chap. xl. p. 383 in marg.] z [History of Troubles and Trial, 

T [Ibid. chap, xxiii. p. 230 in marg.] chap. xlii. p. 408 in marg.] 
* [Ibid. chap. xl. p. 383 in marg.] [Ibid.] 


1. 32. No more till I came to the end of Cheapside.~] This 
passage was burnt allso in part, and made up by y e 

p. 26, 1. 34. I dreamed . . . I found the roof of some part of 
the college . . . ready to fall down. ] In my diary it fol 
lows, (God be mercifull,) wch is here left out. 

p. 28, 1. 15. You are there to search all the prisoners, fyc.] 
In y e warrant wch I then caVd to see, it was expressly 
y* our pockets should be search d; wch is omitted in 
this warrant, but why I know not. 

1. 36. To overthrow the feofment.~] This urged ag st me, and 
answered at my tryall b 

1. 39. To give all impropriations , fyc.] And this . 

1. 40. To set upon the repair of S. Paul s Church. ] And 
this for y e manner d . 

1. 41. To collect, fyc., the statutes of the University of Oxford.] 
And this e . 

1. 44. To settle the statutes of all the cathedral churches.] 
And this f . 

p. 29, 1. 33. Ludicra.] These, as I remember, were things 
taken at some idle causes in y e High Comission, as 
there were too many such passages g . 

1. 42. Such pure devout Archprelatical recreations.] These 
ludicra were no recreations of mine. 

1. 46. The first is for pardon of that foul scandalous act of 
his, in marrying the Lady Rich, fyc.] It seems this man 
is angry, y* if in my younger times I comitted any sin 
I should be sorry and repent. 

1. 49. He fell into another grievous sin, perchance unclean- 
nesse.~] I bless God for his grace in it, there never 
fastn d upon me y e least suspition of this sin in all my 
life, till this unclean pen of his hath brought it in with 
a perchace. And I am much to seek what charity there 
is either in pticular to defame me under no more proofe 
then a perchace, or in generall under pretence of dan 
gerous papers, to take from me my book of Private 

b [History of Troubles and Trial, marg.] 

chap, xxxix. p. 371 in marg.] f [Ibid. p. 306 in marg.] 

c [Ibid. chap. xxx. p. 297 in marg.] B [The Ludicra referred to are no 

d [Ibid. chap. xxv. p. 244 in marg.] longer extant.] 
[Ibid. chap. xxx. pp. 304, 305 in 


Devotions ; and thus, ag st all course of Christianity, to 
publish them to [friends and foes] alike. God of his 
mercy look upon .... 

p. 30, 1. 17. perhaps uncleanes (altered in ink to perchance 
uncleanes). ] This perchance is as charitable as y e 

1. 27. Doctor Goodwin s son attests that he suborned Dr. 
Metcalfe to poison his father. ] It is well known in 
Oxford y* D r . Goodwin died a natural death. I never 
had any acquaintance with D r . Metcalfe, not y e least ; 
and D r . Goodwin s son, to y e grief of all his fathers 
frieds, is a known runagate. Whether will this man s 
malice carry him ag st me. Besides, this prayer was 
made an. 1617, and D r . Goodwin died not till 1619, two 
years after h . So y e reader may observe how malitiously 
this is thrust in, as if I made this my prayer upon y* 

p. 31, 1. 14. his tyrannic, his reviving the Scottish wars. ] 
This I praise God I never did. 

1. 15. Dissolving the Parliament.] Nor this, as tis well 
known ; nor y t wch follows. 

1. 21. caused one of them to be hanged.~] Nor did I any 
thing in this, but left it to y e law. 

L 31. marg. note. The premises and charge will informe you 
(why the people were enraged against him). ] It may be 
so, if all yt M r . Pryn says may be beleived. 

1. 41. Accused . ... of high treason, as well he deserved. ~] 
I hope other men think not so. 

1. 42. Arrogantly plead his innocency before God.~] No 
arrogance ; far be it from me, especially before God. 

p. 32, 1. 7. Arch-incendiarie against them (the Scots). ] God 
knows what services I have done y* nation, and to time 
I leave it. 

As for other things, [t]ho y e Act of Parliament be 
for oblivion, [y]et M r . Pryn will have nothing forgotten 
which he thinks may hurt me. 

1. 37. These prayers strictly enjoy ned to be daily read in 
churches. ] No otherwise than as I was comanded. 

1. 40. He received several letters from the King.~] I could 
h [William Goodwin died June 11, 1620. (Wood, F. 0. i. 297.)] 


not refuse to receive those letters from his Maj^, and 
so much I humbly acknowledged to y e Eight Honble y e 
House of Peers, when they sent unto me for the same 
benefice of Chartha for another. 

p. 33, 1. 19. This . . . letter from the Lady Aubigny.~] For 
this letter, it was about an absolution in Court ; and 
I sent it to M r . Lieutenant, y* then was, before I 
rnedled with it. 

1. 37. How many . . .preferments he passed through . ... at 
most of which he was never resident. ,] This is under 
M r . Pryn s hand, not under mine. 

1. 39. He procured most of his preferments . . . by unlawful 
actions] I bless God I never got any preferment by 
unlawful means ; nor by any one of these nam d. 

1. 44. superstitious observer . ... of his own idle dreams] 
An observer, but not superstitious, as appears by my 
diary cited by M r . Pryn, p. 22. 

1. 48. malicious enemy to the Bishop of Lincoln.] Nothing 
near so much as y r self, as appears in y r books. 

1. 50. The King .... he oft miscounselled] Never know 
ingly in my life. 

p. 34. 1. 4. Instrument to the Queen and Popish faction . . . 
persecutor of the zealous Protestant party.] I was no 
instrument for y e one, nor persecutor of y e other. 

1. 7. How odious he became both to Parliament and people. ] 
Never ; nor odious till he and his complices helped to 
make me so. 

1. 9. Arch-incendiary. ] Nor an incendiary, nor a busie 
bodie, nor an exemter of y e Clergy, &c. 

1. 20. at the I2th charge.] God be mercifull to M r . Pryn, 
when these 12 shall be his [jury] at y e last day. 

1. 23. His pulling doivn of the parish church of Saint 
Gregories.] I gave no order for y e pulling down of 
S*. Gregory s. And if y e parishioners had followed my 
counsel at first, they had saved both their mony and 
their travel. 

1. 32. the Archbishop was grown so unthankful as to demolish 
S. Gregory s Church, who introduced the first dregs of 
Popery.] So then, in M r . Pryn s judgment, a man 
should not be unthankfull to y e very dreggs of Popery. 


1. 37. was a good omen. ] So then M 1 . Pryn s superstition 
can take some things as ominous. 

1. 41. He concluded his visitation at Bar kin Church. ] I know 
not where Sir Nat. Brent,, my Vicar Gen 11 , concluded 
my visitation ; lout this great prophet foresaw y*, tho 
I did not visit at Barkin in person, yet I should in pson 
visit y e Tower, and sit in his seat, w h was a bold part for 
me to do. 

1. 50. His See s downfall by his meanes.~] No, if it have any 
downfall, tis by his and other sectarys means. 

p. 35. 1. 5. The vane which had the Archbishop s armes in 
it, had a humbling cast. ] What y e truth . . is I know not, 
but ... no great reason . . . M r . Culmer s Cath . . . 

1. 26. and durst not come home, the evening was so foul.~\ 
Here follows in my Diary these words, (which was God s 
great blessing both on him and me,) what dangerous 
words are these, y fc they are omitted ? 

1. 32. Sept. 19.] The Diary says it was y e 18th day; and 
y* I praised God for it, I lost neither horse nor man. 
God grant all ominous p r sages to end so. 

J. 34. A . . .presage of . .*. the Archbishop sinking through 
his pride and violence.^ I should be sorry my pride or 
violence were equal to M r . Pryn s. 

1. 39. Struck proud Canterbury dead at heart, ,] And yet 
alive as long as it shall please God. 

1. 41. His own fatall dreame at Oxford. ] For this dream. 
First. I wonder how it came to pass I should set down 
so many dreams in my Diary, and omitt this more 
memorable then any of y e rest. 

Secondly. Upon y e faith of a Christian, I never had 
this dream. 

Thirdly. My mouth did not attest it at my tryal. 
But when I heard a person of great honour affirm 
y* I told it, I thought it better to hold my peace, then 
fall into contestation with a person I ever honoured. 
Fourthly. The truth (as I shall one day answer it) is 
this and no other : When I was first Archbishop, one 
M r . Badger, an atturny at law, my kinsman by mar 
riage, but a separatist, came to me to Lambeth, and 
told me he heard y* when I was young I had had this 


dream, but could not or would not tell of whom he 
heard it. I verily think y e credulous and bold man was 
purposely sent to abuse me to my face. I told him he 
was set on to abuse me, and protested to him y i I never 
had any such dream. Yet not long after he told it 
to M r . Pryn . . . M r . Pryn had not told it to him first. 

M r . Pryn, without further enquiry, prints it in a 

And as I hope for comfort in my Saviour, this is true 

uncharitable conclusion, my life is in y e hands of 

God blessed be his name. But let not M r . Pryn 

call for blood . 






T R Y A L 


Mo ft Reverend Father in God 


Lord Arch-Bifhop 

Wrote by Himfelf, during his Imprifonment in the Tower. 

Psal. XL 3. Old Tranflation. 
The Foundations will be cajt down ; and wJiut hath the Righteous done ? 

Or, as it is Rendred in the laft Tranflation. 
If the Foundations be dejtroyed ; what can the Righteous do ? 


Printed for 3&t.<{)ttfc)eU, at the Eofe and Crown in St. Paul s 
Church-Yard, M DC XCIV. 

LAUD. VOL. Til. 

[The following notices are extracted from the original MS. preserved in 
S. John s College, Oxford, which has been carefully collated for this Edition, and 
the pages marked by figures enclosed in brackets, and inserted in the text. 

Written on the fly-leaf: 

" This is the originall History of Archbishop Laud, all wrot with his own 
hand, delivered to me October 31, anno 1693, by my Lord Abp. Bancroft; and, 
according to his command, published by me, anno 1694 ; put into the presse, 
March 10, anno 1693. 

I will that after the publication of the Printed Copies, this originall Book be 
delivered by my Executors to the President and Fellows of St. John s Collegde 
(sic) in Oxford, if it be not hereafter sent by me to them before my death. 


In the same hand, but other ink : 
" It was published in the end of November, 1694." 

Then two lines, and H. Wharton s signature erased. 

" I delivered it to Mr. "William Louth, Fellow of the said Colledge, (deputed 
by the President and Fellows of the said Colledge to receive it by a Publick 
Instrument under the Colledg seal,) together with the Original Diary of 
Archbishop Laud, on the 27th day of December, 1694. 


Opposite to the first page the following texts are written by the Archbishop : 

" The foundations will be cast down, and 
what hath the righteous done] Ps. xi. 3. 
Or, as it is rendered in the last 


If the foundations be destroyed, what 
can the righteous do? 

Non apposui ultimam Manum, 
W. CANT."] 







CAP. I. 

THE History of my Troubles which fell upon me, Decemb. 
18, 1640, being Friday a . Upon this day, Mr. Densell Hollis, 
second son to John Earl of Clare b , by order from the House 
of Commons, came up to the Lords, and accused me of high 
treason ; and told the Lords, they would make 1 proof thereof 
in convenient time; but desired in the meantime that I 
might be committed to safe custody. 

This was strange news to my innocency ; for this I can 
say of myself, without falsehood or vanity, that to the utter 
most of my understanding, I served the King, my gracious 
master, with all duty and faithfulness, and without any 

1 [Originally written, and desig. (sic) Acquainted their Lordships that they 
would alleadge the cause, and make ] 

a [Archbishop Bancroft, in hia notefi bers accused by the King of high 

on this history, (MSS. Lamb. Numb, treason (see above, p. 243). He sided 

577,) suggests a different commence- for a while with the popular party, but 

ment. It will be sufficient to mention remaining abroad during the greater 

here, once for all, that the original part of the rebellion, promoted Charles 

MS. has been carefully followed, ex- II. s restoration, and was made a peer 

cepting where otherwise indicated, and in 1660.] 

that Archbishop Sancroft s notes have c See llushworth s Collections, par. 
been consulted all through, and their 3, vol. i. pp. 122, 123 ; Prynne s [Can- 
suggestions adopted where it seemed terbury s Doom, or] Compl. Hist, [of 
advisable.] the Abp. s Trial,] p. 19, &c. H. W. 

b [Holies was one of the five mem- 



known or wilful disservice to the State therewliile. And this 
I did, with as true and free a heart as ever any man did, that 
served a king. And I thank God, my care was such for the 
public, that it is well known I much neglected my own 
private fortunes therewhile. The more was I amazed at the 
first apprehension of this heavy and undeserved charge. 

Upon this charge I was commanded to withdraw. But I 
first desired leave to speak a few words : and I spake l to this 
effect : That I was heartily sorry for the offence taken against 
me ; and that I was most unhappy to have my eyes open to 
see that day, and mine ears to hear 2 such a charge; but 
humbly desired their Lordships to look upon the whole 
course of my life, which was such, as that I did verily 
persuade myself no one man in the House of Commons did 
believe in his heart, that I was a traitor. Here my lord the 
Earl of Essex d interrupted me, and said, That speech of mine 
was a scandal put upon the whole House of Commons, that 
they should bring me up charged 6 with so high a crime, which 
themselves did not believe/ I humbly desired then, that I 
might be proceeded with in the ancient parliamentary way 
of England. This the Lord Say f excepted against; as if I 
would prescribe them how they should proceed/ So I with 
drew, as I was commanded, and was presently called in again 3 
to the bar, and thence delivered to Mr. James Maxwell, the 
Officer of the Black Rod, to be kept in safe custody, till the 
House of Commons should further impeach me^. 

Here I humbly desired leave, that I might go home to 
fetch some papers, necessary for my defence. This was 

1 [ I spake inserted afterwards.] 2 [ hear inserted afterwards.] 

3 [ again inserted afterwards.] 

d [Robert Devereux, third Earl of treason by the House of Commons, in 

Essex, the celebrated Parliamentarian their own names, and in the name of 

general.] the whole kingdom of England) be 

e Viz. should charge me. H. W. committed to the safe custody of the 

f [William Fiennes, Viscount Say Gentleman Usher attending this high 

and Sele, one of the most active parti- Court, and that he be sequestered from 

sans of the Parliament, The Arch- the said House until his Grace shall 

bishop s replies to his speeches against clear himself of the accusation that 

the Bishops and Liturgy will be found shall be laid against him by the said 

in vol. vi.J House. 

s See the Order of the Lords for his " The Lords further ordered that no 

commitment, apud Prynne, p. 22. member of the House should visit 

[" December 18, 1640. It is this day the Archbishop without leave of the 

ordered, that th.; Lord Archbishop of House."] 
Canterbury (being accused of high 


granted me, with some difficulty; and Mr. Maxwell was 
commanded to attend me all the while I should stay. When 
I was gone to Lambeth, after some little discourse (and sad 
enough) with my steward, and some private friends, I went 
into my chapel to evening prayer. The Psalms for that day 11 
gave me much comfort, and were observed by some friends 
then present, as well as by myself. And upon the comfort 
I then received, I have every day since (unless some urgent 
business prevented me) read over both these Psalms, and, 
God willing, purpose so to do every day of my life. Prayers 
being ended, I went with Mr. Maxwell, as I was commanded ; 
hundreds of my poor neighbours standing at my gates to see 
me go, and praying heartily for my safe return to my house : 
for which I blessed God and them 1 . 

1 [ Here . . . them. The whole of this paragraph inserted in marg.] 

h Psal. 93 and 94. In vu^gata Editione, Ps. 92 & 



AND because here I am sure to find myself, being now 
imprisoned, I will begin further off, and shew briefly why, 
and l how, this malignity pursued and overtook me, 

When I was first Bishop of London, his Majesty expressed 
a great desire which he had to settle a Liturgy in the Church 
of Scotland, and this continued in agitation many years. 
And what my part was therein, I shall clearly and ingenu 
ously set down hereafter 8 , when I come to answer the 
Scottish accusations of me in that behalf, or the articles of 
the Parliament here, one of which relates to them 2 . In the 
year 1633, his Majesty went into Scotland, and was crowned 
there. I attended his Majesty in that Service. The Parlia 
ment then sitting in Scotland was very quick about some 
Church affairs, and the King was (2) much unsatisfied with 
some men and their proceedings. At his Majesty s return, 
in the same year, I was, by his special grace and favour, made 
Archbishop of Canterbury, 19 Septembris. The debate about 
the Scottish Liturgy was pursued afresh ; and at last resolved 
by the King, that some Scottish Bishops should draw up a 
Liturgy, as near that of England as might be ; and that then 
his Majesty would have that confirmed and settled for the 
use of that kingdom. 

This Liturgy was carefully considered of, and at last printed 
and published, an. 1637. It seems, the Bishops trusted 
with this business went not the right way, by a General 
Assembly, and other legal courses of that kingdom. But 
what way soever was taken, or in whomsoever there was a 
failure 3 , this was certain in the event: the Bishops were 
deceived in their expectation of a peaceable admission of that 
Service-book ; the King lost the honour and safety of that 
settlement ; and that kingdom such a form of God s service, 
as I fear they will never come near again ; and that people, 

1 [ why, and in marg. but erased.] 2 [ or . . . them. in marg.] 

3 [ or ... failure/ in marg.] 

a P. 71. [of orig. MS. See below, p. 168 in marg.] 


by cunning and factious l practices, both at home and from 
hence, heated into such a frenzy, as will not easily be cured. 
And tis well, if we their neighbours run not mad for 

These violent distempers continued from the publishing of 
this Service-book, in the year 1637, till the year 1638. Then 
they grew up into a formal mutiny ; and the Scottish subjects 
began to petition with arms, in their mouths first, and soon 
after in their hands. His Majesty was often told, that these 
northern commotions had their root in England. His 
Majesty s goodness was confident upon the fidelity of his 
subjects of both nations, and would not believe that of either, 
which was most true of a powerful faction in both : till at 
last, after much intercourse and mediation lost and cast away, 
the King was so betrayed by some of his own agents, that 
the Scots appeared upon their borders in a formal army. 
His Majesty went with an army to Barwick. There, after 
some stay, a pacification was made ; and his Majesty returned, 
Aug. 3, 1639, to White-Hall 2 . 

Now during all this time, from the publishing of this 
Service-book to this pacification, I was voiced by the faction 
in both nations to be an incendiary, a man that laboured to 
set the two nations into a bloody war ; whereas, God knows, 
I laboured for peace so long, till I received a great check for 
my labour. And particularly at the beginning of these 
tumults, when the speech of a war first began in the year 
1638, openly at the Council-Table at Theobalds, my counsels 
alone prevailed for peace and forbearance, in hope the Scots 
would think better of their obedience b . But their counsels 
were fomented to another end, as after appeared. 

The Pacification being made, was in terms as followeth : 

The Articles of the Pacification . 

1 . " The forces of Scotland to be disbanded, and dissolved 

1 [ and factious interlined.] 2 [ Aug White-Hall. in marg.] 

b See this confirmed by the King s land, from their first Originals," &c. 

own testimony, in his large Declara- Lond. 1639.] 

tion, p. 420, W. S. A. C. [The title of c [The Articles of the Pacification 

the book is, " A Large Declaration and the Act of Pacification are written 

concerning the late Tumults in Scot- in the hand of an amanuensis.] 


within eiglit-and-forty hours d after the publication of his 
Majesty s declaration being agreed upon. 

2. " His Majesty s castles, forts, ammunitions of all sorts, 
and royal honours to be delivered after the publication, so 
soon as his Majesty can e send to receive them. 

3. " His Majesty s ships to depart presently after the de 
livery of the castles, with the first fair wind; and in the 
meantime no interruption of trade or fishing. 

4. " His Majesty is graciously pleased to cause to be re 
stored all persons, goods, and ships, detained and arrested 
since the first of November last past. 

5. " There shall be no meetings, treatings, consultations, 
or convocations of his Majesty s lieges, but such as are 
warrantable by Act of Parliament. 

6. "All fortifications to desist, and no further working 
therein, and they to be remitted to his Majesty s pleasure. 

7. " To restore to every one of his Majesty s subjects their 
liberty, lands, houses, goods, and means whatsoever, taken 
and detained from them by whatsoever means, since the 
aforesaid time." 

The copy of the Act of the Pacification as it passed f under 
his Majesty s hand, and includes these Articles above 
written, is as follows : 

" Ch. R. 

" We having considered the papers, and humble petitions 
presented unto us by those of our subjects of Scotland, who 
were admitted to attend our pleasure in the camp ; and after 
a full hearing by ourself of all that they could say or allege 
thereupon, having communicated the same to our Council of 
both kingdoms ; upon mature deliberation, with their unani 
mous advice, we have thought fit to give them this just and 
gracious answer : 

" That though we cannot condescend to ratify and approve 77 
the acts of the pretended General Assembly at Glasgow, for 
many grave and weighty considerations, which have happened, 
both before and since, much importing the honour and secu- 

d Alias twenty-four hours. concluded 1639, June 17. Signed by 

e AL shall. the King, June 18. 

f The Articles of Pacification were 


rity of that true monarchical government lineally descended 
upon us from so many of our ancestors ; yet such is our 
gracious pleasure, that notwithstanding the many disorders 
committed of late, we are pleased, not only to confirm and 
make good whatsoever our Commissioner hath granted and 
promised in our name; but also, we are further graciously 
pleased to declare and assure, that according to the peti 
tioners humble desires, all matters ecclesiastical shall be 
determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk, and matters civil 
by the Parliament, and other inferior judicatories established 
by law ; which accordingly shall be kept once a year, or as 
shall be agreed upon at the General Assembly %. 

" And for settling the general distractions of that our 
ancient kingdom, our will and pleasure is, that a free General 
Assembly be kept at Edinburgh, the sixth day of August next 
ensuing, where we intend, God willing, to be personally pre 
sent ; and for the legal indiction whereof, we have given 
order and command to our Council ; and thereafter, a Parlia 
ment to be holden at Edinburgh, the 20th day of August next 
ensuing, for ratifying of what shall be concluded in the said 
Assembly, and settling such other things as may conduce to 
the peace and good of our native kingdom, and therein an 
act of oblivion to be passed. 

<c And whereas AVC are further desired, that our ships and 
forces by land be recalled, and all persons, goods, and ships 
restored, and they made safe from invasion : we are graciously 
pleased to declare, that upon their disarming and disbanding 
of their forces, dissolving and discharging all their pretended 
tables and conventicles, and restoring unto us all our castles, 
forts, and ammunitions of all sorts j as likewise, our royal 
honours, arid to every one of our good (6) subjects, their 
liberty, lands, houses, goods, and means whatsoever, taken and 
detained from them, since the late pretended General Assem 
bly V we will presently thereafter recal our fleet, and retire our 
land forces, and cause restitution to be made to all persons of 
their ships and goods detained and arrested, since the aforesaid 
time : whereby it may appear that our intention in taking up 
of arms was no ways for invading of our native kingdom, or to 

* AL by the General Assembly, and h Articulo 7. [See above, p. 280.] 
our Commissioner for the time being. 


innovate the religion and laws, but merely for the maintaining 
and vindicating of our royal authority. 

" And since that hereby it doth clearly appear, that we 
neither have, nor do intend any alteration in religion or laws, 
but that both shall be maintained by us in their full integrity : 
we expect the performance of that humble and dutiful 
obedience which becometh loyal and dutiful subjects, and as 
in their several petitions they have often professed. 

" And as we have just reason to believe, that to our peace 
able and well-affected subjects this will be satisfactory; so we 
take God and the world to witness, that whatsoever calamities 
shall ensue by our necessitated suppressing of the insolencies 
of such as shall continue in their disobedient courses, is not 78 
occasioned by us, but by their own procurement." 

This Pacification was not much sooner made by the King, 
than it was broken by the Scots. For whereas it was agreed 
by the seventh Article, and is repeated in the body of the 
Pacification, That every one of his Majesty s good subjects 
should enjoy their liberty, lands, houses, goods, and means 
whatsoever, taken, and detained from them since the afore 
said time/ the Lord Lindsay *, in the name of the rest, made 
a Protestation either in the camp at Dunns, or at the Cross 
in Edinburgh, that no bishop or clergyman was included in 
this Pacification, which yet in manifest and plain terms 
extended itself to all the King s good subjects/ And this 
protestation was so pursued, as that it obtained, and no 
clergyman was relieved in any the particulars. 

Upon this and other particulars agitated in Parliament 
amongst them, his Majesty thought fit to look to himself, and 
examine their proceedings further. To this end he often 
called his Council, and in particular made a Committee of 
eight, more particularly to attend that service. They were 
the Ld. Bp. of London, then L. Treasurer k , the Ld. Marquis 
Hamilton 1 1 , the Earl of Northumberland L. Admiral m , the 

1 [ the Earl of Arundel Ld. Marshal, here inserted, but afterwards erased.] 

1 P. 73. [of orig. MS. See below, taken of his character may be seen in 

p. 170 in marg.] Clarendon, and in Burnet s Memoirs 

k [ William Juxon. See Diary, March of the Dukes of Hamilton.] 

6, 1635.] m [Algernon Percy, tenth Earl of 

. [Jamea Hamilton, afterwards Duke Northumberland.] 
of Hamilton. The opposite views 


Earl of Strafford L. Deputy of Ireland 1 u , the Ld. Cottington , 
Sir Henry Vane p , and Sir Francis Windebanck 1, Secretaries, 
and myself; to which was afterwards added the Earl of 
Arundel Lord Marshal r . And though I spake nothing of 
these Scottish businesses, but either openly at Council-table, 
or in presence of all, or so many of this Committee as occa 
sionally met, and so had auditors and witnesses enough of 
what I did or said, yet it was still cast out among the 
parties, that I was a chief incendiary in the business : where 
yet, had I said or done any thing worse than other, there 
wanted not Sir Henry Vane 2 to discover it s . 

At this Committee many things were proposed diversly for 
the aid and assistance of the King, and many proposals 
rejected as illegal. At last the Ld. Lieutenant of Ireland 
proposed the calling of a Parliament. Much was not said 
against this, but much said for it * : nor indeed was it safe 
for any man to declare against it, after it was once publicly 
moved. So a Parliament was resolved on, and called against 
April 13, 1640. At that time it sat down, and many tumul 
tuary complaints were made by the Scots against the Bishops 
and Church Government in England, and with great vehe- 
mency against myself. All this while the King could get no 
money to aid him against the Scottish rebellion. At last, 
after many attempts, Sir Henry Vane 3 told the King plainly, 
that it was in vain to expect longer, or to make any other 
overture to them 4 . For no money would be had against the 

Hereupon his Majesty called all his Lords of Council 
together, and upon Maii 5, being Tuesday 5 , at six in the 

[ the Earl of Strafford . . , Ireland, in margin.] 

2 [Another name erased and Yane inserted.] 

3 [Originally written, At last, when, after many designs, no money would 
upon any terms be had, Sir H. Vane, alias K. ] 

4 [Originally written, attempts upon them. The next sentence omitted.] 
* [ being Tuesday, in margin.] 

n [Thomas Wentworth, Laud s well- in which latter office he succeeded Sir 

known confidant and correspondent.] John Coke.] 

[Chancellor of the Exchequer, af- 1 [Of whom frequent mention is 

terwards Lord Treasurer. He went, made in the Diary.] 

in 1649, ambassador to Spain, whence 
he did not return.] 

P [Treasurer of the Household, as 
well as Principal Secretary of State, 

See above, p. 191.] 

See below, pp. 295, 296.] 

. PP- * 

See Diary, Dec. 5, 1639.] 


morning, they met in the Council-chamber. I, by the 
mistake of the messenger, was warned to be there at seven 
in the morning (as, if need be, I can prove by sufficient 
witness), and at that hour I came. By this accident I came 79 
late, and found a resolution taken, to vote the dissolution of 
that Parliament, and the votes entered upon ; my Lord Cot- 
tington being in his speech, when I came into the Council- 
chamber . All votes concurred to the ending of that Parlia 
ment, save two. The persons dissenting were the Earls of 
Northumberland and Holland u . I co-operated nothing to 
this breach but my single vote : yet the very next day, libels 
were set up in divers parts of the city, animating and calling 
together apprentices and others, to come and meet in 
S. George s Fields, for the hunting of William the Fox/ for 
the breach of the Parliament/ This setting up of libels arid 
animation of the baser people continued. I acquainted his 
Majesty and the Council with it. But upon Monday night 
following, being May 11, five hundred of them came about 
my house at Lambeth, to offer it and me violence. By God s 
merciful providence, I had some jealousy of their intent, and 
before their coming left the best order I could to secure my 
house ; and by the advice of some friends, went over the 
water, and lay at my chamber in White-Hall that night, and 
some other following. So, I praise God, no great hurt was 
done. One young fellow only had a little hurt with a dag, 
who was after taken and executed. 

Thus you see, how the malignity of the time fastened and 
continued upon me. For this libelling, in a very base and 
most unworthy manner, continued 2 (8) against me. But not 
one of them charged me with any one particular, save the 
breaking of the Parliament, of which I was not guilty. 

During that Parliament, the Clergy had agreed in Convo 
cation to give his Majesty six subsidies, payable in six years ; 
which came to twenty thousand pounds a year, for six years : 

1 [ to the Council-chamber. in margin.] 

2 [A long passage is here erased, which occurs in substance below, pp. 291 
295, beginning, The King was very hardly put to it, to hang together. ] 

11 [Henry Rich, beheaded in 1649.] 


but the Act of it was not made up 1 v . His Majesty, seeing 
what lay upon him, and what fears there were of the Scots 2 , 
was not willing to lose these subsidies, and therefore thought 
upon the continuing of the Convocation, though the Parlia 
ment were ended ; but had not opened those thoughts of his 
to me 3 . Now, I had sent to dissolve the Convocation at 
their next sitting; haste and trouble of these businesses 
making me forget, that I was to have the King s writ for the 
dismissing, as well as the convening of it. Word was brought 
me of this from the Convocation-house, while I was sitting 
in council, and his Majesty present. Hereupon, when the 
Council rose, I moved his Majesty for a writ. His Majesty 
gave me an unlooked-for reply, namely, that he was willing 
to have the subsidies which we had granted him, and that we 
should go on with the finishing of those Canons, which he 
had given us (9) power under the broad seal of England to 
make. And when I replied, it would be excepted against in 
all likelihood by divers, and desired his Majesty to advise 
well upon it : the King answered me presently, that he had 
spoken with the Ld. Keeper, the Ld. Finch w , about it, and 
that he assured him it was legal. I confess I was a little 
troubled, both at the difficulties of the time and at the answer 
itself, that 4 after so many years faithful service, in a business 
concerning the Church so nearly, his Majesty would speak 
with the Lord Keeper, both without me, and before he would 
80 move it to me : and somewhat I said thereupon which pleased 
not, but the particulars I do not well remember. 

Upon this I was commanded to sit, and go on with the 
Convocation. At first some little x exception was taken there 5 , 
by two or three of the Lower House of Convocation 6 , whether 
we might sit or no. I acquainted his Majesty with this 

but . . . up. in margin.] 
Scots coming in, the last words erased.] 
: but . . . me. in margin ] 

time, . . . that originally written business, and that. ] 
there/ interlined.] G [ of Convocation, interlined.] 

v [The Act for levying the subsidy and Lord Keeper. Created Baron 

was passed May 20, and presented to Finch, April 7, 1640. He retired to 

the King May 25. See Nalson s Col- the Netherlands during the rebellion, 

lection, vol. i. pp. 369, 370.] and, returning at the restoration, died 

w [John Finch, successively Speaker at London, Nov. 20, 1660.] 

of the House of Commons, Justice, and x Lege, question was made. IT.W. 
Chief Justice, of the Common Pleas, 


doubt, and humbly besought him, that his learned council, 
and other persons of honour, well acquainted with the laws of 
the realm, might deliver their judgment upon it. This his 
Majesty graciously approved, and the question was put to 
them. They answered as followeth under their hands : 

" The Convocation being called by the King s writ, under 
the Great Seal, doth continue, until it be dissolved by writ, 
or commission under the Great Seal, notwithstanding the 
Parliament be dissolved. 

(C 14 Mali, 1640. " H. MANCHESTER y. 



ROB. HEATH 11 ." 

This judgment of these great lawyers settled both Houses 
of Convocation. So we proceeded according to the power 
given us under the Broad Seal, as is required by the statute 
25 H. VIII. cap. 19. In this Convocation thus continued 
we made up our Act perfect for the gift of six subsidies, 
according to ancient form in that behalf, and delivered it 
under seal to his Majesty. 6 This passed nemine ref rag ante, 
as may appear apud Acta. And we followed a precedent in 
my Lord Archbishop Whitgift s time, an. 1586 f , who was 
known to be a pious and a prudent prelate, and a man not 
given to do boisterous things against the laws of the realm 
or the prerogative of the crown, but one that went just and 
fair ways to both. Nor did this grant lie dead and useless ; 
for divers processes are yet to be seen for the fetching in of 
that which was so granted to the Queen s use, in case any 
man refused payment \ 

Together with this Act for Subsidies, we went on in delibe- 

1 [The latter part of this sentence in margin.] 

y [Henry Montagu, Earl of Man- e [See the Grant of the Benevolence, 

Chester, Lord Privy Seal.] Nalson s Collection, vol. i. p. 533.] 

z Chief Justice of K. B.] f [See Strype s Life of Whitgift, 

a [Chief Justice of C. P.] book iii. chap. xvii. vol. i. pp. 497, 498, 

b [Serg. at Law.] and Appendix of Documents, Numb. 

c [Attorney General.] xxxiii. vol. iii. p. 196. Oxf. 1822.] 

d [Serg. at Law.] 


ration for certain Canons, thought necessary to be added, for 
the better government and more settled peace of the Church, 
which began to be much disquieted by the proceedings of 
some factious men (which have since more openly and more 
violently l showed themselves) . In the debates concerning 
these Canons, I dare be bold to say, never any Synod sat in 
Christendom that allowed more freedom either of speech or 
vote. The Canons which we made were in number seventeen ; 
and at the time of the subscription no man refused, or so 
much as checked at any one canon, or any one branch in 
81 any one of them: saving a canonists or two, who excepted 
against two or three clauses 2 in some of the last of the 
Canons, (10) which concerned their profit and their carriage 
towards the clergy ;. in which they were publicly, and by joint 
consent, overruled in the House : and excepting Godfrey 
Goodman Ld. Bishop of Gloucester, who was startled at the 
first canon, about the proceedings against the Papists. This 
canon is very express for the use of all good and Christian 
means, to bring them out of their superstitious errors, and to 
settle them in the Church of England. This canon would 
not down with my L. of Gloucester. And the morning 
before the subscription was to be, he came over to Lambeth 
to me 3 ; and after great expressions of his dislike, I gave him 
the best counsel I could, that he would keep himself out of 
that scandal, which his refusing to subscribe would bring, 
both upon his person, his calling, and the Church of England, 
in these broken times especially. But I fell so short of 
prevailing with him, that he told me plainly, He would be 
torn with wild horses before he would subscribe that canon : 
and so we parted. 

1 [ and more violently in margin.] 

2 [ two . . . clauses first written, a clause or two. ] 3 [ to me interlined.] 

s Quaere, who were these Canonists, or perhaps proxies for some absent 

and how had they votes in Convoca- members of the Convocation. H. W. 

tion 1 Have we any such, properly so [Sir John Lamb, Dean of the Arches, 

called ] W. S. A. C. and Dr. Heath, Chancellor of Peter- 

I suppose to be here meant some borough, both civilians, sat in this 

civilians, graduates legum sive utri- Convocation as Proctors; the former 

usque juris, viz. of the Canon and Civil for the Clergy of Lincoln, the latter 

(or Imperial) laws, or others perhaps for the Clergy of Peterborough. (Nal- 

interested in the spiritual courts, being son s Collection, vol. i. pp. 352, 355.) 

in Holy Orders, and sitting in that It appears (ibid. p. 371) that these 

Convocation, either in their own right, very persons were called before the 

as deans or archdeacons, or by dele- Upper House of Convocation on this 

gation from the Clergy of some diocese; question.] 


The hour of Convocation drew on ; and we met to sub 
scribe the Canons. When it came to the Bishop of Glouces 
ter s turn, his Lordship would neither allow the Canons nor 
reject them 1 ; but pretended, (as he had once done about a 
week before,) that we had no power to make Canons out 
of Parliament time, since the statute of H. VIII. It was 
then told his Lp., that we had the king s power, according to 
that statute ; and that his Lp. was formerly satisfied by the 
lawyers hands, as well as we ; and that this was but a pre 
tence to disgrace our proceedings, the better to hide his 
unwillingness to subscribe that Canon against the Papists ; 
as appeared by that speech which he had privately used to 
me that morning, and with which I publicly charged him 
upon this occasion ; and he did as publicly in open Convoca 
tion acknowledge, that he spake the words unto me. Besides 
this, he was further told 2 , that in all synods the suffragants 
were to declare themselves by open affirmation or denial of 
the Canons agreed upon; and that therefore he ought to 
express his consent or his dissent. 

And though at that time I pressed it no further on him, 
yet it stands with all reason it should be so. For otherwise 
it may so fall out, that the Synod may be disappointed, and 
be able to determine nothing. And it seems, they were 
bound to declare in synod. For otherwise, when points of 
difficulty or danger came, the fathers might have with more 
safety forborne to vote ; which yet they did not. For in the 
case of Nestorius in the Ephesine Council 11 , the heats grew 
very high between Cyril of Alexandria and John of Antioch ; 
and though most of the votes went with Cyril for the de 
position of Nestorius, yet the rest held with John, who was 
thought to favour Nestorius. So, for matter of opinion, and 
point of faith, when Cyril had set out his twelve anathema- 
tisms, recorded in the Acts of the Ephesine Synod 1 ; the 
Eastern bishops in a body, and Theodoret by himself J, set out 

1 [ would . . . them; in marg. It was first written, absolutely refused. ] 

2 [ as appeared . . . told, in marg. It was originally written, Papists. 
And further, that. ] 

h Concil. Ephes. par. i. and ii. [pas- Cone. torn. iii. coll. 813, seq.] 
m. Cone. Labb. et Coss. torn, iii.] J [See Cone. Eph. par. iii. eapp. ii. 

Concil. Ephe.s. par. iii. [cap. i. and iii. Cone. torn. iii. coll. 828 888.] 


their confutations of them. And this I believe verily they 
had not done, the temper of those times considered, if they 
might have sat still as spectators only, without declaring 
their judgment. 

But this appears more plainly by the Fourth Council of 
Toledo, where it was decreed, That no man should dare to 
dissolve the Council, till all things were determined and 
subscribed by the bishops V for this makes it evident, that 
every one who had a voice in council, was not only to declare 
his judgment, but subscribe his name. Nor can I see, why 
either the absence of a bishop being summoned thither, or 
his departure thence before all things were concluded, should 
be so penal, as by the ancient Canons it was, in case they 
were not bound to declare their judgments being once come 
thither; (it being all one upon the matter, to be absent 
thence, and to say nothing there:) for by the Council of 
Aries ] it was 110 less than excommunication. And though 
that was after mitigated, in the Council of Orleans m , to sus 
pension for six months, in the year 552, yet in the Council of 
Sevil n , in the year 590, upon sight of the inconveniences 
which fell upon it, it was made excommunication as it was 

And a precedent of this, we have in our own Acts of Con 
vocation, an. 1571 . And this was not only since the act of 
the submission of the clergy, but since the Reformation too. 
For there it appears that Richard Cheyney^, Bishop of 
Gloucester, for not attending the Convocation, though he 
were then in Westminster, and going home without leave 

k Concil. Tol. IV. cap. 4. Bin. to. ii. Decretum, lib. i. cap. 1. as the 10th 

par. 2. p. 346. Concilium quoque mil- Canon of this Council. It is given by 

lus solvere audeat, nisi fuerint cuncta Labbe and Cossart simply as a frag- 

determinata; ita ut quaecunque deli- rnent. See Cone. torn. v. col. 1592. 

beratione coiumuni finiuntur, Episco- C.D.] 

porum sin^ulorum manibus subscri- [See Wilkins Concilia, torn. iv. 

bantur.[ Cone. Labb. et Coss. torn. v. p. 261.] 

col. 1705. D.E.] p I have seen the records of some 

1 Concil. Arelat. II. can. 19. Bin. to. proceedings against this Bishop Chey- 

i. par. 1. p. 589. [Cone. Labb. et ney, from which it appears that he 

Coss. torn. iv. col. 1013. C.] was suspected of being a secret Papist, 

m Concil. Aurelianense Y. [can. as was afterwards his successor, Bishop 

xviii.] Bin. to. ii. par. 2. p.39. [Cone. Goodman. H. W. [See Strype s An- 

Labb. et Coss. torn. v. col. 395. E. nals, chap. lii. vol. i. par. ii. pp. 277, 

The date of this Council, according seq. Strype questions the fact that 

to Labbe and Cossart, is A.D. 549.] he became Romanist. (Annals, chap. 

n Concil. Hispalense. Ibid. p. 295. xxv. vol. i. par.i. p. 421. Oxf. 1824).] 
[This is quoted by Burchard in his 
IAUD. VOL. in. 


asked of the Archbishop, was excommunicated by the joint 
consent of all his brethren. Yet I may not deny, that in the 
question of King Hen. VIII/s marriage with his brother s 
wife, when the business came to voting in the Lower House 
of Convocation, fourteen affirmed 1 that the law, De non 
ducenda fratris relicta, for a man s not marrying the widow 
of his brother, was indispensable; and seven denied; and 
one doubted. As also in the Act of the Submission of the 
Clergy, consisting of three articles, when it came to voting in 
that House r , the first article was denied by eighteen, and 
referred s by eight ; the two other were denied by nineteen, 
and referred by seven ; the residue consenting unto all. 

But neither of these, had they then been thought on, could 
have relieved the Bishop of Gloucester ; because he neither 
doubted nor referred, but peremptorily said to me that 
morning, that he would be torn with wild horses before he 
would subscribe that canon against the Papists. Arid yet, 
when it came to the subscription, he would neither affirm nor 
deny the canon, but would have turned it off, as if we had not 
power to make those Canons. Therefore, when his Lordship 
would not 1 do either, I, with the consent of the Synod, sus 
pended him. Divers of my lords the bishops were very tender 
of him, and the scandal given by him. And John Davenant, 
then Ld. Bp. of Salisbury, and Joseph Hall, then Ld. Bp. of 
Exeter, desired leave of the House, and had it, to speak with 
my L. of Gloucester, to see if they could prevail with him. 8 
They did prevail; and he came back and subscribed the 
Canons, in open Convocation. But I told him : Considering 
his Lp/s words, I did not know with what mind he sub 
scribed ; and would therefore according to my duty acquaint 
his Majesty with all the proceedings, and there leave it. 
The subscription to the Canons went on, no one man else 
checking at anything. And that work ended, the Convoca 
tion was dissolved Maii 29, being Friday. 

1 [From And though in p. 288, all written in opposite page. It was first 
written, When, notwithstanding all this, he would not do either. ] 

i Quatuordecim affirmasse, septem [Wilkins Cone. torn. iii. p. 749.] 
negasse, unum dubitasse. Act a Synod. s [Abp. Bancroft objected to the use 

Lond. an. 1533. MS. [Wilkins Cone. of this word. It appears to mean 

torn. iii. p. 756.] appealed against. ] 

r Acta Synod. Lond. an. 1532. MS. 


The Convocation thus ended, I did acquaint his Majesty 
with my L. of Gloucester s carriage, and with that which was 
done upon it. His Majesty, having other jealousies of this 
Bishop besides this, resolved to put him to it. So his Lp. 
was brought before the king and the Lds. in council ; and 
restrained (11) to his lodging, and a writ, Ne exeat Regno, 
sent him. But this writ proceeded not for anything said or 
done by his Lp. in the Convocation, but upon other infor 
mation which his Majesty had received from some agents of 
his l beyond the seas *, as shall appear hereafter, if this be 
objected against me. In the mean time, let that bishop rest 
for me. 

The Canons, thus freely and unanimously subscribed, were 
printed. And at their first publication, they were generally 
approved in all parts of the kingdom ; and I had letters from 
the remotest parts of it, full of approbation ; insomuch that 
not myself only, but my brethren which lived near these 
parts, and which were not yet gone down, were very much 
joyed at it. But about a month after their printing, there 
began some whisperings against them by some ministers in 
London ; and their exceptions were spread in writing against 
them; and this set others on work, both in the western and 
the northern parts 11 . Till at last, by the practice of the 
faction, there was suddenly a great alteration, and nothing 
so much cried down as the Canons. The comfort is, Christ 
himself had his Hosanna turned into a Crucifige in far less 
time. By this means the malice of the time took another 
occasion to whet itself against me. 

The Synod thus ended, and the Canons having this success 2 , 
but especially the Parliament ending so unhappily, the king 
was very hardly put to it, and sought all other means, as well 
as he could, to get supply against the Scots. But all that he 
could get, proved too little, or came too late for that service. 
For the adverse party in the late Parliament, or by-and-by 
after, before they parted, ordered things so, and filled men s 

1 [ some. . .his in marg.] 

2 [Originally written, Before the first day which made the payment of our 
subsidies due to the king, his Majesty was hardly put to it. ] 

1 [See note to Laud s Letter to iii. pp. 1205, seq., and Nalson s Col- 
Windebank of Sept. 23, 1638.] lection, vol. i. pp. 396, seq.] 

u [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. 

u 2 


minds with such strange jealousies, that 1 the King s good 
people were almost generally possessed that his Majesty 
had a purpose to alter the ancient laws and liberties of the 
kingdom, and to bring in slavery upon his people : a thing 
(which for aught I know) his Majesty never intended. 
But the 2 Parliament-men, which would not relieve the king, 
by their meeting in that assembly, came to understand and 
inform one another ; and at their return, were able to possess 
their several countries with the apprehensions themselves 
had ; and so they did. Upon this, some lords and others, 
who had by this time made an underhand solemn confederacy 
with a strong faction of the Scots, brought an army of them 
into the kingdom 3 . For all men know, and it hath been in 8 
a manner confessed, that the Scots durst not have come into 
England at that time 4 , if they had not been sure of a party 
here, and a strong one ; and that the King should be betrayed 
on all hands, as shall after appear 5 . 

By these and the like means, the King being not assisted 
by his Parliament, nor having means enough to proceed 
with his forces in due time, the Scots were brought in (as is 
aforesaid c ) upon both King and kingdom. They, under the 
conduct of Sir Alexander Leshley x , their general, passed the 

Aug . Tyne at Newborne ?, and took Newcastle the next day after. 

1640. And all this gross treason, though it had no other end than to 
confirm a Parliament in Scotland, and to make the King 
call another in England, that so they might in a way of 
power extort from him what they pleased in both kingdoms ; 
yet religion was made almost 7 all the pretence both here and 
there ; and so, in pursuance of that pretence 8 , hatred spread 
and increased against me for the Service-book. 

The King, hearing that the Scots were moving, posted 
(12) away to York, Aug. 20, being Thursday 9 . There he 

l [ jealousies, that, originally written, jealousies, insomuch that. ] 

2 [Originally written, And though I know not how or by whom, yet most 
certain it is (as appeared evidently by the effects) a closing there was between 
the discontented parts of both kingdoms. And the ] 

3 [Originally added, to bring on a Parliament, and therein to do what they 
r kased with the King- in both kingdoms. ] 

4 [ at that time in marg.] 5 [ Upon this. . . appear. in marg.] 
6 I fas is aforesaid) in marg] 7 [ almost interlined. 

8 [ both . . . pretence in marg. Originally written, And so all along 
hatred/Jfee.] 9 [ Aug. . . . Thursday. in marg.] 

* [Alexander Lesley, afterwards created Earl of Leven.] r Aug. 17. 


soon found in what straits he was ; and thereupon called his 
great council of all his Ls. and prelates to York, to be there 
by Septemb. 24 z . But in regard the summons was short and 
sudden, he was graciously pleased to dispense with the 
absence of divers, both lords and bishops,, and with mine 
among the rest. How things in particular succeeded there, 
I know not ; nor belongs it much to the scope of this short 
history, intended only for myself. But l the result of all was 
a present nomination of some Lords Commissioners, to treat 
at Ripon about this great affair with other Commissioners 
from the Scotch army a . 

But before this treaty at Ripon, one Melborne, or Mel- 
drum, secretary to General Leshly (as he was commonly 
said to be), at the Shire-house in Durham, when the 
country gentlemen met with the chief of the Scottish army, 
about a composition to be made for payment of three 
hundred and fifty pounds a day for that county, expressed 
himself in this manner, Septemb. 10, 1640 : I wonder that 
you are so ignorant, that you cannot see what is good for 
yourselves. For they in the south are sensible of the good 
that will ensue, and that we came not unsent for, and that 
oftener than once or twice, by your own great ones/ There 
being a doubt made at these words, great ones/ he replied, 
your own lords/ with further discourse. These words 
were complained of, during the treaty at Ripon, to the 
English Lords Commissioners, by two gentlemen of the 
Bishopric of Durham, to whom the words were spoken by 
Meldrum. The gentlemen were, Mr. John Killiiighall and 
Mr. Nicholas Chaytor b ; and they offered to testify the words 
upon oath ; but the lords require d them only to write down 
those words, and set their hands to them, which they did 
very readily. The lords acquainted the Scotch Commissioners 
with the words. They sent to Newcastle, to make them 
known to General Leshly. He called his Secretary before 

1 [Originally written, After they had continued at York till October 28* ] 

* [See Rushworth s Collections, vol. Both Chaytor and Killinghall \vere 

iii. p. 1257.] members of the committee for settling 

a [See their names, ibid. p. 1282.] the compositions for the county of 

b [Afterwards a lieutenant-colonel Durham. (Rushworth s Collections, 

in the royal service. (See Burke s vol. iii. p. 1274.)] 
Extinct Baronetcies under the name.) 


him, questioned him about the words. Meldrum denied 
them. (Was that enough, against two such witnesses ?) This 
denial was put in writing, and sent to Ripon. Hereupon, 
some of the English Lords Commissioners required that the 85 
two gentlemen should go to Newcastle to the Scotch camp, 
and there give in their testimony before General Leshly. The 
two gentlemen replied (as they had great reason to do), that 
they had rather testify it in any court of England, and could 
do it with more safety ; yet they would go and testify it 
there, so they might have a safe-conduct from the Scottish 
Commissioners, there being as yet no cessation of arms. 
Answer was made by some English lords, that they should 
have a safe-conduct. Hereupon one of the King s messengers 
attendant there, was sent to the Scotch Commissioners for a 
safe-conduct for the two gentlemen. He brought back word 
from the Earl of Dumfermling c (to whom he was directed), 
that the two gentlemen were unwise, if they went to give 
such testimony at the camp. And then speaking with the 
Ld. Lowdoii d , he came again to the messenger, and told him 
that such a safe- conduct could not be granted, and that he 
would satisfy the Earl that sent for it (who was Francis Earl 
of Bedford 6 ). The messenger returning with this answer, 
the gentlemen were dismissed. So the business died; it 
being not for somebody s safety that this examination should 
have proceeded ; for it is well enough known since that many 
had their hands in this treason, for gross treason it was by 
the express words of the statute of 25 Edw. III. c. 2. The 
truth of all this will be sworn to by both the gentlemen yet 
living, and by a very honest, grave divine, who was present at 
all these passages at Ripon, and gave them to me in writing. 
In this great council, while the treaty was proceeding 
slowly enough, it was agreed on, that a Parliament should l 

1 [This long passage, from about this great affair (p. 293, 1. 10.) ... Par 
liament should, inserted on opposite page.] 

c [Charles Seton, one of the Scotch See his character in Clarendon (Hist. 

Commissioners.] Rebell. vol. i. p. 446), who, in coritra- 

(1 [John Campbell, Lord, afterwards diction to the statement made below 

Earl of, Lowdon, and Chancellor of by Laud, (p. 178 in marg.) that he 

Scotland, one of the Scotch Commis- was eager for Lord Strafford s death, 

sioners, both now, and at the treaty of expressly states the contrary that he 

Newport.] was anxious to save his life, but died 

r [ Francis Kussell, fourth Earl. He too soon.] 
died of the small-pox, May 9, 1641. 


begin at London, Nov. 3 following : and thither the Com 
missioners and the treaty were to follow ; and they did so. 
After this 1 how things proceeded in Parliament, and how 
long the Scotch army was continued, and at how great a 
charge to the kingdom, appears elsewhere upon record; for 
I shall hasten to my own particular, and take in no more of 
the public than necessity shall enforce me, to make my sad 
story hang together. 

After they had continued at York till Octob. 28, the King 
and the Lords returned ; and 2 the Parliament sat down 
Novemb. 3. Great heats appeared in the very beginning. 
On Wednesday, Novemb. 10 f , Tho. L. Wentworth, Earl of 
Strafford, was accused by the House of Commons of high 
treason, and committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell, 
the Officer of the House ; and upon general articles sent up, 
he was, upon Wednesday, Novemb. 25", committed to the 
Tower. It is thought (and upon good grounds) that the 
Earl of Strafford had got knowledge of the treason of some 
men, and that he was preparing to accuse them. And this 
fear both hastened and heated the proceedings against him. 
And upon Dec. 4, being Friday, his Majesty, at the great 
importunity of some Lords of his Council, gave way that 3 his 
Council should be examined upon oath in the Earl of Straf- 
ford s case ^ and I (with others) was examined that very day. 
There were great thoughts of heart upon this business, and 
somewhat vapoured out at men s tongues ; but the thing was 

Now 4 at, and after the breaking up of, the late Parliament, 
Sir Hen. Vane 5 , at the private Committee concerning the 
Scotch affairs (before mentioned), instead of setting down the 
heads of the several businesses then treated of, writ down 
what every man said at the Committee, though it were but 
matter of deliberation and debate. Afterwards, by a cunning 
convevance between his son (who had been Governor in New 

1 [ were to follow . . . this in marg. Originally written, followed. ] 

2 [ After . . . and in marg.] 3 [ to the Tower . . that on opposite page.] 
4 [ Now in marg.] 5 [Two words erased after Vane s name.] 

f Nov. 11. Rushworth. [Correctly.] 22. W. S. A. C. [Wednesday in this 
e The Archbishop s Diary saith Nov. year fell on Nov. 25.] 


England 1 ) 11 and himself, this paper, or a copy of it, was 
delivered to some members of the House of Commons ; and 
in all probability was the ground of that which was after 
done against the Lord Stafford, myself, and others ; and the 
cause why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords 
and others of his Council examined, was, that so Sir Henry 
Vane 2 might upon oath avow the paper which his son had 
seen and showed 3 , and others be brought to witness as much 
(had truth and their memories been able to say as much) as 
his paper. 

After the examination of me and others, concerning these 
particulars, there arose great and violent debates in the 
House of Commons against the Bishops, and particularly 
their votes in Parliament 1 . After that, Decemb. 16, 1640, 
they voted against the late Canons 1 , as containing in 
them many matters contrary to the fundamental laws and 
statutes of the realm, to the rights of Parliaments, to the 
property and liberty of the subject ; and matters tending to 
sedition, and of dangerous consequences k . I was made the 
author of all, and presently (13) a Committee 1 put upon me 

1 [ who . . . New England in marg.] 

2 [Same two words omitted as before.] 3 [ and showed/ in marg.] 
4 [Originally written, Canons, as being altogether against the King s pre 
rogative, to the fundamental laws of the kingdom, the liberty and property of 
the subject ; and containing other things tending to sedition and of dangerous 
consequence. (Upon this occasion they took in the Canons made in King James 
his time also, and condemned them for company.) I was/ &c.] 

h [Having been elected by the dis- and what execution hath been made 
affected people who had emigrated upon them, and by whom ; and to con- 
thither. Neither governor nor people sider how far the Lord Archbishop of 
were satisfied with each other, and Canterbury hath been an actor in all 
Vane returned to England. His sub- t.:e proceedings of them ; and further, 
sequent career is too well known to be to examine, how far he hath been an 
here dwelt on.] actor, or in the great design of the 

5 The Bishops were before this in- subversion of the laws of the realm, 

veighed against in several speeches, and of the religion ; and to prepare 

Nov. 7, 9, 21, 25, &c. Rushw. [par. 3. and draw up a charge against him, 

vol. i. pp.22, 33, seq. 55, 58.] and such others as shall appear of- 

k Vide Rushw. par. 3, vol. i. pp. 99 fenders in these particulars; and have 

112. power to send for parties, witnesses, 

1 The order for erecting this Com- papers, books, records, and to do any 

mittee may be found in Prynne s other act which they in their judg- 

Compl. Hist. p. 19. [ December 16, merits should think fit to conduce to 

1640. This Committee is to prepare the business, and are to meet at four 

the several votes concerning the new o clock this afternoon in the Star 

Canons, and to make them ready for Chamber." 

this House to present the same to the The Order of the House of Commons 

Lords, and to consider and examine for the Archbishop s impeachment is 

who were the promoters of these new thus entered in the Journal : 

Canons, and who the principal actors, " December 18, 1640. Resolved upon 


to inquire into my actions and prepare a charge. The same 
morning in the Upper House, I was named as an incendiary 
in an accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners : for 
now by this time they were come to that Article of the Treaty 
which reflected upon me. Ancl this was done with great 
noise, to bring me yet further into hatred with the people, 
especially the Londoners" 1 , who approved too well the pro 
ceedings of their brethren the Scots, and debased the Bps. 
and the Church Government in England. The Articles, 
which the Scots put into the Upper House (by the hands of 
their Lords Commissioners against me, Decemb. 15) were 
read there Decemb. 16 l . I took out a true copy as it follows Decemb. 
here 2 . And though I was to make no answer then, till the 16 lf 
House of Commons had digested them, and taken as much 
out of them as they pleased, to fill my intended charge 
withal ; yet because I after found, that the House of Commons 3 
insisted upon very few of these particulars (if any), I thought 
myself bound to vindicate my innocency even in these par 
ticulars, which shall now appear in their full strength against 
.me, if they have any in wise and learned men s judgments 11 . 

1 [ into . . . Decemb. 16. originally written, in against me, were read in the 
Upper House. ] 

2 [Originally added, with my answer to every particular. ] 

3 [ the House of Commons originally they. ] 

the question, that a message shall be m See the Petition of the Londoners 

sent from this House to the Lords, to against the Bishops, presented Dec. 

accuse William Laud, Archbishop of 11, 1640, apud Rushw. p. 93. 

Canterbury, of high treason, in the u They are printed entire in Rushw. 

name of this House and of all the p. 113, Pryn, p. 31, &c. Abbreviated 

Commons of England, and to desire in Heylin s Life of Laud, p. 466. Pub- 

that he may be sequestered from Par- lished by the Scots themselves, London, 

liament, and committed; and that 1641, 4to. [under the title of "The 

within some convenient time, this Charge of the Scottish Commissioners 

House will resort to their Lordships against Canterburie and the Lieute- 

with particular accusations and articles nant of Ireland. Together with their 

against him ; and that Mr. Hollis go demand concerning the Sixt Article 

up with the same." of the Treaty, &c. Printed, Anno Dom. 

Prynne, after quoting these Orders MDCXLI."] and soon after by Pryn in 

of the House, gives the speech of his Antipathy of the English Prelacy, 

Harbottle Grimstone, which it is not par. i. p. 334. 
thought worth while here to insert.] 


CAP. III. 87 

The novations in religion (ivhich are universally acknow 
ledged to be the main cause of commotions in kingdoms 
and states, and are known to be the true cause of our 
present troubles) were many and great ; besides the Books* 
of Ordination and Homilies. First, some particular altera 
tions in matters of religion pressed upon us without order, 
and against laiu, contrary to the form established in our 
Kirk. Secondly, a new Book of Canons \_and Constitu 
tions Ecclesiastical^. Thirdly, a Liturgy, or Book of 
Common Prayer ; which did also carry with them many 
dangerous errors in matters of doctrine. Of all these 
we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury as^ the prime 
cause on earth e . 

I SHALL easily grant, that ( novations in religion are a main 
cause of distempers in commonwealths/ And I hope it will 
be as easily granted to me (I am sure it should), that when 
great distempers fall into kingdoms and commonwealths, the 
only way to engage at home and get credit abroad is to 
pretend religion, which in all ages hath been a cloak large 
enough to cover (at least from the eyes of the many) even 
treasons themselves. And for the present troubles 3 in 
Scotland, novations in religion are so far from being known 
to be the true cause/ as that it is manifest to any man that 
will look upon it with a single eye, that temporal discontents, 
and several ambitions 1 of the great men, which had been 
long a- working 3 , were the true cause of these troubles; and- 
that religion was called in upon the bye, to gain the clergy, 
and by them the multitude. 

1 [ and several ambitions in marg.] 2 [Originally written brewing. ] 

a Book/ Rushw. their own formal words, sometimes in 

b Eushw. and Pryn. oblique narration, and some Articles 

c Which/ Rushw. and Pryn. mixed of the Archbishop s person as 

d To be/ Rushw. speaking in one part of the period, 

e [Archbishop Bancroft remarks: and the accuser the rest, very incon- 

" The Articles of the Scottish Com- gruously."] 

missioners are sometimes related in 


For besides that which was openly spoken by the Right 
Honourable James then Earl of Carlisle f , that somewhat was 
a-brewing in Scotland among some discontented there, which 
would break out to the trouble of this kingdom ; tis most 
apparent, there were many discontents among them : some 
whereof had no relation at all to religion, and were far an- 
cienter than the troubles now began, and were all legally 
proved against the Lord Balmerino g , who was condemned of 
high treason before any of these stirs began. For there were 
grievances/ as they said, ( propounded in the Convention, 
an. 1628/ about coining, and their black money; which (they 
say) were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. 
Murmuring also there was, as if the Articles and Parliament 
were not free/ Great clamour likewise was there against the 
Bishops power in choosing the Lords of the Articles / 
though that power belonged unto them by the fundamental 
laws of that kingdom. As much against the Act of Revoca 
tion, and the taxations (which yet were voluntarily offered, 
and miscalled on purpose to edge the people) : as also for 
applying/ as they said, ( these taxations to wrong uses : 
with all which, and more, religion had nothing to do. Nay, 
this discontented party grew so high and so bold, that a very 
base and dishonourable libel was made and spread against 
the king, an. 1633, by these and the like pretences to alienate 
the hearts of the people from him. Of this libel, if one liagg 
were the author, Balmerino was the divulger, and so proved h . 
Arid though it be true, that then also some things were said 
to be done against the Church-government ; yet their nova- 
88 tions now spoken of were not then on foot. So that it is 
evident enough to any man that will see, that these commo 
tions had another and a higher cause than the present pre 
tended innovations. And if his Majesty had played the king- 
then, he needed not have Buffered now. Besides, they are no 
fools who have spoken it freely (since the Act of Oblivion for 
the Scottish business was passed), that this great league 
before mentioned 1 between the discontented party of both 
1 [ before mentioned in marg.] 

f [James Hay, Earl of Carlisle.] the proceedings is given in State Trials, 

Process against the Ld. Balme- vol. i. pp. 407 458. Lond. 1730.] 

rino: a copy whereof 1 had by me when h See K. Ch. Large Declaration, 

I writ this. W. C. [A full account of p. 13, &c. 


kingdoms, was consulted on in the year 1632, and after the 
King s being in Scotland, an. 1633, it went on, till they took 
occasion another way to hatch the cockatrice egg, which was 
laid so long before. 

(14) But they say, these novations were great, besides the 
Books of Ordination and Homilies. So the Books of Ordi 
nation and Homilies were great novations. Had they then 
in Scotland no set form of ordination ? I promise you, that s 
next neighbour to no ordination; and no ordination to no 
Church, formal at least. And therefore if this be a novation 
among them, it s high time they had it. And for the Homilies, 
if they taught no other doctrine than, was established and 
current in the Church of Scotland, they were no novations ; 
and if they did contain other doctrine, they might have con 
demned them, and there had been an end. Howsoever, if 
these books be among them in Scotland, they were sent 
thither in King James his time, when the Prelate of Canter 
bury neither was, nor could be, the prime cause on earth of 
that novation. 

The other novations, which they proceed unto, are, first, 
1 some particular alterations in matters of religion, pressed 
upon them without order and against law. To this I can 
say nothing, till the particular alterations be named. Only 
this in the general : be they what they will, the Scottish 
Bishops were to blame, if they pressed anything without 
order or ( against law. And sure I am, the Prelate of Can 
terbury caused them not, nor would have consented to the 
causing of them, had he known them to be such. The two 
other novations, in which they instance, are the Book of 
Canons and the Liturgy, which, they say, contain in them 
many dangerous errors in matter of doctrine/ To these, how 
dangerous soever they seem, I shall give (I hope) a very 
sufficient and clear answer ; and shall ingenuously set down 
whatsoever I did, either in or to the Book of Canons and the 
Liturgy, and then leave the ingenuous reader to judge, how 
far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on earth of 
these things. 


ART. I. 

And first, that this Prelate was the author and urger of some 
particular things l which made great disturbance amongst 
us, we [make k ] manifest first by fourteen letters subscribed 
W. CANT, in the space of two years, to one of our pretended 
Bishops, Ballatine ; wherein he often enjoins him and our 
other pretended Bishops to appear in the chapel in their 
whites, contrary to the custom of our Kirk, and to his 
[own *] promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh 
at the coronation, That none of them after that time should 
be more pressed to wear those garments ; thereby moving 
him against his will, to put them on for that time. 

Here begins the first charge about the particular altera 
tions/ And first, they charge me with fourteen letters 
written by me to Bishop Ballantyne ni . He was then Bishop 
of Dunblain, and Dean of his Majesty s Chapel Royal there. 
He was a learned and a grave man, and I did write divers 
letters to him, as well as to some other Bishops, and some by 
command; but whether just fourteen or no, I know not. 
But sure I am their love to me is such, that were anything 
worse than other, in any of these letters, I should be sure to 
hear of it. 

First, (15) then, they say, ( I enjoined wearing of whites, &c. 
Surely I understand myself a great deal better than to enjoin 
where I have no power. Perhaps I might express that which 
his Majesty commanded me, when I was Dean of his Majesty s 
Chapel here, as this reverend Bishop was in Scotland : and 
his Majesty s express command was, that T should take that 
care upon me; that the chapel there, and the service, should 
be kept answerable to this, as much as might be ; and that 
the Dean should come to prayers in his form, as likewise 
other Bishops when they came thither n . And let my letters 

1 Changes/ Rushw. and Pryn. pp. 148, 149,) may be here intro- 

k Rushw. and Pryn. duced : 

1 Rushw. and Pryn. 

m [A* many of these letters as can " CHARLES R. 

be recovered will be found in vol. vi. J " Our express will and pleasure is, 

" [The following documents taken that the Dean of our Chapel that now 

from Prynne (Hidden Works, &c. is, and his successors, shall be assist- 



be showed, whether there be any enjoining^ other than this, 
and this way. And I am confident his Majesty would never 
have laid this task upon me had he known it to be either 
without order 3 or against law/ 

Next I am charged, that concerning these whites/ I brake 
my promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh. Truly to the 
uttermost of my memory I cannot recal any such passage or 
* promise made to that reverend and learned prelate. And 
I must have been very ill advised, had I made any such 
promise/ having no warrant from his Majesty to engage for 
any such thing. As for that which follows, c that he was 

ent to the Right Reverend Father in 
God, the Archbishop of Saint An- 
drewes, at the Coronation, so often as 
it shall happen. 

" That the Book of the form of our 
Coronation lately used be put in a 
little box, and laid into a standard 
and committed to the care of the 
Dean of the Chapel successively. 

" That there be prayers twice a day 
with the quire, as well in our absence 
as otherwise, according to the English 
Liturgy, till some course be taken for 
making one that may fit the customs 
and constitutions of that Church. 

" That the Dean of the Chapel look 
carefully, that all that receive the 
blessed sacrament there, receive it 
kneeling, and that there be a Com 
munion held in that our chapel the 
first Sunday of every month. 

" That the Dean of our Chapel that 
now is, and so successively, come duly 
thither to prayers upon Sundays, and 
such holy days as that Church observes, 
in his whites, and preach so, whenever 
he preacheth there. And that he be 
not absent from thence, but upon ne 
cessary occasion of his diocese, or 
otherwise, according to the course of 
his preferment. 

" That these orders shall be our 
warrant to the Dean of our Chapel, 
that the Lords of our Privy Council, 
the Lords of the Session, the Advo 
cate, Clerks, Writers to the Signet, 
and members of our College of Justice, 
be commanded to receive the holy 
communion once every year, at the 
least, in that our Chapel Royal, and 
kneeling, for example sake to the 
kingdom. And we likewise command 
the Dean aforesaid to make report 
yearly to us, how we are obeyed therein, 

and by whom, as also if any man shall 
refuse, in what manner he doth so, 
and why. 

" That the Copes which are conse 
crated to our use, be delivered to the 
Dean, to be kept upon inventory by 
him, and in a standard provided for 
that purpose, and to be used at the 
celebration ot the Sacrament in our 
Chapel Royal. 

" To these Orders we shall hereafter 
add others, if we find others more 
necessary for the regulating of the 
service of God there. 

" At Whitehall, the eighth day of 
October, 1633. 

Sic subscribitur STERLING. 

Superscribed by his Majesty." 


" Reverend Father in God, trusty 
and well-beloved Counsellor, we greet 
you well. We have thought good, for 
better ordering of Divine Service, to 
be performed in our Chapel Royal 
there, to set down some Articles under 
our own hand to be observed therein, 
which we send you here enclosed. 
And it is our special pleasure, that you 
see everything carefully performed, 
according as we have directed by these 
our enclosed Articles. And likewise 
that you certify to the Lords of our 
Privy Council, if any of those appointed 
by our former letters to them to 
communicate in our Chapel Royal, 
shall not accordingly perform the 
same, to the effect such order may be 
taken by our Council therein, as by 
our said former letters to them we did 
appoint : wherein expecting your dili 
gence and care, We bid you farewell. 

" From our Court at Whitehall, the 
8th day of Octo. 1633." 


moved against his \vill to put on those garments/ truly he 
expressed nothing at that time to me ! , that might signify it 
was against his will. And his learning and judgment were 
too great to stumble at such external things : especially such 
having been the ancient habits of the most reverend bishops 
from the descent of many hundred years, as may appear in 
the Life of S. Cyprian . And therefore the novation was in 
the (Church) of Scotland, when her Bishops left them off, not 
when they put them on. 

In these Letter s,he (the Prelate of Canterbury) directs (Bishop 
Ballantine) to give order for saying the English Service 
in the chapel twice a day: for his neglect, showing him 
that he was disappointed of the bishopric of Edinburgh ; 
promising him upon his greater care of these novations, 
advancement to a better bishopric. 

For the direction for reading the English Service/ it was 
no other than his Majesty commanded me to give. And I 
hope it is no crime for a Bishop of England, by his Majesty s 
command, to signify to a Bishop in Scotland what his pleasure 
is for Divine Service in his own chapel. Nor was the reading 
90 of the English liturgy any ( novation at all in that place. 
For in the year 1617 I had the honour, as a Chaplain in 
Ordinary, to wait upon King James of blessed memory into 
Scotland P, and then the English service was read in that 
chapel, and twice a day. And I had the honour again to wait 
upon King Charles, as Dean of his Majesty s Chapel Royal 
here 2 , at his coronation in Scotland, in the year ] 633 q : and 
then also was the English service read twice a day in that 
1 [ to me, in margin.] 2 [ as Dean . . . here, in margin.] 

When S. Cyprian was brought to nal. Eccles. an. 261. n. 40, that it was 

the place of his execution, "exuit se "lineum illud vcstimentum, Episcopis 

lacernum [birrum] quern indutus erat, omnibus commune, Italice rocheto di- 

&c. dehinc tunicam tulit, et diaconibus cunt." [This is an abridgement of 

tradidit ; et stans in linea exspectabat Baronius s words, torn. ii. col. 710. 

spiculatorem." [Acta Passionis S. Cy- Mogunt. 1601.] And by this passage 

priani a Pontio Diacono.] Now if you concerning S. Cyprian, it is evident 

ask, what that liiiea" was, sure it that this habit there mentioned was 

could not be his shirt. For that could the usual and known habit of a bishop 

not stand with his episcopal gravity ; in those times, 

nor was it necessary for him, in regard p [See Diary, pp. 135, 136.] 

of his kind of death, which was be- * [See Diary, p. 217.] 
heading. But Baronius tells us, An- 


chapel. And a strict command was given them by his Majesty, 
that it should be so continued ; and allowance was made for 
it. And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that 
time or after, till these tumults began. And for Bishop Bal- 
lantyn s missing the bishopric of Edinburgh, and my pro 
mising him another upon his better care of his Majesty s 
commands/ I gave him both the answers, and the reason, and 
the promise, which his Majesty gave me, and commanded me 
to write to him. It follows 

(16.) That I taxed him (that is, Bishop Ballantine) for his 
boldness in preaching the sound doctrine of the Reformed 
Kirks against Mr. Michell ; who had taught the error of 
Arminius in the point of the extent of the merit r of Christ. 

They should do well to show my letter, and then I Avill 
answer punctually to anything in it. In the meantime I do 
not know that ever Mr. Michell preached Arminianism. For 
that Christ died for all men is the universal and constant 
doctrine of the Catholic Church in all ages 8 , and no error of 
Arminius : ? and are the express words of Scripture itself, in 

r Mercy Kushw. col. 161.] " Pro iis qui curari nolunt. 1 

* " Christus crucifixus est propter ge- [" Ideo omnibus opein sanitatis detulit, 

nus humanum." [Et yap Kal 6 irar^p ut quictinque perierit mortis sue cau- 

UVTOU Kal avTos TcaQeiv ravra avrbv inrep sas sibi aseribat, qui curari noluit, cum 

TOV aj/epajTrtiov ysvovs fvr}pyr)ffev. } S. remediumhaberet,quopossetevadere."] 

Just. Mart. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 246. S. Amb. L. 2. de Cain & Abel, c. iii. 

[ 95, p. 192. C. Paris. 1742.] [Ibid. col. 211.] 

"Totanaturaredempta. 1 " Pro Gentibus, sed illae non volue- 

Incarn. Christi. Edit. Con. p. 66. [ H runt" [o Xpia-rds Kal 
i. S. 

Trcwro \e\VTpcarai. [S.] Alhan. EAA^i/wi/ . . . TTCOS ovv, (pyaiv, OVK 

de Incarn. [ 37. Op., torn. i. p. 79. C. ffTcva-av, cmoi;Ke0eA7](raj/.]-S. Chrysost. 

Paris. 1698.] Horn. 7. in 1 Tim. 2. [Op., torn. xi. 

" Pro orniii humano grege." [ Trep p. 586. D.] 

irda"r]s TTJS avGpomivris aje\f)s.] Euseb. " Pro omnibus, si omnes redimi vel- 

L. 10. De Demonstr. Evang. in praefat. lent" S. flieron. in 1 Tim. ii.l. [Pelag. 

[p. 462. D. Colon. 1688.] apud S. Hier. Op., torn. xi. col. 1046. A.] 

" Pro orbe universo. [ Pai/i 5es aL^aros Primasius, ibid, [apud Bibl. Max. Patr. 

o\iyai K6(T/.iOi/ o\ov dvairharTovffai. ] torn. x. p. 237. H.] 
Oreg. Naz. Orat. xlii. [Op., torn, i. p. " Nulla ratio dubitandi est ... [sed 

696. D. Paris. 1630.] prorsus pro omnibus mortuus est 

[ Yenit Redemptor,etdeditpretium, Christus]." Prosper, [seu ignotusauc- 

fudit sanguinem suum, emit orbem tor,] lib. ii. deVocat. Gent. c. 16. [apud 

terrarum." S.] Aug. in Ps. 95. [Op., S. Prosper. Op., col. 904. c. Paris. 

torn. iv. col. 1478. B.] 1711.] 

" Pro proditore suo" ["et ideo nee " ]S r on profidelibus tantum, sed pro, 

proditorem debuerat praeterire, ut ad- &c." [Xdpin TOI> vibv avrov eSwwe els 

verterent omnes, quod in electione Qdvarov, ov% wrep TWV iriarwv 5e fj.6vov, 

etiam proditoris sui servandorum om- d\V vxlp r?is olKov^ev-rjs avdays.] 

niuminsignepraitendit,"] S.Ambros. Theoph. in Heb. ii. 9. [p. 890. Lond. 

L. de Paradiso, cap. viii. [Op., torn. i. 1636.] OZcumenius, ibid. [El jap KOL /} 


more places than one*. And the Synod of Dort u , called pur 
posely about the errors of Arnrinius, allows this for orthodox ; 
Christum mortuum esse pro omnibus. And for my part I wish 
with all my heart, that this had been the greatest error of 
Arminius. But yet whether I taxed that worthy prelate for 
this or no, I know not : this I know, that if I did tax him, 
he deserved it. And for bishops, even of divers Churches, 
to write one to another about points of divinity, yea, and 
sometimes to tax one another too, as their judgments lead 
them 1 , hath been usual in all times and places. The next 
charge is 

That I bid him send up a list of the names of the counsellors 
and senators of the College of Justice, ivho did not commu 
nicate in the chapel, in a form which was not received in 
our Kirk : and that I commended him, when I found him 
obsequious to these my commandments; telling him, that 
I had moved the King the second time for the punishment 
of such as had not received in the chapel. 

Here I must desire again that f this letter of mine may be 
produced. For I have cause enough to suspect some material 
change in the matter or form of my words. Howsoever, if 
they be justly set down, I answer, That if this be one of the 
things which made great disturbance amongst them/ they 
would be greatly disturbed with a very little. For first, 
I writ nothing in this, but what I was expressly commanded 
by his Majesty : and I have his Majesty s warrant under his 
hand to keep a correspondence with that Bishop of Dunblain, 
that from time to time he might receive his Majesty s direc- 

1 [ yea . . . them, in margin.] 

irdvres eff&Qt]ffav 8i& TT)V omeiav diria-rtav, quid in eo per ministros offertur, aut 
ai/ros fj.i/Toi T& olKtiov eVl irdj/ras /cat promittitur hominibus, id eodem modo 
- -/. (Ecum, Comm. ab Authore Evangelii oftertur et pro- 

vol. ii. p. 329. B. Lut. Par. 1631.] mittitur iisdem . . . 

1 S. Jo. iii. 17 ; 2 Cor. v. 1 5 ; Heb. " Sic ergo Christus pro omnibus mor- 

ii. 9; 1 Tim. ii. 6 ; 1 Tim. iv. 10; 1 tuus est,ut omnes etsinguli,mediante, 

S. Jo. ii. 1, 2. fide possint virtute dvrt\vrpov hujus 

u " Nemo mortalium est, qui non remissionem peccatorum et vitam aeter- 

possitvere et serio per ministros evan- nam consequi, &c." Sententia Theo- 

gelii vocari ad participationem remis- logorum Magn. Britan. apud Acta 

sionis peccatorum et vitae aeternoe per Synod. Dord. Artie, ii. Thes. iii. [apud 

mortem Christi. (Act. xiii. 38, et S. Judic. Theol. Exter. pp. 78, 79. Lug. 

Jo. iii. 17,18.) Evangelic autem nihil Bat. 1620.] 
falsum aut simulatum subest ; sed quic- 



tion by me for the ordering of all those things v . And how 
soever, the l thing itself is no more than as if his Majesty 
should command all his counsellors and judges here, once in 
the year at least to receive the communion in his chapel at 

And if you say it is more, because it was to communicate 
in such a form as was not received in the Churph of Scotland/ 
under favour that is not so neither. For this form here 
spoken against was to receive it ( kneeling/ and to receive 
the Sacrament kneeling was an Article of the Synod of 
Perth w , made in a General Assembly, and confirmed by Act of 
Parliament, both then in force when my letters were written. 
And therefore either this form was received in their Kirk/ 
(which is here denied,) or else there was little obedience in 
their Kirk, and Kirk-men, either to General Assembly or 
Parliament x . 

(17.) As for that which comes fluttering after, that I 
commended him, when I found him obsequious/ I had reason 
to do it : for (whatsoever is said here) it was to the King s 
commands, not to mine. And the reason why I writ, that 
I had moved the King a second time for the punishment of 
such as disobeyed, 7 was, because the Bishop had written 
unto me, that if some were not checked, or punished, none 
would obey. And tis true, too, that 2 I took occasion, once, 
and a second time, (but upon second letters of his to the 
same effect,) to move the King; but only by showing his 
Majesty what was written by him that was upon the place, 
and trusted with the office. Nor did I ever meddle further 
in those businesses, than by laying before his Majesty what 

1 [ and I have . . . the in margin. It was originally written, by his 
Majesty. And the thing itself, &c.] 2 [And . . . that in margin.] 

v [Prynne (Hidden Works, p. 149) Assembly at Perth, an. 1618, par. 2, 

gives the King s letter thus : p. 26. [The full title of the book is, 

" CHARLES E. "A true Narration of all the Passages 

" Canterbury, I require you to hold of the Proceedings in the General 

a correspondency with the Bishop of Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 

Dumblane, the present Dean of our holden at Perth the 25th of August, 

Chapel Royal in Edinburgh, that so anno Dom. 1618, by Dr. Lyndesay, 

from time to time he may receive our Bishop of Brechen. London, 1621."] 
directions by you for the ordering of * See the Articles of Perth in Hey- 

such things as concern our service in lin s Life of Laud, p. 78, and in Spots- 

the said Chapel. wood s Hist, of the Church of Scot- 

" October 12, 1683."] land, p. 538. 

w Dr. Lindsay, Proceedings in the 


was written to me to that end : leaving the King (as it became 
me) to judge both of the motion and the person that made it, 
as in his princely wisdom he thought fit. The next thing is, 
that in these letters, 

/ did upbraid him (Bishop Ballantine, that is,) that in his 
first Synod at Aberdeen he had only disputed against our 
custom in Scotland of fasting sometimes on the Lord s-day : 
and that I did presumptuously censure their Kirk that 
in this we ivere opposite to Christianity itself, and that 
amongst us there was no canon^ at all. More of this 
stuff may be seen in the letters themselves. 

And my humble desire is that the letters may be seen/ 
For whatsoever account is made of ( this stuff/ it was once 
(and in far better times of the Church) valued at a better 
rate. And I shall not be ashamed of any stuff/ contained in 
any of my letters to this Bishop or any other ; let them be 
produced when they please. But what then is c this stuff ? 
Tis, that 1 1 upbraid this worthy prelate about their custom 
in Scotland of fasting sometimes on the Lord s-day : and 
censure their Church presumptuously, as opposite herein to 
Christianity/ Surely I do not use to upbraid meaner men 
than the Bishop is ; much less presumptuously ( to censure a 
Church/ If I thought (as I do) that prelate in an error for 
only disputing against that which he should have reformed, 
I conceive it was no upbraiding. 

As for the custom in Scotland, of fasting on the Lord s- 
day, it is not only sometimes/ as is here expressed, but * 
continually, when they have any solemn fast, the Lord s-day 
is the day for it. And if I did write, that that was opposite 
to Christianity itself, I doubt it is too true. For it is against 
the practice of the whole Church of Christ ; and that which 
is so, must ( oppose Christianity itself/ And this I find : that 
as apostolical universal tradition settled the Lord s-day for 
holy and public worship, so from 2 the very Apostles times 
the same general tradition hath in all times accounted it 

1 [Originally written, and I would hope not without some sense of it, but &c.] 

2 [ that . . . from in marg. Originally written, find, that from the very 
next to the Apostles times ] 

Were no canons, Rushw. and Pryn. 

x .2 


unlawful to fast upon that day. And if an ordinary fast were 
not lawful upon that day, much less was a solemn. Nor is 
there anything more clear in all antiquity. For in the Ca 
nons of the Apostles/ (which if they be not theirs, are very 
ancient,) If a priest did fast upon the Lord s-day, he was to 
be deposed ; and if a layman, he was to be excommunicated z . 
And l S. Ignatius tells us, if any man fast upon the Lord s - 
day he is Christ s interfector, a murderer of Christ a : and 
that I am sure is against Christianity itself. Tertullian pro 
fesses tis altogether unlawful V The Council of Gangra, 
held an. 324, decreed against it, and set an anathema upon 
it ; and that not only when it is done in contempt of the 
day/ but also ( though it be done as a help to continency c . 
And S. Hilary agrees with this, and calls it not a custom, but 
a constitution d / such a constitution, as that if any man 
shall advisedly, and of set purpose, fast on the LordVday/ 
by the decree of the fourth Council of Carthage, he should 
not be (18) accounted a Catholic e : and they must needs do it 
advisedly, and of set purpose/ who appoint a public solemn 
fast upon that day, and then keep it % 3 . And this was so 
strictly observed in S.Ambrose s time, that it was not held 
lawful to fast upon that day, no not in Lent V Nay, he goes 
farther : for he says expressly, If any man make a law, or 
give a command for fasting on the Lord s- day, he believes not 
in the resurrection of Christ . And is not this opposite to 

1 [ Nor is there . . . And in marg.] 

2 [ .and they . . . keep it. in inarg.] 

1 " Si clericus die Dominico jejuna- dvd6e/j.a tarco.] Cone. Gangren. Can. 

verit, deponatur, si laicus segregetur," 18. [Cone. torn. ii. col. 424. The Latin 

[Eins K\r)piK6s fvpeOfj TT\V KvpiaK^v fat- version is given, ibid. col. 426. E.] 
pav i/TjcrreiW, . . . KaGaipeicrOa), ei Se d " Constitutum est, ne diebus Do- 

AaiVcos, d<popii ffOca. ] Can. Apost. Can. minicis jejunaretur." S. Hil. Prcefat. 

Ixv. [Cone. torn. i. col. 40. C.] in Psal. [Op., col. 8. A. Paris. 1693.] 

a [Ei TLS Kvpia.Krij . . . vrja-revoi . . .] c " Qui die Dominico studiose jeju- 

OVTOS Xpia-TOKTovos etTTiV. S. Ignat. nat, non credatur catholicus." Concil. 

Epist. viii. ad Philippenses, [cap. xiii. Carthag. IV. Can. Ixiv. anno 398. 

apud Cotel. Patr. Apost. torn. ii. p.119. [Cone. torn. ii. col. 1205. B.] 
Amst. 1724.] f " Quadragesima totis, prater Sabba- 

b " Die Dominico jejunare nefas esse turn, et Dominicum, jejunatur diebus." 

ducimus." Tert. de Coron. Militis, [S.] Ambros. de EHa et Josu. cap. x. 

cap. iii. [Op., p. 102. Paris. 1675.] [ 34. Op., torn. i. col. 545.] 

c " Si quis tanquam hoc continentige e "Hoc est in resurrectione[m] Chris- 
con venire judicans, die Dominico jeju- ti non credere, si legem quis jejtmii 
naverit, ant in ejusdem diei contemp- die resurrection] s indicat." S. Anv 
tum, anathema sit." [Et TLS 8ia vo^i- bros. Epist. Ixxxiii. [xxiii. Bened. 11. 
evrf) Kvpiaicrj vrjcrTevoL, Op., torn. ii. col. 883 ] 


Christianity itself? And is not that legem indicere, when 
they proclaim or command a public fast ? With him S. Au- 
gustin joins very fully, and first says, it is a great scandal V 
then he gives the reason of it ; c because Christ joined 
mourning with fasting/ which becomes not this day/ unless 
men think tis fit to be sorry that Christ is risen from the 
dead. And this I am sure is opposite to Christianity itself. 
For if Christ be not risen, then is our preaching vain, and 
your faith is also vain */ After this he asks this question, 
* Who doth not offend God, if with the scandal of the whole 
Church of Christ, he will fast upon the Lord s- day > ? I will 
not go lower down : this is enough if anything be. Yet this 
I ll add, that as this fasting on Sunday was anciently prohi 
bited, so was it never practised of old but by notorious and 
professed heretics, as by the Manichees, who appointed that 
day for fasting (so S. Aug. k ), and were justly condemned for 
it (so S.Ambrose 1 ) ; and by Aerians, who fasted on Sunday 
and feasted on Fridays (so Epiphanius m ) ; and by the Pris- 
cillianists, whom S. Augustin therefore calls the ( imitators of 
the Manichees n / and so they were indeed : for neither of 
them believed, that our blessed Saviour was a true man, and 
therefore disregarded the day of his resurrection, as appears 
in S. Leo . And as against these the Council held at Caesar- 
Augusta, an. 381, provided P, so before an. 324, the Council at 
Gangrai made their canon against Eutactus the Armenian 
monk, and his ground was pretence of abstinence, as if he 
could never fast enough. This is enough; and all this is 

h " Quisquis hunc diem jejunio de- jure damnamus." S. Ambros. Epist. 

cernendum putaverit, . . . non parvo Ixxxiii. [xxiii. Bened. 11. Op., torn, 

scandalo erit." S. Aug. Epist. Ixxxvi. ii. col. 883.] 

[xxxvi. Bened. 2. Op., torn, ii.col. 101. m [ O0ev Trap 5 avrois Tre^tAoTi/UTjrat 

0. Paris. 1836.] " Christus enim gau- /j.a\\ov ev Kupia/q? vnarevsiv, rerpaSa 8e 

dium manducantibus, luctuin jejunan- Kal irpoa-dfipaTov saQitiv.] Epiphan. 

tibus deputavit," S.Matt. ix.15. Ibid. Haeres. Ixxv. haer. 3. [p. 908. 13. C. 

[ 5. col. 104. A.] Paris. 1622.] 

1 1 Cor. xv. 14. n " Manichseorum simillimos." S. 

" Quis non Deum offendet, si velit Aug. Epist. Ixxxvi. [xxxvi. Bened. 

cum scandalo totius, quae ubique dila- 28. Ibid. col. 117. B.] 

tata est, Ecclesice die Dominico jeju- S. Leo. Epist. xciii. cap. 4. 

nareT Ibid, versus med. [16. col. p Cone. Caesar. August, can. ii. apud 

110. A.] Bin. torn. i. par.l. p. 553. [Cone. Labb. 

k "Ilium ut legitimum diem suis et Coss. torn. ii. col. 1009. D. E.] 

auditoribus ad jcjunandum constitu- ( i Cone. Gaugrens. cap. xviii. [vide 

erunt." S.Aug. Epist. Ixxxvi. [xxxvi. supra, note c ] et Baron. Annal. an. 361. 

Bened. 27. Ibid. col. 117. A.] [] 53. [54. torn. iii. coll. 1039, 1040. 

1 " Manicheeos ob istius diei jojunia Mogunt. 1601.] 


within the compass of the primitive Church, which certainly 
if these men did not scorn, they would never have urged this 
against me. Well ! this is (they say) drawn out 1 of my 
fourteen letters. Next they will prove me the author of many 
disturbances among them. 

2. By two papers of memoirs and instructions from the 
pretended Bishop of St. Andrews, to the pretended Bishop 
of Ross, [coming^ to this Prelate (that .is, of Canter 
bury), for ordering the affairs of the Kirk and Kingdom 
of Scotland. 

It is manifest here by their own words, that these me 
morials and instructions/ whatsoever they were, had not 
me the Prelate of Canterbury for their prime cause on earth ; 
for they came from the reverend and prudent Archbishop of 
St. Andrews s , to the reverend Bishop of Ross i , by him to 
deliver u to me, for the ordering of the affairs of the Kirk 
and the Kingdom of Scotland/ Surely, I think no man 
will judge it to be a crime in me, to give my brethren, the 
Bishops of Scotland, the best counsel, and with that counsel 
the best assistance to his Majesty, that I could in their 
Church affairs 2 ; considering their absence, and remoteness 
from him, and the place that I bear about him. And for 
my own part, had I been defective therein, I should have 
thought myself not only unkind to them, but faulty otherwise 
in my duty, both to his Majesty and that Church. But for 
the affairs of that kingdom/ (though I had the honour to be 
a sworn counsellor of that State v as well as this,) yet I never 
meddled with them, but at such time, and in such a way, 
as I was called and commanded to by his Majesty. Let us 
therefore see the particulars, which are named. 

As not only to obtain warrants to order the Exchequer, the 
Privy Council, the great Commission of Surrenders, the 
matter of Balmerinoe s process, as might please our pro- 

1 [< urged ... out in margin. Originally, This out of my. ] 

2 [ in their Church affairs ; in marg.] 

r The word coming is added from * [John Maxwell.] 
Rushw. and Pryn. u To be delivered. 

s [John Spottiswoode.] v [See Diary, June 15, 1633. 


lates ; but warrants (19) also for the sitting of the High 
Commission Court once a week in Edinburgh ; and to gain 
from the noblemen, for the benefit of the prelates and 
their adherents, the Abbacies of Kelsoe, Arbroth, St. 
Andrews, and Lindores. 

For the first of these, e my obtaining warrants to order the 
Exchequer there ; that is indeed an affair of the kingdom/ 
and a great one. But all or most that I did herein, was at 
the earnest entreaty of the Earl of Traquair w , Treasurer 
Depute, and after that Ld. Treasurer; who avowed to me, 
that if the orders were settled for the Exchequer, he would 
not only bring the King out of debt, but raise him some 
revenue also ; with a protestation further, that for that, and 
some such like particulars, he could trust no hand but mine 
in his absence to get them done, and kept private. And at 
so great an officer s entreaty, and for matters under his own 
charge a , I could not refuse so much service for the King, as 
was pretended by him. 

As for orders to the Privy Council/ I remember not any 
procured by me. And sure I am, if I did anything to that 
honourable body, it was by his Majesty s command, and in 
relation to Church affairs there. And for the great Com 
mission of Surrenders/ in which both the bishops and the 
inferior clergy were deeply interested, and did much fear the 
loss of their tithes, and to be made stipendiaries ; I conceive, 
I had all the reason in the world to give them my best 
assistance ; and yet I undertook not this care, till his Majesty 
gave me a special command to do what I did 2 . And if the 
bishops were in anything mistaken in this commission, that 
cannot charge x upon me, who followed it no further than 
I received special directions from his Majesty for the public 
goody. For the Lord ( Balmerinoe s process/ I heard much 
discourse of it at Court, but I meddled nothing with it, one 
way or other, saving that at the entreaty of some men of 
honour of that nation, I did twice (if not thrice) adventure 

1 [ and . . . charge, in marg.] 

2 [ to do what I did. in marg.] 

w [John Stuart, created, June 22, > [See the Archbishop s Letter to 
1633, Earl of Traquair.] the Earl of Traquair, July 4, 1637.] 

1 Be charged. 


to become an humble suitor to his Majesty in that Ld. s 
behalf. And this was all the harm I did him. 

As for the High Commission Court/ if there were no 
fault in it, as such a Court, then I am sure there could be 
none in the sitting of it once a week. If the having of such 
a Court be a fault, (as it seems tis now accounted, as well 
here as there,) yet for my own part, with all humble sub 
mission to better judgment, I cannot think it is; and I must 
still pray, that both nations have not cause to repent the 
abolishing of it. But howsoever, this was not of ray pro 
curing. A Scotchman of good place was employed about it 
from the bishops, and effected it ; and I could name him ; 
but since it is here charged as a fault, I shall accuse no man 
else, but defend myself. And this for the sitting of it once 
a week. But for the establishing of that Court in that 
kingdom ; that was done long before I was a bishop, or had 
anything to do in the public. For it appears by one of the 9; 
greatest factionists z in that kingdom, that the High Com 
mission Court was settled, and in full execution, in the year 
1610, when all men know I led a private life in Oxford; by 
which it is more than manifest, that I neither was, nor could 
be, author of this pretended novation, or any disturbance 
that followed from it *. 

The next is a great charge indeed, were there any truth in 
it: that I laboured to gain from the noblemen, for the 
benefit of the prelates and their adherents, the Abbacies of 
Kelsoe, Arbroth, S. Andrews, and Lindores/ To begin at the 
ast ; the man that followed that, was Mr. Andrew Lermot a . 

1 [ establishing . . . from it. in marg.] 

"Ad Anglicani tribunalis exem- diem vi subigunt, et miserum in 
plar formatum est an. 1610. aliud modum opprimimt Spottiswodius 
in Scotia, cujus authoritate, et potes- Andreapolifcanus, Lawes Glascuensis, 
tate altaris Anglicani eKTwroj/ effor- &c." Altare Damascenum, p. 28. 
mandum erat. Quidam ministri Typis excusus est hie liber an. 1623. 
episcopalem jurisdictionem et tyran- [Auctore Dav. Calderwood sub nomine 
nidein in Ecclesia affectantes, arinati Edv. Didoclavii.] 
sunt potestate utriusque gladii, quo a [This appears to be the same per- 
facilius episcopalem dominationem son as Andrew Learmouth, who was 
invaderent ; idque sub diplomate employed as the means of commimi- 
Regio, absque ullo statute vel specie cation between the Bishops who re- 
minima consensus procerum et ordi- mained in Scotland, and their brethren 
num regni, ut in Anglia. Delegata who were in London. See llusk- 
Commissariorum jurisdictione freti, worth s Collections, vol. ii. p. 748.] 
Ecclesiam nosiram in hunc usque 


He came recommended to me very highly, and with assurance 
that the title which he laid to Lindores was just and legal. 
But notwithstanding all this, my answer was, that I knew 
not the laws of that kingdom, nor would meddle with any 
thing of that nature. And though he made great means to 
me, yet he could never get me to meddle in it ; and which is 
more, I told him and his friends, that for so much as I did 
understand, I did much fear this way, taken by him, would 
do mischief. And though Mr. Lermot have the general 
repute of an honest and a learned man ; yet for this very 
business sake, I have made myself a stranger to him ever 
since : and that all this is truth, he and his friends yet living 
are able to testify. 

(20.) For S. Andrews, his Majesty took a resolution to 
rebuild the cathedral there ; which he found he could no way 
so well do, as by annexing that abbey to the Archbishopric 
of S. Andrews, with a legal caution for so much yearly to be 
laid out upon that building. My Ld. Duke of Richmond 

and Lenox b , who was owner of it, had for it thousand 

pounds. The Earl of Traquair (who then managed the Ld, 
Duke s affairs) made the bargain with the King ; and that 
which I did in it, was merely to consider how security might 
be given that the money, which the King intended for so 
good and great a work, as the rebuilding of that cathedral *, 
might be employed to the right use, and no other. 

For Arbroth, my Lord Marquis Hamilton c , without any the 
least thought of mine that way, made his earnest suit to 
me, that his Majesty would take Arbroth, and join it to the 
very poor Bishopric of Brechin, close to which it lay, and 
give him for it a suit d here in England. At his Lp/s 
entreaty I obtained this ; and he very nobly conveyed 
Arbroth, as he promised. But things were so carried by the 
E. of Traquair, the Ld. Treasurer of Scotland, that the poor 
Bp. of Brechin e could never get that settled upon his See ; 

1 [ as the . . . cathedral, in marg.] 

b [James Stuart, third Duke of d Viz. Grant a request, or favour 

Richmond.] desired. 

c [James Hamilton, third Marquis, e [Walter Whitford.] 
frequently mentioned in this history.] 


which was not the only thing in which that Ld. played fast 
and loose with me. 

For Kelsoe, the like earnest suit did my Ld. the Earl of 
Roxborough f make to me of himself for an exchange, and 
pressed me three or four times before he could get me to 96 
move his Majesty. Indeed, I was fearful lest the King 
should grow weary of such exchanges ; (for sure I was, what 
soever was pretended, none of these lords meant to lose by 
their bargain;) till at last, my Ld. of Roxborough was so 
honourable, as that he would needs leave Kelsoe to the 
King s disposing, and stay for such recompence as he should 
think fit to give him, till his Majesty found his own time. 
This (at his earnest entreaty still) I acquainted the King 
with : and so that business settled for a small time ; but how 
tis now, I know not l . And this was all that ever I did about 
Arbroth and Kelsoe. And these two honourable lords are 
yet living, and will witness this truth. But the charge says 

That in the smallest matters, they (the prelates) received his 
commandments. As for taking down galleries and stone 
walls, in the Kirks of Edinburgh and St. Andrews, for 
no other end but to make way for altars and adoration 
towards the east; which (beside other evils) made no 
small noise and disturbance amongst the people, de 
prived hereby of their ordinary accommodation for public 

This charge is like the rest. Is it probable, that such 
grave and learned men, as those of the Scottish Bps. were 
which held intercourse with me, should not resolve in the 
smallest matters, till they receive my commandments ; who 
never sent command to any of them in my life, but what 
I received expressly from the King ? and they certainly were 
not for f the smallest matters/ 

As for the taking down of galleries in S. AndreAVs; to 
the uttermost of my memory, I never gave either command 

1 [ fora . . . not. inmarg.] 

[Sir Rob. Kerr, created, Sept. 18, 1616, Earl of Roxborough.] 


or direction. Nor can it stand with, any show of probability, 
that I should command the taking down of galleries in 
S. Andrews/ where I had nothing to do, and let galleries 
stand in so many churches in London and other parts of my 
province where I had power. The truth is, I did never like 
galleries in any church; they utterly deface the grave 
beauty and decency of those sacred places ; and make them 
more like a theatre than a church. Nor, in my judgment, 
do they make any ( great accommodation for the auditory : 
for, in most places, they hinder as much room beneath as 
they make above; rendering all or most of those places 
useless, by the noise and trampling of them which (21) stand 
above in the galleries. And if I be mistaken in this, tis 
nothing to the business in hand : for be galleries what they 
will for the use, I commanded not the taking of them down 
at S. Andrews. 

At Edinburgh the King s command took down the stone 
walls and galleries, which, were there removed, and not mine. 
For his Majesty having, in a Christian and princely way, 
erected and endowed 1 a bishopric in Edinburgh, he resolved 
to make the great church of S. Giles, in that city, a cathe 
dral ; and to this end, gave order to have the ( galleries in the 
lesser church, and the stone wall which divided them, taken 
down. Eor of old, they were both one church, and made 
97 two by a wall built up at the west end of the chancel ; so that 
that which was called the lesser church, was but the chancel 
of S. Giles, with galleries round about it; and was for all 
the world like a square theatre, without any show of a 
church ; as is also the Church at Brunt Island over against 
it. And I remember, when I passed over at the Frith, 
1 took it at first sight for a large square pigeon-house; so 
free was it from all suspicion of being so much as built like an 
ancient church. Now, since his Majesty took down these 
galleries and the stone wall/ to make S. Giles s Church a 
cathedral there, certainly my command took them not down, 
to make way for altars and adoration towards the east ; 
which I never commanded in that, or any other church in 
Scotland. The charge goes on. 

1 [ and endowed in marg.] 



The second novation which troubled our peace, ivas a Book 
of Canons^ and Constitutions Ecclesiastical obtruded upon 
our Kirk, found by our General Assembly to be devised 
for establishing a tyrannical power in the persons of our 
prelates over the worship of God, and over the consciences, 
liberties, and goods of the people, and for abolishing the 
whole discipline and government of our Kirk, by General 
and Provincial Assemblies, Presbyteries, and Kirk- 
Sessions ; which was settled by Iaw 3 and in continual 
practice from the time of Reformation. 

This charge begins with a general , and will come to par 
ticulars after. And first, it seems they are angry with a 
Book of Canons/ Excellent Church-go vernment, it seems, 
they would have, that will admit of no Canons to direct or 
control their liberty. And if they mean by obtruding upon 
their Church/ that the Canons were unduly thrust upon them, 
because that book was confirmed by the King s authority, 
then tis a bold phrase to call it obtruding/ For if his 
Majesty that now is, did by his sole authority commend the 
present Book of Canons to the Church of Scotland, he did 
but exercise that power which King James challenged did in 
the right of his crown belong to him ; as appears manifestly 
by a letter of his to the Prelates of Scotland then assembled 
at Perth. That royal letter is large, but very worthy any 
man s reading, and is to be seen in the relation of those pro 
ceedings 11 . But because they speak of my novations/ if they 
mean that this 1 Book of Canons was obtruded upon their 
Church by me ; or if it were found in a just Synod, and upon 
fair proceedings, to establish a tyrannical power of the 
prelates over the worship of God, or the consciences, liberties, 
or goods of the people, or for abolishing anything that was 
settled by laws / they had reason both to be troubled, and to 
seek in a dutiful manner, first rightly to inform his Majesty, 

1 [ And if they mean . . . this in marg. Originally, liberty. Indeed, if this. ] 

[These Canons will be printed in h Proceedings at Perth, [par. i.] pp. 
the Appendix to this History.] [49,] 50[- 53]. 


and then to desire a remedy from him 1 . But if the Book of 
Canons did really none of these things, as (for aught I yet 
know) it did not, and as I hope will appear, when they come 
to particulars, then this will be no longer a charge, but a 
slander. And howsoever, if anything in those Canons were 
ordered c against their laws/ it was by our invincible ignorance, 
98 and their Bishops fault, that would not tell us wherein we 
went c against their laws/ if so we did. And for my own part, 
I did ever advise them to make sure in the whole business, 
that they attempted nothing against law/ But 2 if their late 
General Assembly, in which (they say) these things were 
found to be against law 3 / did proceed unwarrantably, or 
factiously, (as the most learned men of that kingdom avow it 
did,) the less heed must, and will in future times, be given 
to their proceedings. But before they come to particulars, 
they think fit to lay load on me, and say : 

That Canterbury was master of this work, is manifest by a 
Book of Canons sent to him, written upon the one side 
only, with the other side blank, for corrections, additions, 
and putting all in better order, at his pleasure ; which 
accordingly (22) was done ; as may appear by the inter- 
linings, marginals, and filling up of the blank pages, with 
directions sent to our prelates. 

I was no master of this work/ but a servant to it, and 
commanded thereunto by his sacred Majesty (as I have to 
show under his hand 1 ). And the work itself was begun in 
his Majesty s blessed father s time ; for the Bishops of Scot 
land were gathering their Canons then. And this is most 
manifest by a passage in the sermon which my Ld. the Arch 
bishop of S. Andrews k preached before the General Assembly 

1 [ manner . . . him. in marg. Originally, dutiful way remedy from his 
Majesty. ] 

2 [ And howsoever . . . Cut in marg.] 3 [ to be against law/ in marg.] 

1 [Prynne (Hidden Works, p. 152) that they be well fitted for Church- 
gives the warrant as follows : government, and as near as conveni- 
" CHARLES R. ently may be to the Canons of the 

" Canterbury, I would have you Church of England. And to that end 

and the Bishop of London peruse the you, or either of you, may alter what 

Canons which are sent from the Bishops you find fitting."] 

of Scotland, and to your best skill see k [John Spotiswood.] 


at Perth, an. 1618 ^ when I was a private man, and had 
nothing to do with these things. The words are these : " And 
when I least expected, these Articles (that is, the five Articles 
of Perth) were sent unto me ; not to be proponed to the 
Church, but to be inserted amongst the Canons thereof, which 
were then in gathering, touching which point I humbly ex 
cused myself, &c. m " So this work was begun, and known to 
that Church, long before I had anything to do with it. 
And now, when it came to be perfected, I did nothing but as 
I was commanded and warranted by his Majesty. But indeed l , 
according to this command, I took a great deal more pains 
than I have thanks for ; as it too often falls out with the best 
churchmen. To this end, - tis true, a Book of Canons was, 
not sent me, but brought by my Ld. the Bishop of Ross, and 
delivered to me ; and if it were written on one side only, and 
left blank on the other for corrections or additions/ I hope 
there s no sin in that, to leave room and space for me to do 
that for which the book was brought to me. As for that 
which follows, it hath less fault in it. For they say, it was for 
my putting all in better order/ And I hope, to put all in 
better order, is no crime censurable in this Court. And 
whatever they of Scotland think, that Church did then need 
many things to be put in better order, and at this day need 
many more. 

Yea, but they say, this should not be done at my pleasure/ 
I say so too ; neither was it. For whatsoever I thought fit 
to correct, or add, in the copy brought to me, I did very 
humbly and fairly submit to the Church of Scotland; and 
under those terms delivered it back to the Bishop which 
brought it 2 , with all the { interlinings, marginals, and fillings 
up of blank pages/ and the best directions I was able to 
give them. And all this was in me obedience to his Majesty, 
and no wrong, that I know, to the Church of Scotland; I 
am sure, not intended by me. Neither are these interlinings^ 99 
or f additions so many as they are here insinuated to be ; 
for the Bishops of Scotland had been very careful in this 

1 [ And the work (p. 317.) . . . indeed/ inserted on opposite page.] 

2 [ which brought it, in marg.] 

1 [On the text, 1 Cor. xi. 1G.] m Proceedings of Perth, [par. i.] p. 40. 


work. All which would clearly appear, were the book pro 
duced 1 . Yet the charge goes on against me still : 

And that it ivas done by no other than Canterbury, is evi 
dent by his magisterial way of prescribing, and by a new 
copy of these Canons, all written with S. Andrews own 
hand precisely to a letter, according to the former castiga- 
tions and directions, sent back to procure the King s 
warrant unto it ; which accordingly was obtained. 

By no other hand than Canterbury s/ is very roundly 
affirmed. How is it proved ? Why, by two reasons. First, 
they say, tis evident, by his magisterial way of prescribing/ 
An excellent argument ! The Book of Canons was delivered 
to me ready made. That which was mine is here confessed 
to be but interlinings/ and marginals/ and corrections/ and 
at most some additions : and they would be found a very 
small some/ were the original book seen. And yet it must 
be evident that no hand but mine did this, by my magis 
terial way of prescribing, in an e interlining, or a marginal/ 
. Excellent evidence ! 

Secondly, they have another great evidence of this. But 
because that is so nervous and strong, I will be bold to 
reduce it to some form, that it may appear the clearer, 
though it be against myself. There was, they say, a new 
copy of these Canons, all written with S. Andrews own hand, 
and according to the former castigations and directions, sent 
to have the King s warrant to it, which was obtained / there 
fore these interlinings and marginals/ &c. were done by 
no other than Canterbury/ Most excellent evidence, and 
clear as midnight ! 

The plain truth is contrary to all this evidence. For by 
the same command of his Majesty, the reverend Bishop of 
London n was joined with me in all the view and considera 
tion which I had, either upon the Book of Canons, or upon the 
Service-book after. So it is utterly untrue, that these ( inter 
linings/ or marginals/ or corrections/ or call them what 
you will, were done by no other than Canterbury/ For my 
1 [ Neither are these . . . produced. inserted on opposite page.] 

[William Juxon.] 


Lord of London s both head and hand were as deep in them 
as mine. And this I avow for well-known truth, both to the 
King and those Scottish Bishops which were then employed ; 
and this notwithstanding all the evidence of a magisterial 
way/ and a new copy/ And yet this general charge pursues 
me yet l further, and says : 

(23.) The King s warrant was obtained (as is said) to these 
Canons, but with an addition of some other Canons, and a 
paper of new corrections, according to which the Book 
of Canons, thus composed, was published in print. The 
inspection of the books, instructions, and his letters of joy 
for the success of the work, and of other letters from? the 
Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling, to the same 
purpose, (all ivhich we are ready to exhibit,) will put 
the matter out of all debate. 

Yet more ado about nothing? Yet more noise of proof 100 
f to put that out of all debate which need never enter into 
any ? For if no more be intended than that I had a view of 
the Book of Canons, and f did make some interlinings, and 
marginals, and the like/ I have freely acknowledged it, and 
by whose command I did it, and who was joined with me in 
the work. So there will need no proof of this, either by my 
letters/ or the Prelate of London s/ or the Ld. Sterling s/ 
Y et let them be exhibited, if you please. But if it be in 
tended (as tis laid) l that this was done by no other than 
Canterbury/ then I utterly deny it ; and no proof here named, 
or any other, shall ever be able to make it good. 

As for the addition of some other Canons, and papers of 
new corrections, according to which the Book of Canons is 
said to be composed and published/ truly, to the utmost of 
my memory, I know of none such; but that the copy written 
by my Ld. of S. Andrews own hand, and sent up, (as is before 
mentioned,) was the very copy which was warranted by his 
Majesty, and published without any further alteration. But 
if any further alteration were, it was by the same authority, 
and with the same consent. And for my letters of joy for 
1 [Originally written, me still yet, still erased.] 

Some other/ Rushw. and Pryn. P Of/ Eushw. and Pryn. 


tlie success of the work/ let them be exhibited, when you 
please. I will never deny that joy, while I live, that I con 
ceived of the Church of Scotland s coming nearer, both in the 
Canons and the Liturgy, to the Church of England. But 
our gross unthankfulness both to our God and King, and our 
other many and great sins, have hindered this great blessing. 
And I pray God, that the loss of this, which was now almost 
effected, do not in short time prove one 1 of the greatest 
mischiefs which ever befel this kingdom, and that too. This 
is the general charge about the Canons : now follow the 

Beside this general charge, there be some things more special, 
ivorthy to be adverted unto, for discovering his spirit. 
First, the fourth Canon of cap. viii. : Forasmuch as no 
reformation in doctrine or discipline can be made perfect 
at once in any church, therefore it shall and may be law- 
fulfor the Kirk of Scotland, at any time, to make remon 
strances to his Majesty or his successors, fyc. Because 
this Canon holds the door open to more innovations, he 
writes to the Prelate of Ross, his prime agent in all this 
work, of his great gladness, that this Canon did stand 
behind the curtain ; and his great desire, that this Canon 
might be printed f ally , as one that was to be most useful. 

Now come the particulars, worthy to be adverted unto for 
the discovery of my spirit/ And the first is taken out of 
the fourth Canon of cap. viii. The charge is, that * this Canon 
holds the door open to more innovations. First, I conceive, 
this accusation is vain. For that Canon 2 restrains all power 
from private men, clergy or lay; nay, from bishops in a 
Synod, or otherwise, to alter anything in doctrine or discipline, 
without authority from his Majesty or his successors 3 . Now 
all innovations come from private assumption of authority, not 
from authority itself. For in civil affairs, when the King and 
the State, upon emergent occasions, shall abrogate (24) some 
old laws, and make other new, that cannot be counted an in- 
vation/ And in Church affairs, every Synod that hath sat in 

1 [This clause originally written, and I pray God, it do not prove in short 
time, that the loss of this which was now almost effected will be one ] 

2 [After Canon the words ( requires that erased.] 

3 [ authority . . . successors. Originally written, the King s authority. ] 
LAUD. VOL. in. Y 


all times and all places 1 of Christendom, have with leave of 
superior authority, declared some points of doctrine, con 
demned other some; altered some ceremonials, made new 
constitutions for better assisting the government. And none 
of these have ever been accounted innovations, the founda 
tions of religion still remaining firm and unmoved 2 . Nay, 
under favour, I conceive it most necessary, that thus it ought 
to be. And therefore this Canon is far from holding a door 
open for more innovations; since it shuts it upon all, and 
leaves no power to alter anything, but by making a remon 
strance to the supreme authority, that in a Church way appro 
bation may be given when there is cause. 

And therefore, if I did write to the Prelate of Ross that 
this Canon might be printed fully, as one that was to be most 
useful/ I writ no more then than I believe now. For cer 
tainly it is a Canon, that in a well-governed Church may be 
of great use. And the more, because in truth it is but decla 
ratory of that power, which a National Church hath, with 
leave 3 and approbation of the supreme power, to alter and 
change any alterable thing pertaining to doctrine or disci 
pline in the Church. And as for that phrase, said to be 4 in 
my letter, that this Canon did stand behind the curtain/ 
it was thus occasioned. My Ld. the Bp. of Ross writ unto 
me, from the Archbp. of St. Andrews, that no words might be 
made of this Canon ; (what their reason was, they best know :) 
I returned answer belike in this sort ; That the Canon stood 
behind the curtain/ and would not be thoroughly understood 
by every man ; yet advised the printing in regard of the 
1 necessary use of it \* For let this Canon be in force, and 
right use made of it, and a National Church may ride safe, 
by God s ordinary blessing, through any storm ; which without 
this latitude it can never do. The next charge is in the 

2. Title prefixed to these Canons by our prelates. For there 
tis thus : f Canons agreed on to be proponed to the seve 
ral Synods of the Kirk of Scotland ; and is thus changed 

_ all places in marg. Originally written, parts ] 
the foundations . . . unmoved. on opposite page.] 
Originally written, leave obtained/] 
] said to be in margin.] 

[See Laud s Letter, Sept. 19, 1635.] 


by Canterbury, Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical, 
fyc. ordained to be observed by the Clergy. 3 He will not 
have Canons to come from the authority of Synods, but 
from the power of * prelates, or from the King s prerogative. 

I perceive they mean to sift narrowly,, when the title 
cannot scape. But truly in this charge I am to seek, which 
is greater in my accusers, their ignorance or their malice : 
their ignorance in the charge, or their malice in the inference 
upon it. The title was, Canons agreed upon to be pro 
poned to the Synods of 1 the Kirk of Scotland. And this 
was very fit, to express the prelates intendment, which (for 
aught I know) was to propose them so. But this book, 
which was brought to me, was to be printed : and then that 
title could not stand with any congruity of sense. For no 
Church uses to print f Canons, which are to be proponed to 
their Synods ; but such as have been proposed, and agreed on. 
02 Nor did this altering of the title, in any the least thing 
hinder those worthy prelates from communicating them with 
their Synods before they printed them. And therefore 
the inference must needs be extreme full of malice, to force 
from hence that f I would not have Canons come from the 
authority of Synods, but from the power of prelates or the 
King s prerogative : whereas most manifest it is, that the 
fitting of this title for the press doth neither give any power 
to prelates/ nor add to the King s prerogative more than 
is his due, nor doth it detract anything from the authority 
of Synods/ For I hope the Bishops had no purpose but to 
ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy, &c., and 
approved and published by the King s consent and authority. 
After this, comes 

3. The formidable Canon, cap. i. 3, threatening no less than 
excommunication against all such persons, whosoever shall 
open their mouths against any of these books, proceeded 
not from our prelates, nor is to be found in copies r sent 
from them, but is a thunderbolt forged in Canterbury s 
own fire. 

First, whether this Canon be to be found in the copies 

1 [ to the Synods of in margin. Originally, to the Kirk ] 

r The copies/ llushw. ; the copy/ Pryn. 

Y 2 


sent from your prelates, or not/ I cannot tell; but sure it was 
in the copy brought to (25) me, or else my memory forsakes 
me very strangely. Secondly, after all this noise made of a 
/formidable Canon/ because not less is threatened than ( ex 
communication / I would fain know what the Church can do 
less upon contempt of her canons, liturgy, and ordinations, 
than to excommunicate the offenders ; or what Church, in 
any age, laid less upon a crime so great. Thirdly, suppose 
this ( thunderbolt (as tis called) ( were forged in Canter 
bury s fire/ yet that fire was not outrageous. For this Canon 
contains as much as the 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 Canons of the Church 
of England, made in the beginning of the gracious reign of 
King James \ and yet to every one of those Canons there is 
an excommunication ipso facto affixed for every one of these 
crimes single : whereas this canon shoots this one thun 
derbolt but once against them all. And this I would my 
accusers should know, that if no more thunderbolts had been 
forged in their fire/ than have been in mine, nor State nor 
Church would have flamed, as of late they have done. 

4. Our prelates in divers places witness their dislike of 
Papists. A minister shall be deposed, if he shall [Rushw.] 
be found negligent to convert Papists/ cap. viii. 15. The 
adoration of the bread is a superstition to be condemned/ 
cap. vi. 6. They call the f absoluteness s of baptism, an 
error of Popery/ cap. vi. 2. But in Canterbury s edition 
the name of Papists and Popery are i not so much as 

Here s a great general accusation, offered to be made good 
by three particulars. The general is, That in the copy of 
the Canons, which their prelates sent, there s a dislike of 
Papists: but none in the edition, as it was altered by me. 
Now this is utterly untrue ; for it is manifest, cap. i. 1, there 
is express care taken for e the King s Majesty s jurisdiction 1( 
over the estate ecclesiastical, and abolishing all foreign power 
repugnant to it. And again, in the same Canon, That no * 
foreign power hath 2 (in his Majesty s dominions) any esta- 

1 [ Canon, That no in margin.] 

2 [Originally written, hath any in these kingdoms. ] 

8 Absolute necessity Fryn. and Eushw. * is Rushw. and Pryn. 


blishment by the law of God: and this with an addition, 
That the exclusion of all such power is just/ And, cap. ii. 9, 
tis ordained, e That every ecclesiastical person shall take the 
Oath of Supremacy/ And, cap. x. 3, All readers in any 
college or school shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Su 
premacy/ And sure, I think, tis no great matter whether 
Papists or Popery be named, so long as the Canons go so 
directly against them. 

This for the general. Now for the three particulars. And 
first, that which was in cap. viii. 15, That a minister shall 
be deposed, if he be found negligent to convert Papists/ I did 
think fit to leave out, upon these two grounds. The one, 
that the word negligent is too general an expression, and 
of too large an extent, to lay a minister open to deposition/ 
And if Church-governors, to whom the execution of the 
Canons is committed, should forget Christian moderation (as 
they may pati humana), a very worthy minister might some 
times be undone for a very little f negligence/ for negligence 
is negligence, be it never so little. Besides, I have learned 
out of the Canons of the Church of England 11 that even gross 
negligence/ in a matter as great as this is, is punished but 
with c suspension for three months V The other ground 
why I omitted this clause is, because I do not think the 
Church of Scotland, or any other particular 2 Church, is so 
blessed in her priests, as that every of her ministers 3 is for 
learning, and judgment, and temper, able and fit to convert 
Papists. And therefore I did think then, and do think yet, 
that it is not so easy a work, or to be made so common, but 
that it is, and may be much fitter for some able selected men 
to undertake. And if any man think God s gifts in him to 
be neglected (as men are apt to overvalue themselves), let 
them try their gifts, and labour their conversion in God s 
name. But let not the Church by a Canon set every man 4 
011 work, lest their weak or indiscreet performance hurt the 
cause, and blemish the Church. 

1 Besides . . . three months. in margin.] 2 [ particular in margin.] 

Originally every minister. ] 
set every man/ originally, enable every man. ] 

Can. Ixix. 


The second particular is an excellent one. It is about the 
adoration of the bread in the blessed Sacrament,, cap. vi. 6. 
And tis implied, as if this superstition were condemned in 
the copy sent by their prelates, but left out by me. Good 
God ! how shameless are these Churchmen ! for they drew 
up these Articles against me, though the Lay Commis 
sioners delivered them. And was there neither clergy nor 
layman among them so careful, as to compare the words of 
the charge, (26) with the words of the Canon, before they 
would venture to deliver them into so great a Court as the 
Parliament of England? Would not Mr. Alexander Hen 
derson l , who was the prime leader in these Church-affairs, 
be so careful for himself, and his own reputation, as not pub 
licly to deliver in a most notorious untruth ? For most 
manifest it is, that 2 these words, As therefore the adoration 
of the bread is condemned/ &c., stand still in the copy revised 
by me, as is to be seen in the printed copy of those Canons ; 
and in the same place by them quoted ; and in a different 
character; that I wonder how any man s eye could miss 1C 
them. So here I am accused for putting that out, which 
I left in. 

The third particular is, { That their prelates call the abso 
luteness of baptism an error of Popery/ cap. vi. 2 ; which is 
left out too (they say) in my edition (as they will needs call 
the printed copy). The truth is, this we did think fit to leave 
out, because the absolute necessity of baptism (in the ordi 
nary way of the Church, leaving God (as He is) most free to 
save with baptism, or without, as Himself pleases) is no Popish 
error/ but the true tenet of the e Catholic Church of Christ / 
and was, by their good leave, an error in your prelates to 
call it so : and I provided both for truth/ and their credit, 5 
by keeping it from the view of Christendom. Nor could you 
expect other from me in this point 3 , being an Archbishop of 
the Church of England, which maintains the necessity of 
baptism/ such as is above mentioned : as appears in the 
Rubric before Public Baptism in the Service-book, confirmed 

1 [ Henderson, orig. Hendershame. ] 

2 [ and his own reputation . . . that in margin. It was originally written, 
and then erased, as to hinder the publishing of his own shame, which it seems 
his malice forgot, while he laboured to shame me. For the truth is that ] 

3 [ in this point, in margin.] 


by Act of Parliament. The words are these : Though it be 
fittest to administer baptism on Sundays and other holy- 
days, &c. ; nevertheless, if necessity so require, children may 
at all times be baptized at home/ And again, in the Rubric 
before Private Baptism, thus : When great need shall compel 
them to baptize their children at home, it shall be adminis 
tered on this fashion V And further, the Church of England 
takes care to have such ministers punished, as shall defer 
baptism, if the child be in danger V So that I could not let 
this clause stand in the Scottish Canons, but I must charge 
my mother the Church of England, as guilty of maintaining 
an error of Popery/ and the Parliament of England for con 
firming it. 

5. Our prelates have not the boldness to trouble us in their 
Canons, with altars, fonts, chancels, reading of a long 
Liturgy before sermons z , fyc. But Canterbury is punc 
tual and peremptory in all these. 

When I met so often with this phrase, our prelates do 
not this and that, f in which Canterbury is punctual and 
peremptory, it made me hope * at first these men had some 
good opinion of their own prelates. But so soon as they 
had 2 once gotten the power into their own hands, they made 
it presently appear that though their prelates 3 had not the 
boldness to trouble them/ yet they had the impudence to 
cast the prelates out of all the means they had, and without 
any the least mercy to themselves, their wives, and children : 
and that in a most ignorant and barbarous manner, calling 
them the < limbs and members of Antichrist/ 

But what s the crime which your prelates had not the 
boldness to trouble you 4 with/ and in which Canterbury, 
that strange man, is so punctual and peremptory ? O ! 
grave crimen Caie C&sar ! Tis a charge indeed a mighty 
charge ! a novation of above thirteen hundred years old. 

1 [ hope originally written doubt ] 

2 [ But . . . had originally written, But it appeared quickly after they had ] 

3 [ hands, . . . prelates/ originally written, hands, that for all this that our 
prelates ] * [ you in margin.] 

* [The substance of the Rubrics is Y Can. Ixix. 
given in both these cases, not the z * Sermon/ Rtishw. and Pryn. 
actual words.] 


For after the Church was once formally settled under the 
Christian Emperors, nay, and for some years before *, I chal 
lenge these men to show any Church under heaven, without 
that which was promiscuously called, ( the holy table/ or 
altar / or without a font/ or a chancel/ or a formal set 
1 Liturgy before sermon, &c. And therefore if I were punc- 10 
tual in these, I did but my duty. But peremptory I am 
sure I was not, as well knowing the difference between things 
of decency and uniformity, and things of necessity to salva 
tion/ But the charge must go on for all this. 

6. For although the words of the tenth Canon, cap. iii., be 
fair, yet the wicked intentions of Canterbury and Ross 
may be seen in the point of justification of a sinner before 
God, by comparing the Canon as it came from our pre 
lates, and as itivas returned from Canterbury, and printed. 

(27) Here s a confession, that the words of the tenth Canon, 
cap. iii., are fair / and so they are indeed. The Canon runs 
thus : It is manifest that the superstition of former ages is 
turned into great profaneness ; and that people, for the most 
part, are grown cold for doing any good ; esteeming that good 
works are not necessary. Therefore shall all presbyters, as 
their text gives occasion, urge the necessity of good works to 
their hearers. These words they say are fair ; and sure they 
are so. What s amiss then? What? why, the wicked 
intentions of Canterbury and Ross. God bless us ! Wicked 
intentions ; under such fair words ? Now God forbid. I hope 
lloss had none ; I am sure Canterbury had not. But how 
come they to be judges of our intentions ? How? w r hy, 
they say, they may be seen in the point of the justification 
of a sinner before God/ That s a high point, and a danger 
ous, for any man to have wicked intentions about it. How 
then may our wicked intentions be seen ? Why, by com 
paring the Canons / so they say. And I desire nothing 
more than that the book, which I perused, may be produced : 
and upon sight of it, I will acknowledge and make good 
whatsoever I did ; or humbly crave pardon for what I cannot 
make good. And though I cannot get to see the book, yet 
you shall hear the comparison. 

1 [ nay . . . before, in margin.] 


Our prelates say thus : It is manifest that the superstitions 
of former ages are turned into a great prof aneness, and 
that people are grown cold., for the most part, in doing 
any good ; thinking there is no place for good works, 
because they are excluded from justification. Therefore 
shall all ministers, as their text gives occasion, urge the 
necessity of good works, as they would be saved; and 
remember that they are via regni, the way to the kingdom 
of heaven, quamvis non sint causa regnandi, howbeit they 
be not the cause of our salvation 

How the Canon goes now is manifest in the words pre 
ceding : how it went before in the copy which their prelates 
sent, is now expressed. And if it be fairly related, here are 
two things charged to be left out. The one is this passage, 
Because they are excluded from justification. And the 
other is, that known place of S. Bernard, that good works 
are via regni, non causa regnandi. Now I conceive both 
these passages may be left out of this Canon, without any 
wicked intentions in either Canterbury or Ross against the 
point of justification/ But let the charge proceed. 

Here Ross gives his judgment, that he would have this Canon 
simply commanding good works to be preached, and no 
mention made what place they have or have not in justi 
fication. Upon this motion, so agreeable to Canterbury s 
mind, the Canon is set down, as it stands, without the 
distinction of via regni, et causa regnandi, or any word 
sounding that way, urging only the necessity of good works. 

Well ! now at last I see the bottom of this charge : and I 
see too, that too many men are shy of good works / and for 
fear more should be attributed to them than is fit, refuse to 
acknowledge that which is due unto them *. But sure I am 
there is a command, and more than one, expressly, in the 
text, for the doing of good works/ and that without any 
distinction/ And so I conceive the Scripture is warrant 
enough for this Canon, to command the preaching of good 
works/ even without any distinction at all whatsoever ; 

1 [ refuse . . . them, on opposite page.] 


since God liatli so absolutely and so expressly commanded, 
that we should serve him in good works : to which Moses a 
and Christ b , the Prophets c , and Apostles d , do sufficiently 
bear witness l . 

But it seems these men have very good intelligence, that 
when I looked over these Canons 2 (which I protest I did 
alone by myself, and then sent them to my Ld. the Bp. of 
London, for him to do the like), can yet tell, that here Ross 
gave his judgment, and would have the Canon go absolutely, 
and that this being according to Canterbury s mind, so it 
went/ Where yet I shall humbly crave leave to observe two 
things. The one is, that if this be true, that Ross would 
have these things out/ then one of their own prelates/ and 
he trusted from the rest, was the cause of this omission : and 
so Canterbury was neither master of the work/ nor were all 
things in it done by him, and no other; as is before affirmed 
in the beginning of the second novation 6 / The other thing 
is, the omission itself: of which I (28) shall say two things. 
The one is, that if Ross did give that reason, That it was fit 
that Canon should command the preaching of good works in 
general, because it was a time of such profarieness/ as is 
mentioned in the beginning of the Canon ; I for my part 
cannot but approve it. The other is, that the leaving out of 
that known saying of St. Bernard s, I humbly conceive is no 
fault, either in myself or any other. For though the speech 
be good, and though the sayings of private men, eminent in 
their times, were sometimes put into the Canons of national 
Churches, yet usually it was not so 3 . And since themselves 
confess, the words of the Canon, as it now is, are fair/ were 

1 [ since God . . . witness. on opposite page, and also the references in 
notes a to d .] 

2 [ Canons in margin.] 

3 [ and . . . so. in margin. Originally written thus, and erased: yet it is 
not usual to put the sayings of private men, how eminent soever in their time, 
into the Canons of any national Church. And this, I confess, wrought most 
with me for the leaving of it out. ] 

a Deut. x. 12. and Titus ii. 7, 14, and iii. 1, 8, 14. 

b Matt. vii. 19, and xxii. 37, and vi. S. James ii. 17, and 1 S. Pet. ii. 12. 

16. [Bancroft observes that this last S. Jo. Apoc. iii. 2, and xxi. 27, and 

quotation is not to the purpose.] xxii. 12. 

c Esai. i. 19, 20. e Page 21 [of original MS. See 

< Ephes. ii. 10, and 1 Tim. vi. 18, above, p. 310.] 


any charity in them, they would not make so foul an inter 
pretation of other men s ( intentions/ 

7. By comparing Canon ix. cap. xviii. as it was sent in writ 
ing from our prelates, and as it is printed at Canterbury s 
command, may be also manifest, that he went about to 
establish auricular confession and Popish absolution. 

I have showed before that this Book of Canons was not 
37 printed by my command. But I have a long time found sad 
experience, that whatsoever some men disliked was presently 
my doing. God forgive them. But to the present charge 
I shall answer nothing ; but only transcribe that Canon, and 
leave it to the judgment of all orthodox and moderate Chris 
tians, whether I have therein gone about to establish auri 
cular confession and Popish absolution/ The Canon is as 
follows : 

"Albeit Sacramental Confession and Absolution have been 
in some places very much abused, yet if any of the people be 
grieved in mind for any delict or offence committed, and for 
the unburdening of his conscience, confess the same to the 
bishop or presbyter ; they shall, as they are bound, minister 
to the person so confessing all spiritual consolations out of the 
word of God ; and shall not deny him the benefit of absolu 
tion, after the manner which is prescribed in the Visitation 
of the Sick f , if the party show himself truly penitent, and 
humbly desire to be absolved. And he shall not make known 
or reveal what hath been opened to him in confession, at any 
time, or to any person whatsoever, except the crime be such 
as by the laws of the realm his own life may be called in 
question for concealing the same." 

This is the Canon word for word ; where first give me leave 
to observe the care that I had of the laws of the kingdom. 
For I believe it will hardly be found that such a clause is 
inserted in any Canon \ concerning the seal of confession/ 
as is expressed in this Canon, in relation to the laws of the 
realm 2 , from the time that confession came into solemn use, 

1 [Some words here erased.] 

2 [ and next for the matter of the Canon, here inserted and erased.] 

f In the Service-Book both of England and Scotland. 


till our English Canon was made, anno 1603, with which this 
agrees z. And then for the matter of the Canon l , if here be 
anything to establish Popish confession, or absolution/ I 
humbly submit it to the learned of the Reformed Churches 
through Christendom :( all men (for aught I yet know) allow 
ing confession and absolution/ as most useful for the good 
of Christians, and condemning only the binding of all men to 
confess all sins, upon absolute danger of salvation. And this 
indeed some call carnificinam cons dentine, the rack or tortur 
ing of the conscience 11 ; but impose no other necessity of con 
fessing 2 than the weight of their own sin shall lay upon 
them ; nor no other enforcement to receive absolution, than 
their Christian care to ease their own conscience shall lead 
them unto : and in that way Calvin commends confession 
exceedingly ; and, if you mark it, you shall find that our 
Saviour Christ 1 , who gives the priest full power of the keys 
( to bind and loose / that is, to receive confession, and to 
absolve or not absolve, as he sees cause in the delinquent ; 
yet you shall not find any command of his to enforce men to 
come to the priest to receive this benefit. "Tis enough that 
He hath left power in the ministry of the Church to give 
penitent 3 Christians this ease, safety, and comfort, if they 
will receive it when they need. If they need, and will not 
come ; or if they need, and will not believe they do so, let 
them bear their own burden 4 .)} But yet they have not done 
with our prelates / one charge more conies. 

8. Our prelates were not acquainted with Canons for in- 1C 
flicting of arbitrary penalties : but in Canterbury s book, 
wheresoever there is no penalty expressly set down, it is 
provided that it shall be arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall 
think fittest. By these and many other like k it is appa- 

1 [ where first give me leave to observe . . . Canon/ on opposite page.] 

2 [ them upon men. ] 3 [ penitent in margin.] 

4 [ nor no other enforcement. . . burden. on opposite page. The passage 
originally ran : * And their Christian care to ease their conscience leads them 
unto, according to the remed. (sic) (The priest in this case having the power of 
binding and loosing given him by Christ) and he commends the use of confes 
sion exceedingly. But yet ] 

B Can. cxiii. marg. apud Terfc. Op. Paris. 1580.] 

h B. Khenanus, Argumento in lib. [Bancroft here notes, dy 
Tertul. de Pceniten. p. 471. [p. 374 in k the like/ Rush w. and Pryn. 


rent what tyrannical power he went about to establish in 
the hands of our prelates over the worship of God, and 
the souls and goods of men, overturning from the founda 
tion the whole order of our Kirk l ; and how large an entry 
he did make for the grossest novations (29) aftenvard; 
which hath been a main cause of this combustion. 

This is the last shot against these Canons, and me for them : 
and I conceive this is no great thing. For arbitrary govern 
ment is one thing : and tis quite another, that where 
soever there is no penalty expressly set down, it is provided, 
that it shall be arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall think fittest/ 
which are the words of the Canon. For since no law can 
meet with all particulars, some things must of necessity be 
left arbitrary in all government, though that be perfectest 
and happiest that leaves least. Nor is it an unheard-of thing 
to find something arbitrary in some Canons of the Church, 
which are very ancient. As in the Council of Eliberis m the 
punishment of him who was absent from the church three 
Sundays, was, that he should be abstentus, and barred from 
the church for some small time ; that his negligence in the 
service of God may seem to be punished/ But this small 
time being not limited, is left to arbitrary discretion. So 
likewise in the Council of Valence, an. 374 n , the giving of the 
Sacrament to such as had vowed virginity, and did afterwards 
marry, was to be deferred, as the priest saw reason and 
cause for it ; and that sure is arbitrary. The like we find 
in the third Council of Carthage ; where the time of penance, 
according to the quality of the sin, is left to the discretion 
of the bishop. And these Councils were all within the fourth 
century. By all which it is apparent, that in Church as well 
as in State, some things may be left arbitrary ; and have 
been in better and wiser times than these of ours. Nay, tis 

1 What seeds of Popery lie did sow detur, et cum data fuerit, nisi plene 

in our Kirk ; Pryn. and liushw. satisfecerint Deo,] in quantum ratio 

m [" Si quis in civitate positus, tres poposcerit [earundem communio difte- 

dominicas ad ecclesiam non accesserit,] ratur."] Cone. Valentin.Can.ii. [Cone, 

pauco tempore abstineat, ut correptus torn. ii. col. 905. B. C.] 
esse videatur." Cone. Elib. Can.xxi. " Ut poenitentibus secundum pec- 

[Conc. torn. i. col. 973. B.] catorum differentiam Episcopi arbitrio 

u [" De puellis vero quae se Deo de- poenitenti^e tempora dccernantur." 

voverunt, si ad terrenas nuptias sponte Cone. Carthag. III. Can. xxxi. [Cone, 

transierint, id custodiendum esse de- torn. ii. col. 1171. D.] 
crcvimus, ut pcenitentia his nee statim 


confessed by one p that writes almost as well as Junius Brutus *, 
that there is an arbitrary power in every state/ somewhere, 
and that no inconvenience follows upon it. And the Council 
of Ancyra r , inflicting censures upon presbyters first, and 
then deacons, which had fallen in time of persecution, yet 
gives leave to the bishop to mitigate the penance at his dis 
cretion *. 

Again, tis manifest by the care taken in the preceding 
Canons, that here is little or nothing of moment left arbitrary : 
and then the Ordinary will fall into an excess more dangerous 
to himself, than his arbitrary punishment can be to him 
that suffers it, if he offer to tyrannize/ For this clause, 1( 
wheresoever it is inserted in canon or statute, (as it is in the 
statutes of very many colleges,) stands but for a proviso, that 
disorderly persons may not think they shall escape punish 
ment, if they can cunningly keep off the letter of the law : 
and yet so that the arbitrary punishment be regulated by 
that which is expressed in the Canons or the Statutes, for 
omissions or commissions of like nature. 

And therefore that which is inferred upon all this eharge, 
and the particulars in it ; namely, That I went about to 
establish a tyrannical power in the hands of their prelates, 
either over the worship of God, or the souls and goods of 
men/ is utterly false, and cannot be proved to follow out of 
any of the premises. Not over the goods of the people ; for 
no prelate, not invested with temporal power, can meddle 
with them ; so that were there any canon made for that, it 
would be void of itself. Nor over the souls of men; for 

1 [ Nor is it an unheard-of thing (p. 333.) . . . discretion. on opposite page.] 

P Author of the Observations upon which after examining the claims of 

some of his Majesty s late Answers, other writers to its authorship, he de- 

p. 34. [This book was published, ano- cides in favour of Languet. Le Clerc 

nymously, by Henry Parker in 1642, vindicates the claims of Duplessis Mor- 

and was answered by Dudley Digges, nay. The book was not printed at Ed iii- 

John Jones, in his Christus Dei, Sir burgh, as indicated in the title, but at 

John Spelman and others.] Basle. See Biog. Universelle, art. 

i [This refers to a book written by LANGUET.] 

Hubert Languet, under the name of r Cone. Ancyran. Can. i. and ii. [Et 

Stephanus Junius Brutus, entitled, HSVTOI rives r<ai> e-mtTKiTrow TOVTOIS aw- 

Vindicioa contra Tyrannos, sive de eiSeiev /ca^tarJi/ riva, rj Taireivuffi 

Principis in populum, populique in r-rjros, nal efleAotei/ 7rAe?Ji/ n 5t5oj/cu 
Principem legitima Potestate," Edinb. 

, eV avTots elwt T^V eov<riav. 

1579. Bay le has a Dissertation on this Cone. Ancyr. Can. ii. Cone. torn. i. 
book at the end of his Dictionary, in coll. 1456. D. 1457. A.] 


they are left free in all things, save to commit sin and 
disorder ; which to repress by canons is, and hath been l , 
the Church s way. Much less over the worship of God : 
for these Canons have laboured nothing so much, as to 
honour and establish that in decency and uniformity. And 
as for that which follows, that these ( Canons overturn from 
the foundation the whole order of their Kirk / tis more 
than I believe will be proved, that they have overturned any 
good order in their Church, much less foundations : though 
it may be thought by some, (and perhaps justly,) that there 
is so little order in their Church, and that so weakly founded, 
that it may be overturned with no great stress. And, for 
the large entry made for the gross novations afterwards/ 
you see what it is : and when you have considered the 
( gross novations/ which are said to come after, I hope you 
will not find them very gross, nor any way fit to be alleged 
as a main cause of this combustion/ Now follows, 


The third , and great novation, which was the ( Book of 
Common Prayer, Administration of Sacraments, and 
other parts of Divine Service s / brought in ivithout war 
rant from our Kirk, to be universally received as the 
only form of Divine Service, under the highest pains, both 
civil and ecclesiastical. 

Now we are come to the arraignment of the Liturgy and 
the Book of Common Prayer ; and this (they say) was 
brought in without warrant from their Kirk/ If this be 
true 2 , it was the fault of your own prelates, and theirs only, 
for aught I know. For though I like the book exceeding 
well, and hope I shall be able to maintain anything that is 
in it, and wish with all my heart that it had been enter 
tained there; yet I did ever desire 3 , it might come to them 
with their own liking and approbation. Nay, I did ever, 

1 [ and hath been, in marg.] 

2 [ If this be true, in marg.] 

3 [Originally written, did only wish, ] 

Worship, Rushw. ; Service, Pryn. 


upon all occasions, call upon the Scottish bishops to do 
nothing in this particular, but by warrant of law. And 
further, I professed unto them before his Majesty, that 11 
though I had obeyed his commands in helping to order that 
book ; yet since I was ignorant of the laws of that kingdom, 
I would have nothing at all to do with the manner of in- 
(30) troducing it; but left that wholly to them, who do, or 
should, understand both that Church and their laws. And 
I am sure, they told me, they would adventure it no way but 
that which was legal. But they go on, and say, this book 

Is found by our National Assembly, besides the Popish 
frame, and forms in Divine worship, to contain many 
Popish errors and ceremonies, and the seeds of manifold 
and gross superstitions and idolatry, and to be repugnant 
to the doctrine, discipline, and order of our Reformation, 
to the confession of faith, constitutions of General Assem 
blies, and Acts of Parliament establishing the true 
religion. That this was also Canterbury s ivork, we make 

This is a great charge upon the Service-book indeed ; 
but it is in generals l , and those only affirmed, not proved. 
And therefore may with the same ease, and as justly, be 
denied by me, as they are affirmed by them. And this is all 
I shall say, till they bring their proofs. And though this be 
no more Canterbury s work } than the Canons were, yet, by 
their good will, I shall bear the burden of all. And there 
fore, before they go to prove this great charge against the 
Service-book, they go on to make it manifest that this was 
my work 4 ; 3 and so far as it was mine, I shall ingenuously 
and freely acknowledge in each particular, as occasion shall 
be offered me. But how do they make it manifest it was 
my work ? Why, 

1. By the memoir s n and instructions, sent unto him by 
our prelates ; wherein they give special account of the 

1 [ generals/ originally, general only, ] 

* How far this was my work, you u Memoirs, Kushw. ; memories, 
may see, p. 71 [of original MS. See Pryn. 
below, pp. 168, 169 in marg.] 


diligence they have * used to do all which herein they were 


This proof comes very short. For considering the Scottish 
Bishops were commanded by his Majesty to let me see, from 
time to time, what they did in that Service-book, they had 
good reason (as I conceive) to give me some account of 
their diligence and care in that behalf; and yet this will 
never conclude the work to be mine. Why, but if this proof 
come not home, yet it will be manifest, 

2. By the approbation of the Service-book sent unto them, 
and of all the marginal corrections, wherein it varies 
from the English book ; showing their desire to have some 
few things changed in it, which, notwithstanding, was 
not granted. This we find written by S. Andrews his 
own hand, and subscribed by him and nine other of our 

This argument is as loose as the former. For I hope, though 
I had had nothing at all to do with that book, yet I might 
have approved both the book itself and all the marginal (or 
1 other) corrections, wherein it differs from (so it be not con 
trary to) the English book / therefore my approving it will 
not make me the author of it. As for that which follows, 
that their prelates did desire to have some few things 
changed in it, which was not granted : first you see, they 
say before, that the popish errors in that book be many ; 
and yet he change of a few things would serve their turn. 
And if this change were not granted/ that was not my fault, 
but their own ; who might have changed what they pleased, 
whether I would or no. But they should do well to show 
this paper under S. Andrews hand, and nine other bishops / 
For my part, as I remember it not, so I believe it not. But 
they hope to prove it better 

3. By Canterbury s own letters, witnesses of his joy, when 
the book was ready for the press; of his prayers that 
God would speed the work ; of his hope to see that service 
set up in Scotland ; of his diligence in sending for the 
printer, and directing him to prepare a black letter, and 
to send it to his servants at Edinburgh for printing this 
x Had Rushw. and Pryn. 

LAUD. VOL. in. 


book?; of his approbation of the proofs sent from the 
press ; of his fear of delay for* bringing this (31) work 
speedily to an end, for the great good (not of that Church, 
but] of the Church ; of his encouraging Ross, who was 
intrusted with the press, to go on with* this piece f of 
service, without fear of enemies. All which may be seen 
in the autographo. 

This argument is as weak as any of the former ; indeed, it 
is nothing but a heap of non sequiturs. My letters express 
my joy, when the book was ready for the press : therefore 
I made the book. As if I might not be glad, that a good 
book was ready for the press, but I must be the author of it. 
Next, I prayed that God would speed the work/ I did 
indeed, and heartily; but may not I humbly desire God to 
bless a good work, though I be not the author of it ? Yea, 
but I hoped to see that service set up in Scotland/ I did 
indeed, and was heartily sorry when my hopes failed ; and 
that nation will one day have more cause to be sorry for it, 
than I. But what then ? It follows not thence, that the 
work was mine. Again, I was diligent with the printer to 
prepare letters and send to his servants/ I was, indeed, 
diligent herein ; but it was at the entreaty of my brethren 
the Scottish bishops. And truly I could do little for them, 
the printer being then in England, if I would not send to 
him, and desire him to be diligent. Yea, but I approved 
the proofs that were sent from the press/ And there was 
good reason I should, if they were well done. But I hope, 
many a man takes care of the proofs from the press, though 
the work be not his. 

The next they would fain have seem something; but 
tis no better than the rest. For they would prove this 
book was my work, because I feared delay; whereas, I 
would have a speedy end for the good of (not that Church, 
but) the Church/ Fear of delay is no proof that the work 
was mine. But do you not mark the subtlety? f for the 
good of the Church, not that Church/ They would fain 
have some mystery hid here ; but sure there is none. For if 
I writ any such thing, the Church/ and that Church/ were 

y [See the Archbishop s letter to the z In, Rnshw. and Pryn. 
Bishop of Ross, Sept. 19, 1635.] * In, Rushw. and Pryn. 


the same Church of Scotland. For when a man writes to a 
2 learned man of another nation, and desires anything to be 
done for the good of the Church/ he is to be understood of 
the good of that Church ; unless some circumstance sway 
his meaning another way, which is not here. Yea, but 
I encouraged Ross, who was intrusted with the press, to go 
on without fear of enemies / therefore the work was mine. 
Will not young novices laugh at this logic ? Well, they say, 
all this appears in the autographo/ Let them show the 
autographon : and if all this be there, then you see all is 
nothing; they have showed but their weakness to collect 
so poorly l : and if it be not there, then they have showed 
their falsehood, with which some of them are too well 
acquainted. But prove it good or bad, another proof they 
have ; and that is, 

4. By letters sent from the Prelate of London, [to Ross b ;] 
wherein, as he rejoiceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons, 
which although they should make some noise in the be 
ginning, yet they would be more for the good of the Kirk, 
than the Canons of Edinburgh for the good of the king 
dom. So concerning the Liturgy, he showeth that Ross 
had sent to him, to have from Canterbury an explanation 
of some passages of the Service -boo k, and that the press 
behoved to stand, till the explanations came to Edinburgh ; 
which, therefore, lie had in haste obtained from his Grace, 
and sent the despatch by Cant, his own conveyance. 
This argument is much ado about nothing; in which, 
notwithstanding, I shall observe some passages, and then 
come to the force of the argument, such as it is. And first, 
though the business of the Canons be over, yet a merriment 
in the Bp. of London s letter must be brought in. Secondly, 
though by this letter of the Prelate of London, it be mani 
fest he had to do with those Canons as well as I ; and though 
he passed as full and as honourable a censure upon them as 
I do in any letter of mine; yet, against their knowledge and 
their conscience, they avouch peremptorily before , that 
1 [ they . . . poorly, in niarg.] 

b [To Ross] are added from Pryn c P. 22 [of orig. MS. See above, 
and Rushw. p. 319.] 

z 2 


this was done by Canterbury and no other ; and all this, to 
heap all the envy they (3.2) could upon me alone. Thirdly, 
here s the same phrase used by my L. of London, that was 
used a little before by me; namely, that ( these Canons 
would be for the good of the Kirk/ And yet here s never a 
wise observation upon it, as was upon me, that they would 
be for the good (not of that Church, but) of the Church/ 

Now for the force of Mr. Henderson s logic (for these 
arguments out of doubt are his) : ( Ross writ to the Prelate 
of London, to have from Canterbury an explanation of some 
passages of the Service-book, because the press stayed; and 
he obtained them ; therefore this book was Canterbury s work, 
as is before asserted d . Certainly, if Mr. Henderson had any 
learning in him, he would be ashamed of this stuff. Boss 
sent to me for the explanation of some things, which perhaps 
were my additions or alterations in that book ; and used the 
Prelate of London for his means, and the press stayed, and 
I know not what. As if any of this could make me author 
of that book ; which yet if I were, I would neither deny nor 
be ashamed of. Howsoever, he should do well to let Canter 
bury alone, and answer the learned divines of Aberdeen e ; 
who have laid him and all that faction l open enough to the 
Christian world, to make the memory of them and their 
cause stink to all posterity. 

5. But (say they) the book itself, as it standeth interlined, 
margined, and, patched up, is much more than all that is 
expressed in his letters ; and the changes and supplements 
themselves, taken from the Mass-book and other Romish 
rituals, by which he makes it to vary from the Book of 
England, are more pregnant testimonies of his popish 
spirit and wicked intentions, which he would have put in 
execution upon us, than can be denied. 

In the next place, the book itself is brought in evidence ; 
and that s a greater evidence than all that is expressed in my 
1 [ faction in marg.] 

d P. 30 [of orig. MS. See above, Divinity in Aberdene, 1638. The 

p. 336.] Aberdeen divines were Dr. Forbes, 

e [See the General Demands con- Dr. Scrogie, Dr. Lesley, Dr. Baron, 

cerning the late Covenant propounded and Dr. Ross.] 
by the Ministers and Professors of 


letters/ A greater evidence ! But of what ? Not that the 
book was of my sole making, which they have hitherto gone 
about to prove, and which the former part of this argument 
would seem to make good. But now, these interlinings/ and 
( margins/ and changes/ and supplements/ are pregnant 
proofs of my popish spirit and wicked intentions/ First, I 
praise God for it, I have no popish spirit ; and God bless me, 
as (to the utmost of my knowledge) I had no wicked intentions 
in anything which I did in, or about, that Service-book. 

For the other stuff which fills up this argument, that 
these changes and supplements are taken from the Mass- 
book, and other Romish rituals, and that by these the book 
is made to vary from the Book of England; I cannot hold it 
worth an answer, till I see some particulars named. For in 
this I could retort many things, could I think it fit to put 
in l but half so much gall into my ink as hath made theirs 
black 2 . In the meantime, I would have them remember 
that we live in a Church reformed, not in one made new. 
Now all reformation that is good and orderly takes away 
nothing from the old, but that which is faulty and erroneous. 
If anything be good, it leaves that standing. So that if 
these changes from the Book of England be good, tis no 
matter whence they be taken. For every line in the Mass- 
book, or other popish rituals, are not all evil and corruptions. 
There are many good prayers in them ; nor is anything evil 
in them, only because tis there. Nay, the less alteration is 
made in the public ancient service of the Church, the better 
it is, provided that nothing superstitious or evil in itself be 
admitted or retained. And this is enough, till I see parti 
culars charged: yet with this; that these variations were 
taken, either from the first Boole of Edw. VI., which was not 
popery ; or from some ancient Liturgies which savoured not 
of popery 3 . 

The Large Declaration professeih, that all* variation of 
our Book from the Book of England, that ever the King 

1 [ in in marg.] 

[ made theirs black. in marg. Originally, thickened theirs. ] 

3 [ yet with this . . . popery. on opposite page.] 

f all the Rushw. and Pryu. 


understood, was in such things as the Scottish humours 
would better comply with, than with that which stood in 
the English Service s. 

That which the f Large Declaration professeth/ I leave the 
author of it to make good. Yet whosoever was the author 11 , 
thus much I can say, and truly, that the Scottish bishops 
(some of them) did often say to me, that the people would 1 
be better satisfied by much to have a (33) Liturgy com 
posed by their own bishops, (as this was,) than to have the 
Service-book of England put upon them. But to what end 
is this added out of the Large Declaration ? Why, tis to 
cast more hatred upon me. For thus they infer : 

These popish innovations, therefore, have been surreptitiously 
inserted by him, without the King s knowledge, and against 
his purpose. 

This is as false as tis bold ; for let them prove that any 
one 1 particular, be it the least, was so added by me to that 
book; and let no justice spare me. In the meantime, here 
I take it upon my salvation [ , that I inserted nothing without 
his Majesty s knowledge/ nor anything * against his purpose/ 

Our Scottish prelates do petition, that somewhat may be 
abated of the English ceremonies ; as the cross in bap 
tism, the ring in marriage, and some other things. But 
Canterbury will not only have those kept, but a great 
many more, and worse, super added -, which was nothing 
else but the adding of fuel unto the fire k . 

I cannot remember that ever any such petition was showed 
to me. This I remember well, that when a deliberation was 
held, whether it were better to keep close to the English 
Liturgy, or venture upon some additions ; some of your 
Scottish bishops were very earnest to have some alterations, 

1 [ that any one originally, that there is but one ] 

s [See " A Large Declaration con- sion, as if objectionable.] 

cerning the late Tumults in Scotland, k Here Rushworth s copy addeth, 

by the King," p. 18.] To express and discover all would re- 

h [The Book was written by Dr. quire a whole book. We shall only 

Balcanqual, Dean of Durham, in the touch some few in the matter of the 

King s name.] Communion. So also Pryn. 

[Abp. Sancroft notes this expres- 


and some additions. And they gave this for their reason, 
because if they did not then make that book as perfect as 
they could, they should never be able to get it perfected 
after. Canterbury, therefore,, was not the man that added 
this fuel to your fire/ And whereas, to heap on farther 
hatred, it is said, that I did not only add more, but worse 
ceremonies/ I can say nothing to that, because I know no one 
-ceremony in the one book or the other that is bad. And 
when they give an instance in the ceremonies, which they 
say are worse in their book than in ours, I shall give such 
answer as is fitting, and such as I doubt not shall be suf 
ficient. And now, it seems, they ll come to particulars ; for 
they say : 

I. This book inverteth the order of the Communion in the 
Book of England, as may be seen by the numbers setting 
down the order of this new Communion, 1, 5, 2, 6, 7, 3, 
4, 8, 9, 10, II 1 . Of the divers secret reasons of this 
change, we mention one only, enjoining the spiritual 
sacrifice 111 and thanksgiving, which is in the Book of 
England pertinently after the Communion, with the prayer 
of consecration, before the Communion, and that under 
the name of memorial, or oblation ; for no other end but 
that the memorial and sacrifice of praise mentioned in it 
may be understood according to the popish meaning, 

[15 (Bellarm. de Missa, 1. ii. c. 21 n ,) not of the spiritual 
sacrifice, but of the oblation of the body of the Lord. 

This book (they say) inverts the order of the Communion 
in the Book of England/ Well, and what then ? To invert 

1 [The service in our own office is of 3 and 4,) agree with those in the 

arranged as follows : text.] 

1. To the end of Prefaces. (1) m Praise, Eushw. and Pryn. 

2. Prayer of humble access. (5) " [" Falsum est, per sacrificium 

3. Consecration. (2) laudis, cujus in Canone fit mentio, 

4. Bread. (6) debere accipi sacrificium spirituale, 

5. Cup. (7) quod in laude et gratiaruna actione 

6. Lord s Prayer. (4) consistit ; significatur enim ea voce 

7. Oblation. (3) sacrificium veri corporis Domini, quod 

8. Thanksgiving. (8) sacrificium laudis dicitur, quia per 

9. Gloria. (9) illucl Deus magnopere laudatur, et 
10. Blessing. (10) gratise illi aguntur pro summis ejus 

II. Collects. (11) in nos beneticiis." Bell, de Missa, 
The figures in parentheses mark the lib. ii. cap. xxi. Deinde falsa/ Op., 

order in the Scotch Service-book, and torn. iii. p. 237. E.] 
with one exception, (the transposition 


the order of some prayers, in the Communion, or any other 
part of the service, doth neither pervert the prayers, nor 
corrupt the worship of God. For I hope they are not yet 
grown to be such superstitious cabalists as to think that 
numbers work anything. For so the prayers be all good (as 
tis most manifest these are), it cannot make them ill to be 
read in 5, 7, or 3 place, or the like ; unless it be in such 
prayers only, where the order is essential to the service then 
in hand ; as, for example, to read the Absolution first, and the 
Confession after ; and in the Communion, to give the Sacra 
ment to the people first, and read the Prayer of Consecration 
after. In these cases, to invert the order, is to pervert the 
service; but in all other ordinary prayers, which have not 
such a necessary dependance upon order, first, second, or 
third works no great effect. And though I shall not find 
fault with the order of the prayers, as they stand in the 
Communion-book of England, (for, God be thanked, tis 
well ;) yet, if a comparison must be made, I do think the order 
of the prayers, as now they stand in the Scottish Liturgy, 
to be the better, and more agreeable to use in the primitive 
Church ; and I believe, they which are learned will acknow 
ledge it. And therefore these men do bewray a great deal 
of will and weakness, to call this a new Communion, only be- 
(34) cause all the prayers stand not in the same order. 

But they say, there are divers secret reasons of this 
change in the order. Surely there was reason for it, else 
why a change? But that there was any hidden secret reason 
for it, (more than that the Scottish prelates thought fit that 
book should differ in some things from ours in England ; 
and yet that no differences could be l more safe than those 
which were in the order of the prayers ; especially since both 
they and we were of opinion, that of the two this order came 
nearest to the primitive Church ;) truly I neither know nor 
believe 2 . 

As for the only reason given of this change, tis in my 
judgment a strange oneX Tis, forsooth, for no other end, 
they say, but that the memorial and sacrifice of praise men 
tioned in it may be understood according to the popish 

1 [ that no ... be orig. that the differences could not be ] 

2 [ neither know nor believe. in marg.] 


meaning, not of the spiritual sacrifice, but of the oblation of 
the body of the Lord/ Now ignorance and jealousy, whither 
will you ? l ( For the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving/ no 
man doubts but that is to be offered up ; nor doth any man 
of learning question it, that I know, but that according to 
our Saviour s own command, we are to do whatsoever is done 
in this office, { as a memorial of his body and blood offered 
up and shed for us. S. Luc. xxii. Now, tis one thing 
offer up his body, and another to offer up the memorial of 
his body, with our praise and thanks for that infinite blessing .J 
so that were that change of order made for this end, (which 
is more than I know,) I do not yet see how any popish 
L16 meaning, so much feared, can be fastened upon it. And the 
words in that prayer are plain, (as they are also in the Book 
of England,) that we offer and present unto God, ourselves, 
our souls and bodies, to be a reasonable, holy, and lively sacri 
fice unto Him. What is there here that can be drawn to a 
popish meaning, unless it be with the cords of these men s 
vanity ? Yet thus much we have gained from them, that 
this prayer comes in the Book of England pertinently after 
the Communion. Any approbation is well of that anti- 
christian Service-book (as tis often called) 2 ; and I verily 
believe, we should not have gained this testimony of them 
for it, but only that they are content to approve that, to make 
the greater hatred against their own. Next they tell us : 
2. // seems to be no great matter, that without warrant of 
the Book of England, the presbyter going from the north 
end of the table, shall stand during the time of consecra 
tion at such a part of the table where he may with the 
more ease and decency use both his hands ; yet being 
tried, it importeth much : as that he must stand with his 
hinder parts to the people ; representing (saith Durand) 
that which the Lord said to Moses, Thou shall see my 
hinder parts ip , 

Truly, this charge is, it seems, { no great matter. And yet 
here again they are 3 offended that this is done without 

1 [Here inserted, and erased, How can sacrifidum laudis be oblatio cor- 
poris? ] 2 [ as tis often called/ in marg.] 3 [ are, orig. seem. ] 

S. Lu. xxii. 19. 

[See Durandi Kationale, lib. iv. cap. xi. 2, p. 107. Lugd. 1672.] 


warrant of the Book of England/ How comes this Book of 
England l to be so much in their esteem, that nothing must 
be done without warrant from it ? Why, ^tis not that they 
approve that book, for they will none of that neither ; but tis 
only to make their complaint more acceptable in England. 

Yet they say, this very remove of the presbyter during 
the time of consecration, upon trial imports much/ The 
rubric professes, that nothing is meant by it, but that he 
may use both his hands with more ease and decency about 
that work/ And I protest in the presence of Almighty God q , 
T know of no other intention herein than this. But these 
men can tell more. They are sure it is, that he may turn 
his hinder parts to the people, representing that which the 
Lord said to Moses/ And what warrant have they for this ? 
Why Durand says so. Now truly the more fool he. And 
they shall do well to ask their own bishops, what acquaint 
ance they have with Durand. For as for myself, I was so 
poorly satisfied with the first leaf 1 read in him, that I never 
meddled with him since. Nor, indeed, do I spend any time 
in such authors as he is. So I have nothing to do with this. 
Yea, but (35) they find fault with the reason given in the 
rubric. For they say : 

He must have the use of both his hands, not for anything he 
hath to do about the bread and the wine ; (for that may r 
be done at the north end of the table, and be better seen 
of the people ;) but (as we are taught by the Rationalists s ) 
that he may } by stretching out fc his arms, represent the 
extension of Christ on the cross u . 

But the reason given in the rubric doth not satisfy them ; 
for they say plainly, they have no use of both their hands 
for any thing that is to be done about the bread and the wine/ 117 
Surely these men consecrate their elements in a very loose 
and mean way, if they can say truly, c that they have not use 

1 [ of England in marg.] 

i [Abp. Bancroft marks this expres- 8 [Admirers of Durand s Rationale.] 

sion also, as probably considering it * Forth, Rushw. and Pryn. 

too solemn.] u [See Durandi Rationale, lib. iv. 

r Must, Rushw. cap. xliii. 3, p. 176.] 


of both tlieir hands in this work. Or, that whatsoever is 
done e may as well be done at the north end of the table / 
which in most places is too narrow, and wants room, to lay 
the Service-book open before him that officiates, and to place 
the bread and wine within his reach. So that in that place 
tis hard for the presbyter to avoid the unseemly disordering 
of something or other that is before him, perhaps the very 
elements themselves ; which may give scandal to them which 
come to communicate : especially since, in the margin of the 
Prayer of Consecration, he is ordered to lay his hand upon the 
bread and the wine which he consecrates 1 . As for his being 
better seen of the people/ that varies according to the nature 
of the place, and the position of the table ; so that in some 
places he may be better seen, and in some not. Though I am 
not of opinion, that it is any end of the administration of the 
Sacrament to have the priest better seen of the people/ 

Thus much against the reason x given in the rubric. 
Next, they produce other reasons of this position of his at 
the holy table. And first, they say, tis not for the more * 
convenient use of both his hands in the celebration of that 
work ; but it is, (say they,) ( that he may, by stretching out 
his arms, represent the extension of Christ on the cross/ 
Why, but I say not this ; nor is there any such thing ordered 
or required in the book ; nor doth any English divine prac 
tise this that I know. Why then is this charged upon me ? 
Nor is it sufficient for them to say, they are taught thus by 
the Rationalists/ unless I did affirm, or practise, as those 
Rationalists do. Here s a great deal of charity wanting. But 
they bring another reason as good as this is ; and that is 

That he may the more conveniently lift up the bread and 
wine over ? his head, to be seen and adored of the people ; 
who, in the Rubric of General Confession a little before, 
are directed to kneel humbly on their knees, that the 
priest s elevation, so magnified in the Mass, and the 
people s adoration may go together. 

1 [ or other that is ... consecrates. on opposite page.] 

1 Viz. their argument taken from given in the rubric. H. W. 
the reason of the posture of the priest, y above Kushw. and Pryn. 



\ Good God ! whither tends this malice ? There is not a 
word in the book of this neither : not of lifting the bread 
and wine over his head ; much less is there anything/ to 
have it adored by the people/ And as there is nothing in 
the book,, so nothing hath ever been said or done by me, 
that tends this way/j Now, if none of this hath been said or 
done by me, what means this ? Sure they mean to charge the 
Rationalists with this, and not me ; unless I did by word or 
deed approve them herein l . l Yea, but ( a little before, in 
the Rubric of General Confession, the people are directed to 
kneel humbly on their knees/ That s true. And what 
posture so fit, as that which is humble, when men are making 
confession of their sins to God? (But that which follows, 
namely, that the priest s elevation and the people s adora 
tion may go together/ is utterly false. There is not one 
word of it in the rubric, nor ever was there one thought of 118 
it in myself, or (as I verily believe) in any of the compilers 
of that book. And tis well known, that through the whole 
Church of England, the form is to receive the blessed Sacra 
ment kneeling; arid yet without any adoration at all of 
the bread and wine. ^ So this charge, which way soever it 
look, cannot hit me. Howsoever, God forgive this malice. 
For are the people directed to kneel, to the end the 
priest s elevation and the people s adoration may go toge 
ther ? Why then so let them go : for the priest with us 
makes no elevation, nor therefore the people any adora 
tion, of those elements. But there is yet more behind : for 
they say 

That in this posture, speaking with a low voice, and mut 
tering, (for at some times he is commanded to speak 
with a loud (36) voice, and distinctly,) he be not heard 
by the people ; which is no less a mocking of God and 
his people, than if the words were spoken in an unknown 

This again, by my accusers good leave, is utterly false. 
For there is no rubric in the whole book, that commands 
the priest to use a muttering or low voice. This, therefore, 

1 [ herein. in marg.] 


is drawn in only by consequence, and that an ill one. As if, 
because he is sometimes commanded to speak aloud, he were 
thereby enjoined, in other parts of the service, to speak with 
a low voice ; which is not so. In the Book of England, in 
some places the minister is directed, before he begins the 
prayer, to say, Let us pray / which is but to keep their 
attention waking, and to put them in mind what they are 
doing, or ought to do. And shall any man infer upon this, 
Let us pray; 7 therefore they were not at prayer before? So 
here, if in some principal part of the service there be a 
caveat given, that f the Presbyter shall speak with a laud 
voice, and distinctly/ (I say f if/ for I do not yet find the 
rubric where it is,) it implies, that he be very careful in 
that place, that his voice be audible and distinct; but it 
imports not, that therefore in other parts of the service it 
may be low, or confused, or unheard. And yet, if such a 
consequence were to be drawn; tis no new thing in the 
Church of Christ, that the minister did pray sometimes in 
the public assembly, in a very low voice, if at all audible. 
For it was ordered in the Council of Laodicea z , that among 
the prayers which were made by the faithful, after the 
hearers and the penitents were gone out, that the first should 
be in silence : perhaps for the presbyter to commend him 
self, and his office, which he was then to execute, privately 
to God. But, howsoever, in the public service, that all 
should be public, I rather approve \ 

As for that which follows, That to utter the common 
service of the Church in a low voice, not heard by the people, 
is no less a mocking of God and His people, than if the words 
were spoken in an unknown tongue: this were well charged, 
if any man did command, that the public service should be 
read in so low a voice, that the people might not hear it. 
But since no man, that I know, approves it, and since there 
is nothing in the book that requires it, I know not to what 

1 [ And yet, . . . approve. pnrtly interlined and partly on opposite page.] 

KOI vTrux (a P n (r - v rwv > ourws rcav TTHTTUV Cone. Laodicen. Can. xviii. [Cone. 
TO.S etr^cts yiveadai rpeTs filoaf /J.ti> r^v torn. i. col. 1500. C.] 
riv 8e Ssvrepav Kal 


end tis urged here. And yet this by their leave too; were 119 
prayers read in so low a voice, it were a mocking of the 
people/ I confess, to call them to Church, and not let them 
hear. But, how either prayer in a low voice, or an unknown 
tongue, to the people l , should be a mocking of God, I cannot 
conceive ; unless these men think (as Elias put it upon the 
prophets of Baal) that their God is talking, or journeying, 
or perhaps sleeping, and must be awaked before he can 
hear; or, that any tongue unknown to the people is un 
known to God also. But this I presume they will not dare 
to say, if it be but for that of St. Paul : He that speaks in 
the church in an unknown tongue, speaks not unto men, for 
they understand him not ; yet he speaks to God/ and 
doubtless doth not mock Him ; for he edifies himself, and in 
the spirit speaks mysteries ; neither of which can stand with 
the mocking of God/ Now say they 

As there is no word of all this in the English Service, so 
doth the Book in K. Edw. time give to every presbyter 
his liberty of gesture ; which yet gave such offence to 
Bucer, (the censurer of the book, and, even in Cassander 
his own judgment, a man of great moderation in matters 
of this kind,) that he calleth them, nunquam-satis-exe- 
crandos Missse gestus a ; and would have them to be 
abhorred, because they confirm to the simple and super 
stitious 2 , ter-impiam et exitialem Missse fiduciam b . 

As there is no word of all this in the English Service, 
so neither is there, in the Book for Scotland, more, or other, 
or to other purpose, than I have above expressed. For the 
Book under Edward VI., at the end of it, there are some 
rules concerning ceremonies ; and it doth give liberty of 
gesture to every presbyter. But it is only of some gestures, 
such as are there named, and similes, not of all/ But if 
any will extend it unto all/ then I humbly desire it may 

1 [ either . . . people, in marg. Originally it. ] 

2 [ and superstitious, in marg.] 

* [Mart. Buceri Gens, de Ordinat. b [Ibid.] 

Eccl. cap. v. apud Script. Anglican. c An. 1549. Citantur a Bucero in 
p. 465. Basil. 1577.] Script. Anglican, p. 455. 


be piously and prudently considered, whether this confusion, 
which will follow upon every presbyter s liberty and choice, 
be not like to prove worse than any rule that is given in 
either book for decent uniformity. 

And yet (say they) these gestures/ for all this liberty 
given, gave such offence to Bucer, the censurer of the book, 
that he calls them nunquam-(37)satis-execrandos Misses ges- 
tus/ the never sufficiently execrable gestures of the Mass. 
First, tis true, Bucer did make some observations upon that 
Commoii-Prayer-Book under Edw. VI. And he did it at 
the entreaty of Archbishop Cranmer. And after he had made 
such observations upon it as he thought fit, he writ thus 
to the Archbishop d : Being mindful how much I owe to 
your most reverend Fatherhood and the English Churches, 
that which is given [me] to see and discern in this busi 
ness, I will subscribe : this done, your most reverend Father 
hood, and the rest of your order (that is, the rest of the 
bishops,) may judge of what I write e / Where we see, both 
the care of Bucer to do what was required of him, and his 
Christian humility, to leave what he had done to the judg- 
20 ment of the then governors of this Church. By which it 
appears, that he gave his judgment upon that book/ not as 
being the censurer 3 of it, (as these men call him,) but as 
delivering up his animadversions upon it to that authority 
which required it of him. Much less was it such a censure 
as must bind all other men to his judgment, which he very 
modestly submits to the Church. Howsoever 1 , this hath 
been the common error (as I humbly conceive) of the English 

1 [ And he did . . . Howsoever, in opposite page. The original passage, 
now erased, ran thus, But whether he did it voluntarily, or by appointment 
of the State and Church, I know not. If he did it voluntarily, that which he 
says, if it is but his private judgment, we may value it somewhat the less. 
But if he did it as being put in trust by authority, we may then fairly think 
he gave his judgment as required, but not as being the censure of that book, 
which was made by as pious and as learned men as himself ; nor as such a 
censure as must bind all other men to his judgment. ] 

d [Abp. Sancroft objects to the subscribere. Reverendissima paterni- 

translation of this and the immedi- tas tua, aliique tui ordinis de his 

ately preceding passage from Bucer.] judicabunt." Buceri Epist. ad Archie- 

e " Memor ergo quid reverendissi- pise, quse extat inter Opera ejus Angl. 

mee paternitati tuae, et Ecclesiis Angli- p. 456. [ad init. Censurse in Ordinat. 

canis cum primis debeam, quod datum Eccles.] 
est mihi hac in re videre, id studeam 


nation, to entertain and value strangers in all professions of 
learning beyond their desert, and to the contempt, or passing 
by ] at least, of men of equal worth of their own nation ; 
which I have observed, ever since I was of ability to judge of 
these things. 

But be this as it may. These men have notoriously cor 
rupted Bucer. For they say, he calls them nunquam-satts- 
execrandos Misses gestusj referring the execration to the 
ceremonial gestures. But Bucer s words are, nunquam-satis- 
execrandce Missa gestus, referring to the execration of the 
Mass itself, not to the gestures in it, of bowing the knee, or 
beating the breast, or the like, which in themselves (and 
undoubtedly in Bucer s judgment also f ) are far enough from 
being execrable. 

As for that which follows, (and which are Bucer s words 
indeed,) that these gestures, or any other which confirm to 
the simple ter impiam et exitialem Missae fiduciam (as he 
there calls it), the thrice impious and deadly confidence of 
the Mass, are to be abhorred/ there s no doubt to be made 
of that ; unless (as Cassander % infers well out of Luther 
and Bucer both h2 ) they be such ceremonies as impeach not 
the free justification of a sinner by faith in Christ, and that 
the people may be well instructed concerning the true use of 
them. Now all this, at the most, is but Bucer s speech 
against such ceremonies (and in such time and place, must 
be understood too) as are apt to confirm the simple people 
in their opinions of the Mass. But such ceremonies are 
neither maintained by me, nor are any such ordered or esta 
blished in that book. Therefore this charge falls away quite 

1 [ by, originally written over ] 

2 [ out . . . both/ added in marg.] 

f In Scrip Anglicanis, p. 465. [See illis ceeremoniis salus et justitia con- 
above, note a .] stituatur; nee ut preecepta divina, 

s [" Quid enim, annon Lutherus et capitalis peccati poena proposita, exi- 

Bucerus, ut casteros omittam, saepe et gantur, et de vero illorumusu populus 

aperte proclamant, se non detracta- doceatur."] In Defensione Libelli de 

turos, cur minus caeremonias pleras- Officio pii Viri, [Op.,] p. 867. [Paris, 

que omnes, et traditiones, in Ecclesia 1616.] 

llomana publice receptas communiter h [The particular passages of Luther 

observent, his modo adjectis condi- and Bucer referred to, are quoted by 

tionibus, si doctrina Evangelii de Cassander in the margin of the page 

justificatione gratuita per fidem in above quoted.] 
Christum non impediatur nee in 


from me, and Bucer must make his own speeches good. For 
my own part, I am in this point of ceremonies of the same 
mind with Cassander (that man of great moderation in 
matters of this kind, as my accusers here call him) : and he 
says plainly a little after, in the same place, concerning 
Luther s and Bucer s judgment in these things, Quanquam 
est, quod in istis viris desiderem [ ; though I approve them in 
many things, yet there is somewhat which I want k in these 
men. But the charge goes on : 

3 ^ The corporal 1 presence of Christ s body in the Sacra 
ment, is also to be found here. For the words of the 
Mass-book, serving to that purpose, are m sharply censured 
by Bucer in King Edward s Liturgy, and are not to be 
found in the Book of England, are taken in here. Almighty 
God is in-called, that of His Almighty goodness he may 
vouchsafe so to bless and sanctify with His word and His 
Spirit these gifts of bread and wine, that they may be 
unto us the Body and Blood of Christ. The change here, 

. is made a work of God s omnipotency. The words of the 
Mass, ut fiant nobis, are translated in King Edwd^s 
Book, that they may be unto us; )whichis n again turned 
into Latin by Messius l , ut fiant nobis . 

They say, the corporal presence of Christ s body 2 in the 
Sacrament, is to be found in this Service-book. But they 
must pardon me ; I know it is not there. I cannot be 
myself of a contrary judgment, and yet suffer that to pass. 
But let s see their proof. The words of the Mass-book, 
serving to that purpose, which are sharply censured by Bucer 
in King Edwd s Liturgy, and are not to be found in the 
Book of England, yet are taken into this Service-book. 
I know no words tending to this purpose in King Edwd s 

Messius, in marg. Alesius, in Wharton s hand.] 
of Christ s body in marg.] 

1 Cassand. ibid. [p. 868.] ing title, Ordinatio Ecclesiae, seu 
k is wanting Ministerii Ecclesiastic! in florentis- 
1 corporeal Rushw. simo Regno Anglias, conscripta ser- 
in [ which are Prynne. ] mone patrio, et in Latinam linguam 
n are Rush, and Pryn. bona fide conversa . . . . ab Alexandro 
[This version of the English Atesio Scoto, Sacrae Theologian doc- 
Prayer-book by Alexander Ales was lore. Lipsisa 1551. ] 
published in 1551, under the follow- 

LAUD. VOL. in. & A 


Liturgy, fit for Bucer to censure sharply ; and therefore not 
tending to that purpose : for did they tend to that, they 
could not be censured too sharply. The words, it seems, are 
these : (38) < O merciful Father, of Thy Almighty goodness, 
vouchsafe so to bless and sanctify with Thy word and Holy 
Spirit, these Thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine, that 
they may be unto us the Body and Blood of Thy most dearly 
beloved Son P. Well, if these be the words, how will they 
squeeze corporal presence out of them? Why, first the 
change here, is made a work of God s omnipotency. Well, 
and a work of omnipotency it is, whatever the change be.CFor 
less than Omnipotence cannot change those elements, either 
in nature, or use, to so high a service as they are put in that 
great Sacrament. And therefore the invocating of God s 
Almighty goodness to effect this by them, is no proof at all 
of intending the ( corporal presence of Christ in this Sacra 
ment/ Tis true, this passage is not in the Prayer of Conse 
cration in l the Service-book of England - } but I wish with 
all my heart it were. For though the consecration of the 
elements may be without it, yet it is much more solemn and 
full by that invocation. 

Secondly, these words/ they say, f intend the corporal pre 
sence of Christ in the Sacrament, because the words in the 
Mass are, ut fiant nobis ^, that they may be unto us the Body 
and the Blood of Christ/ Now for the good of Christendom, 
I would with all my heart, that these words 2 , ut fiant 
nobis, that these elements might be, to us/ worthy re 
ceivers, the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour, were 
the worst error in the Mass, For then I would hope, that 
this great controversy, which to all men that are out of the 
Church, is the shame, and among all that are within the 
Church, is the division of Christendom, might have some 
good accommodation. For if it be only, ut fiant nobis, that 
they may be to us, the Body and the Blood of Christ; it 
implies clearly, that they ( are to us/ but are not transub- 

1 [ the Prayer ... in in marg.] 

2 [ that these words, in marg.] 

P In the Prayer of Consecration in Mass are, Ut nobis corpus et sanguis 
the Liturgy for Scotland. fiant dilectissimi Filii tui Domini 

i The words in the Canon of the nostri Jesu Christi. 


stantiated in themselves, into the Body and Blood of Christ, 
nor that there is any corporal presence, in, or under the 
elements.) And then nothing can more cross the doctrine 
of the present Church of Rome, than their own service. For 
as the elements after the benediction, or consecration, are, 
and may be called, the Body and Blood of Christ, without 
any addition, in that real and true sense in which they are 
so called in Scripture; so, when they are said to become 
the Body and Blood of Christ, nobiSj to us that communi 
cate .as^ we ought ; there is by this addition, fiant nobis l , an 
allay in the proper signification of the body and blood : and 
the true sense, so well signified and expressed, that the words 
cannot well be understood otherwise, than to imply not the 
corporal substance, but the real, and yet the spiritual use 
of them 2 . And so the words, ut fiant nobis, import quite 
contrary to that which they are brought to prove. And 
I hope that which follows will have no better success. 

On the other side, the expressions of the Book of England, 
at the delivery of the elements ; of feeding on Christ by 
faith ; and of eating and drinking in remembrance that 
Christ died for thee, are utterly deleted. 

Before, they went about to prove an intendment to esta 
blish the doctrine of the corporal presence of Christ in the 
Sacrament/ by some positive words ; and here, they go 
about to prove the same by the omission of some other words 
of the Book of England. For they say (and tis true), that *- 
those words are expressed in the English Liturgy, at the 
delivery of the elements, and are left out of the Book pre 
pared for Scotland. But it is altogether false, either that 
this omission was intended to help to make good a corporal 
presence/ or that a corporal presence can by any good con 
sequence [be] proved out of it. For the first, of feeding on 
Christ by faith/ if that omission be thought to advantage 
anything toward a corporal presence / surely, neither the 
Scottish bishops/ nor myself, were so simple to leave it out 
here, and keep these words in immediately after r : which 

1 [ by this . . . nobis, in marg.] 

2 [ And then nothing (lin. 3) ... them. in opposite page.] 

In the Collect of Thanksgiving after the receiving. 

A A 2 


have duly received those holy mysteries, with the spiritual 
food of the most precious Body and Blood of Thy Son/ For 
the feeding on Christ by faith/ and the spiritual food of 
the Body and Blood of Christ/ are all one ; and tis hard, 
that the asserting of a spiritual food/ should be made the 
proof [of] a corporal presence / or, that the omitting of it in 
one place, should be of greater force than the affirming it in 
another. The like is to be said of the second omission, ( of 
eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for us. 
For that remembrance of His death and passion is expressed 
almost immediately before s . And would not this have been 
omitted, as well as the other, had there been an intention 
to forget this remembrance, and to introduce a corporal 
presence ? Besides, St. Paul himself, in the 1 Cor. xi. 1 , adds 
this, in remembrance of Me ; but in the 1 Cor. x. u , The 
cup of blessing, which we bless, is it not the communion of 
the Blood of Christ? The bread which we break, is it not 
the communion of the Body of Christ ? Which interrogation 
there, is a pressing affirmation ; and these words, in remem 
brance of Christ/ are omitted. And what then will these 
my learned adversaries say, that St. Paul omitted this to 
establish a corporal presence ? } I hope they will not l . 

But whatsoever this omission may be thought to work, 
it cannot reflect upon me. For when I shall come to set 
down (as I purpose, God willing, to do x ) the brief story 2 , 
what hand I had in this Liturgy for Scotland ; it shall then 
appear, that I laboured to have the English Liturgy sent 
them, without any omission or addition at all, this or any 
other; that so the public Divine service might, in (39) all 
his Majesty s dominions, have been one and the same. C But 
some of the Scottish Bps. prevailed herein against me ; and 
some alterations they would have from the Book of England, 
and this was one, as I have to show under the then Bp. of 
Dunblain s hand, Dr. Wetherborne, whose notes I have yet 
by me, concerning that alterations in the Service-book. And 

Besides, St. Paul . . . not. in marg.] 
the brief story, in marg.] 

1 In the Prayer of Consecration. x Page 71 [of original MS. See 

1 ] Cor. xi. 24. below, p. 427.] 

u 1 Cor. x. 16. 


concerning this particular, his words are these : * The Body 
of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve 
thy body and soul unto everlasting life : and so, the Blood 
of, &c. : whereunto every receiver answered, Amen. There is 
no more in King Edw. VI. his first book. And if there be 
no more in ours, the action will be much the shorter. Be 
sides, the words which are added since, Take, eat, in remem 
brance, &c./ may seem to relish somewhat of the Zuingliari 
tenet, That the Sacrament is a bare sign taken in remem 
brance of Christ s passion."! So that for my part, first, I see 
no hurt in the omission of those latter words, none at all. 
And next, if there be any, it proceeded not from me. That 
which follows, is a mere flourish in the general. For they 

Many evidences there be in this part of the Communion of 
the bodily presence of Christ, very agreeable to the doc 
trine taught by his sectaries y ; which this paper cannot 
contain. They teach us, that Christ is received in the 

r Sacrament corporaliter, both objective and subjective. 
Corpus Christi est objectum, quod recipitur; at corpus 
nostrum est subjectum, quo recipitur. 

( Many weak collections and inferences are made by these 
men out of this part of the Communion of the bodily presence 
of Christ ; but not one evidence is, or can be showed.) As 
for sectaries/ I have none, nor none can have in this point. 
For no men can be sectaries/ or followers of me in that, 
which I never held or maintained. And tis well known, 
I have maintained the contrary z , and perhaps as strongly as 
any my opposites, and upon grounds more agreeable to the 
doctrine of the primitive Church. \ Among these sectaries/ 
which they will needs call mine, they say there are, which 
teach them, that Christ is received in the sacrament corpo 
raliter, both objective and subjective. For this opinion, be 
it whose it will, I for my part do utterly condemn it, as 
grossly superstitious. ] And for the person that affirms it, 
they should have done well to name him, and the place where 
he delivers this opinion. Had this been done, it had been 
fair; and I would then have clearly acknowledged what 

y Secretaries, Rush. puncto 4, p. 292, &c. [Edit. 1639; p. 

1 Conference with Fisher, 35. 327. Edit. Oxford, 1849.] 


relation (if any) the person had to me ; and more fully have 
spoken to the opinion itself, when I might have seen the full 
scope together, of all that he delivered. But I doubt there 
is some ill cause or other, why this author is not named by 
them. Yet the charge goes on, 

4. The Book of England abolishes all that may import the 
oblation of an & unbloody sacrifice; but here we have, 
besides the preparatory oblation of the elements, which is 
neither to be found in the Book of England now, nor in 
King Edward s Book of old, the oblation of the body and 
the blood of Christ, which Bellarmin calls, Sacrificium 
laudis, quia Deus per illud magnopere laudatur b . This 
also agrees [well c ] with their late doctrine. 

First, I think no man doubts, but that there is, and ought 
to be offered up to God at the consecration and reception of 
this Sacrament,, sacrificium laudis, the sacrifice of praise: 
and that this ought to be expressed in the Liturgy, for the 
instruction of the people. And these words, f We entirely 
desire Thy fatherly goodness, mercifully to accept this our 
sacrifice of praise, and thanksgiving, &c/ are both in the 
Book of England, and in that which was prepared for Scot 
land. } And if Bellarmin do call the oblation of the body 
and the blood of Christ, a sacrificium of praise, sure he doth 
well in it ; (for so it is) if Bellarmin mean no more, by the 
oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ, than a com 
memoration and a representation of that great sacrifice 
offered up by Christ himself; as Bishop Jewel very learnedly 
and fully acknowledges d . But if (40) Bellarmin go further 
than this, and by the oblation of the body and the blood of 
Christ/ mean, that the priest offers up that, which Christ 

* any Hush, and Pryn. and reporteth unto our minds that 

b [Bell, de Missa, lib. ii. cap. xxi. One and Everlasting Sacrifice that 

Deinde falsa. Op., torn. iii. p. 237. E. Christ made in His Body upon the 

See the whole passage above, p. 343, Cross 

note ".] " This remembrance and oblation of 

c well Rush, and Pryn. praises, and rendering of irhanks unto 

d [" The ministration of the Holy God for our redemption in the Blood 

Communion is sometimes of the of Christ, is called of the old Fathers 

ancient Fathers called an unbloody an unbloody Sacrifice, and of S. Au- 

sacrifice, not in respect of any cor- gustine, the Sacrifice of the new 

poral or fleshly presence, that is Test." Jewell,] Respons. ad Harding, 

imagined to be there without blood- Art. 17. divis. 14. [p. 428. Lond. 

shedding, but for that it representeth 16C9.] 


himself did, and not a commemoration of it only 6 ; he is 
erroneous in that, and can never make it good. But what 
Bellarmiri s opinion and meaning is, when he calls it sacri- 
ficium laudis, a sacrifice of praise, I cannot tell, till they be 
pleased to quote the place, that I may see and consider of it. 
In the meantime there is as little said in the Liturgy for 
Scotland, which may import an oblation of an unbloody 
sacrifice, as is in the Book of England. ( As for c the oblation 
of the elements f , that s fit and proper ; and I am sorry, for 
my part, that it is not in the Book of England.) But they 
say further : 

We are ready (when it shall be judged convenient, and we 
shall be desired] to discover much more of matters in 
this kind, as grounds laid for Missa Sicca, or the Half 
Mass ; for private Mass without the people ; of commu 
nicating in one kind ; of the consumption by the priest, 
and the consummation of the sacrifice ; of receiving the 
sacrament in the mouth, and not in the hand, fyc. 

Here s a conclusion of this charge against me concerning 
the Service-book. And these charitable men, which have 
sought no less than my life, now say, they are ready, when 
it shall be convenient, and that they shall be desired, to 
deliver much more in this kind/ Sure the time can never 
be more convenient for them than now, when anything they 
will say shall be believed, even against apparent evidence, 
or most full proof to the contrary. And I do desire them, 
that notwithstanding this is hora vestra, et potestas tenebra- 
rum, their most convenient time; that they will discover 
anything which they have more to say. But the truth is, 
here s nothing in this threatened heap, but cunning and 
malice. For they would seem to reckon up many things ; 
but divers of them are little different, as missa sicca, and 
1 communicating in one kind. And neither these, nor any 
of the rest, offered with any proof; nor indeed are they able 
to prove, that any grounds are laid for any one of them, in 

e "Differentia est in modo ; illic 25. [p. 79. Lugd. Bat. 1642.] 

enim Christus vere occisus est : hie In the Prayer of Consecration in 

mortis fit representatio." Hugo Grot, the Liturgy for Scotland, 
in Consult. Cassandri. ad Art. 10. p. 


that Service-book. And for my own part, I have expressed 12i 
myself as fully against these particulars, as any Protestant 
that hath written. Yet they say 

Our supplications were many against these books : but Can 
terbury procured them to be answered with horrible % 
proclamations. We were constrained to use the remedy 
of protestation : but for our protest ations, and other lawful 
means } which were used for our deliverance, Canterbury 
procured us to be declared rebels and traitors to all the 
parish-kirks of England, where 1 * we were seeking to possess 
our religion in peace, against those devices and novations ; 
Canterbury kindles i war against us. In all these it is 
known that he was, although not the sole, yet the principal 
agent and adviser. 

Their supplications against these books of the Canons and 
the Service, were many indeed ; but how well qualified, (the 
matter duly considered,) I leave to them, who shall take the 
pains to look into them. And howsoever, most untrue it is, 
that I caused them to be answered with horrible proclama 
tions/ Nor were they constrained by anything that I know, 
but their own wilfulness, to use the churlish 1 remedy of 
protestation against their Sovereign s lawful power in law 
ful things. They add, that for their protestations, and other 
lawful means, which they used for their deliverance, Canter 
bury procured them to be proclaimed rebels/ Now truly 
I know no other lawful means that they used, but taking up 
of arms professedly against the King : and I, for my part, do 
not conceive that lawful for subjects to do, in any cause of 
religion or otherwise ; and this, I am sure, was the ancient 
Christian doctrine. 

And yet when they had taken up arms, I did not procure 
them to be declared rebels and traitors/ The proclamation 
for that went out by common advice of the Lds. of the 
Council; and their carriage at that time deserved it plenti 
fully, let them paint over that action how they can. And let 

1 [ churlish in margin.] 

if terrible Rush, and Prj-n. * kindled Rushw. and Pryn. 

h when Rushw. and Prvn. 


the world and future ages judge, whether to take arms against 
their Sovereign (41) were a Christian and an orderly seek 
ing to possess their religion in peace/ especially ! being 
against no worse devices, or no greater ( novations, than 
they have quarrelled at, in these books/ Yet for all this, 
I shall after k make it appear, that I kindled no war against 
them/ but kept it off from them, as much and as long as 
I could. And as themselves confess, I was not the sole/ so 
neither they, nor any man else, shall ever be able to prove 
I was the principal agent or adviser of that war. Yea, but 

When by the Pacification at Barwick, both kingdoms looked 
for peace and quietness, he spared not openly in the hear 
ing of many, often before the King, and privately at the 
Council-table, and the Privy Junto, to speak of us as of 
rebels and traitors ; and to speak against the Pacification, 
as dishonourable, and meet to be broken. Neither did his 
malignancy and bitterness ever suffer him to rest, till a 
new war was entered upon, and all things prepared for 
our destruction. 

126 This article about the breach of the Pacification, the 
Parliament of England have thought fit to make a part of 
their charge against me; and therefore I shall put off* the 
main of my answer till I come to these articles. In the 
meantime thus much in brief I shall say to some circum 
stantial things in this charge. : And first, I do not think, that 
anything can be said to be privately spoken at the Council- 
table/ that is openly delivered there, in the hearing of his 
Majesty and all the Lords present; and so was all which 
I spake there. Secondly, they say, I did ( openly and often 
speak of them (the Scots) as of rebels and traitors/ That 
indeed is true ; I did so : and I spake as I then thought, and 
as I think still. For it was as desperate a plotted treason, as 
ever was in any nation. And if they did not think so them 
selves, what needed their Act of Oblivion in Scotland? or 
the like in England, to secure their abettors here ? Thirdly, 
for the ( Pacification at Barwick/ whatever I said touching 

1 [ especially ID margin.] 
k Page 70 [of orig. MS. See below, p. 425.] 


the dishonour of it (as shall after appear l ), yet no man can 
truly charge me that I said it was meet to be broken/ 
Fourthly, I had no malignity answerable to their bitterness 
against the Church of England ; nor did the entering upon 
a new war proceed from my counsels ; nor did I give further 
way to it than all the Lords of the Junto did. Lastly, it is 
manifest here, how truly the King was dealt with on all 
hands. For here ye see they take on them to know, not only 
what was done at the Council-table/ but what was said also 
at the private Junto: when in all that time his Majesty 
could get no information of anything that proceeded in Scot 
land. But they proceed yet further against me. 

By him was it, that our Covenant ra , approven by National 
Assemblies, subscribed by his Majesty s Commissioner, 
and by the Lords of his Majesty s Council, and by them 
commanded to be subscribed by all the subjects of the 
kingdom, as a testimony of our duty to God and the King : 
by him was it still called, ungodly damnable, treason 
able : by him were oaths invented, and pressed upon divers 
of our poor countrymen, upon the pain of imprisonment, 
and many \pther n ] miseries, which were unwarranted by 
law, and contrary to their national oath. 

This Covenant indeed, as it was made at first, without at 
least, if not against, the King, I did utterly dislike. And if 
I did say, it was ungodly, damnable, and treasonable/ I said 
no more than it deserved. Nor was it anything the better, 
but much the worse, if (as it was so made at first) it were 
approved by National Assemblies : for that was but the greater 
sign, that the rebellious faction grew stronger. But I never 
found fault with their Covenant, after they were pleased to 
take in the King, and by his authority, signified by the sub 
scription of his Commissioner / to do what was fit to be 
done. Nor was there any oath invented or pressed by me 
upon their countrymen, unwarrantable by law ; for I neither 

1 Page 72 [of orig. MS. See below, What is meant by taking the King 

p. 429.] into the Covenant, and his Commis- 

m [See a copy of the Covenant in sioner subscribing it, see the King s 

Rush worth s Collections, vol. ii. pp. " Large Declaration," p. 1 34, &c. W.S. 

734 seq.] A. C. [See Rushworth s Collections, 

n Rushw. vol. ii. pp. 780, 781.] 


invented nor pressed any: but whatsoever was done in this 
kind, was done by public authority at the Council-table P. 
And if any oath tendered to them there (42) were contrary 
to their national oath/ I doubt it will easily be found, that 
127 their national oath (if such it be) was contrary to their due 
and natural allegiance. But what s next ? Why, this : 

When our Commissioners did appear to render the reasons 
of our demands, he spared not, in the presence of the King 
and the Committee, to rail against our National Assembly, 
as not daring to appear before the world and Kirks abroad, 
where himself and his actions ivere able to endure trial ; 
and against our just and necessary defence, as the most 
malicious and treasonable contempt of monarchical govern 
ment that any by-gone age had heard of. His hand also 
was at the warrant of restraint and imprisonment of our 
Commissioners, sent from the Parliament, warranted by 
the King, and seeking the peace of the kingdom. 

. There are divers things in this part of the charge. And 
the first is, that I railed at their National Assembly, in the 
presence of the King and the Committee/ But that, under 
favour, is not so. Nor is it my fashion to rail at anybody, 
much less in such a presence. I was then openly taxed, and 
by name, by the L. Lowdon, one of the Commissioners ; and 
that which I said in answer to him was in my own defence : 
and it was to this effect : that whatsoever their Assembly 
had concluded, did not much move me. For I did assure 
myself nothing they could say or do could sink my credit in 
Christendom ; going upon grounds which would everywhere 
abide trial : and I somewhat doubted, whether the acts of 
their Assembly would do so ; since even at home not the 
bishops only, but the learned divines of Aberdeen, opposed 
divers of them. This was not ( railing against their Assem 
bly. And if it shall be thought too much to be spoken by 
(though for) myself; I humbly desire the Christian reader to 
remember, that even S. Paul was forced to commend himself, 
when false brethren accused him q , 2 Cor. xii. 

p [See Kushworth s Collections, vol. f i 2 Cor. xii. 11. 

ii. pp. 923, 924.] 


Next, they say, f I spake against their just and necessary 
defence/ Truly not I : that which I spake was against their 
defence, as being neither just nor necessary/ And if 
I then said (speaking of things as they stood then) that they 
were treasonable contempts of monarchical government; 
then, being such, their defence of them could neither be 
just nor necessary/ And truly, as they stood then, I held 
them very desperate, against the honour and just power of 
the King. I say, as they stood then. For since his Majesty 
hath referred them to honourable Commissioners of both 
nations, and out of his clemency and goodness hath admitted 
all, or most of them, (which I believe few kings would have 
done,) I have spoken nothing of them, but in prayer, that 
God will graciously be pleased to turn all these things to the 
good and peace of both kingdoms ; which must be little less 
than a miracle, if He do. 

As for my hand, that ( it was at the warrant of restraint of 
the Commissioners, sent from the Parliament/ &c. ; this also 
is but a mere clamour, to bring me into further hatred, which 
hath been their aim all along. For why else is my hand 
picked out alone, whereas, the hands of all (for aught I know) 
that were then present at the Committee, were subscribed to 
that warrant 1 "? And yet it seems no hand hath troubled 12 
them but mine. And for these Commissioners seeking the 
peace of the kingdom/ I will not offer to enter upon their 
thoughts, what they sought, but leave it to future times, that 
will discover the success of things, and by it open the aim of 
the agents, how they sought the peace of these kingdoms/ 
But yet they go on : - 

For when we had (say they) by our declarations, remon 
strances, and representations, manifested the truth of our 
intentions and lawfulness of our actions to all the good 
subjects of the kingdom of England ; when the late Parlia 
ment would* not be moved to assist, or enter into a war 
against us, maintaining our religion and our liberties ; 

1 [ being such, . . . be, on opposite page. Originally written, then could 
their defence be neither just ] 

r [See the warrant for the committal and others, Rush worth s Collections, 
of Lord Lowdon, April 11, 1640, signed vol. iii. pp. 1103, 1104.] 
by Laud, the Marquess of Hamilton s could Rushw. and Pryn. 


Canterbury (43) did not only advise the breaking up of 
that high and honourable Court, to the great grief and 
hazard of the kingdom ; but (which is without example] 
did sit still in the Convocation, and make Canons and Con 
stitutions against us, and our just and necessary defence. 
They did indeed offer by many pamphlets, printed and sent 
into England, to manifest the truth of their intentions/ 
which was to join close with their party here, and come and 
gain some good booty in England : and this end they have 
obtained. But the lawfulness of their actions they neither 
have nor can make good, to any impartial and judicious 
reader of them. And whereas they say, they have made the 
lawfulness of them manifest to all the good subjects of the 
kingdom of England/ you must know, that they are only such 
English as join with them in their plot, or at least in affec 
tion i to religion : and tis easy to make anything that fits 
their humour, and comes from their associates, manifest 
enough. But God forbid these should be all the good 
subjects of England/ which (may too justly be feared) are 
none 1 of them. And yet it cannot be denied, but that England 
hath, at this day, much too many of these good subjects/ 

They add further, that the late Parliament would not 
assist, nor enter into a war against them/ I believe that is 
true ; and I leave the Parliament to give their own reasons, 
why they would not. But I am sure that which follows is 
most untrue, f that I gave advice for the breaking of it up/ 
as appears by that which I have formerly u set down, and will 
not repeat. And I shall ever wish from my heart, that the 
kingdom may never be hazarded more than it hath been 
by my counsels ; and then, by God s blessing, it shall be a 
happier kingdom, than the youngest now alive are like to see 
it, if things go on in the track they now are. 

Next they say, that without all example I sat still in 

Convocation/ though the Parliament were risen. Without 

example/ What is that to them, if it were so ? But the 

Archbishops of Canterbury have sat in Convocation, and 

1 [ justly . . . none originally written, justly doubted to be none ] 

* in their disaffection. [H. W. u Page 7 of orig. MS. [See above, 
Abp. Bancroft suggests reading dis- p. 284.] 
affection, or their religion. ] 


made Canons too, when no Parliament hath been sitting, as 
is most manifest by the records of that See x . Yea, but there 
is no example of it since the Reformation. Be it so : nor is 
it, for all that, forbidden in the Statute of the submission of 
the Clergy, 25 H. VIII., so they sit by the King s writ. 
And yet here I was so careful, as that I caused the great 
lawyers of the kingdom to be consulted about it, and followed 
their judgments, as is before expressed y. And for the Canons 
which were made, they were not against them. One branch, 
indeed, of the first Canon is against subjects bearing arms 
against their King, offensive or defensive, under any pretence 
whatsoever/ But this, as it is the ancient doctrine which 
the Church of Christ hath ever taught in all times and places, 
so is it not against them at all, unless they, against Christian 
religion 2 , and natural allegiance, bear arms against their 
King. But if they do, or have done so, the Canon that was 
not made against them hits them full. And in this case, let 
them pretend what they list, their defence can neither be 
1 just nor necessary/ Yea, but they say further, that I 

Ordained under all highest pains, That hereafter the Clergy 
shall preach four times in the year, such doctrine as is 
contrary not only to our proceedings, but to the doctrine a 
of other reformed Kirks, to the judgment of all sound 
divines and politics, and tending to the utter slavery and 
ruin of all states and kingdoms, and to the dishonour of 
kings and monarchs. 

This goes high indeed, if it were as full in proof as tis 
loud in expression. But here is not one show of proof added, 
either from reason or authority, divine or human, more than 
their bare word ; and therefore I must answer it in the same 
key. First, then, tis true, that in the preface (44) of the first 
Canon, every minister is enjoined, under a penalty, ( to publish 
to his people the exposition of regal power contained in that 
Canon ; and this once every quarter of a year. So then, if 
the doctrine contained in that Canon be true, (and it was 

* [It may be sufficient to refer to y Page 9 [of original MS. See above, 

Hody s History of English Councils, p. 285.] 

par. iii. pp. 245 seq., where several 7 - Page 40 [of original MS. See 

instances are quoted from the Registers above, p. 360.] 

of Archbishops Arundel and Chiche- a The place is corrected from Pryn. 

ley.] and Rushw., and proceeding. 



approved for truth by the whole National Synod of England,) 
then all this high charge falls low enough. Besides, it will 
concern them to consider well, what their proceedings have 
heen. For as for this Canon, it is according to the doctrine 
and practice of the primitive Church : and they, surely, were 
both pious and sound divines that lived in it ; and I, for 
my part, shall hold no^man a sound divine that runs con 
trary to it. 

Now, that the primitive Christians were of opinion, that 
subjects ought not to take arms against their kings, offensive 
or defensive, upon any pretence whatsoever/ (which are the 
words in our Canon b , which they are so angry with,) no, not 
for, or under, pretence of religion, see the proofs in the 
margin c . For in the most bitter times of persecution, for 
the very highest points of religion, whatever miseries they 
endured, they still contained themselves within the bounds 

b Can. i. sub Carolo. [A.D. 1640. 
apud Wilkins Concil. torn, iv.] 

c " Plures nimirum, &c. vestra om- 
nia implevimus, urbes, insulas, cas- 
tella, &c. cui bello non idonei, &c. qui 
tarn libenter trucidamur, si non apud 
istam disciplinam occidi magis liceret, 
quam occidere T Tert. Apologet. cap. 
37. [Op., p. 30. B.] And in another 
place, speaking of the rebellions raised 
by Cassius, Niger, and Albinus, he 
notes, that none of their confederates 
were Christians. " Nunquam Albini- 
ani, nee Nigriani, vel Cassiani, inve- 
niri potuerunt Christiani ;" and then 
adds : " Christianus nullius est hostis, 
nedum imperatoris," &c. Tert. ad 
Seapulam, cap. ii. 2. [Op., p. 69. B.] 
Constantius the Arian emperor lay 
heavy upon the orthodox Christians : 
and when it was suggested unto him, 
that Athanasius and other Catholics 
had secretly stirred up Magnentius to 
invade the empire ; the holy Father 
having fully confuted the calumny, 
concludes thus : Kparetrd) f) a\-f)6eia 
Trapa ao\, Kul /u,^ dcpys vir6voia.v Kara 
s roiavra 
T&V X/ncr- 

aiv, Kal juaAtcTTa TGOV e /no" /COTTON. 
S. Athanas. Apolog. ad Constantium. 
Edit. Gr. Lat. p. 681. [Op., torn. i. 
p. 302. Paris. 1698.] The like faithful 
subjects the Christians showed them 
selves to Julian the Apostate, when 
he used them very sourly. And though 
they would not obey him, when he 

commanded them to worship idols, 
yet in other things they did, and 
rebelled not. S. Aug. in Psal. cxxiv. 
[Op., torn. iv. col. 2019. B. C.] Nor 
did they forbear, either for want of 
strength or opportunity: for when 
Julian died, the whole army cried 
out, " We are all Christians." [T6r* 8e 

( loyAiowos) ets rd 

O @ia 8e 

/3acnAei;etz> avdpo&ircav fAXrjvt^eiv irpnai.- 
povfjiivaiv, avrtis &v XpKTTiuvos us ovu 
<p<avri Koivp TTOLVTCOV eyivfTO, 6jj.o\oyovaa. 
Kal avrovs eli/at Xpianavovs, 6ex 6TCU 
rr\v /Sao-tAetaz/ ] Soc. lib. iii. Hist. 
Eccles. cap. 22. [p. 199. Cant. 1720.] 
And so St. Ambrose to Valentinian 
the younger : " Against your forces, 
my weapons are prayers and tears ;" 
"Aliter nee debeo nee possum re- 
sistere," &c. S. Amb. in Orat. Col- 
locat. inter Epistolas xxxii. et xxxiii. 
[Serm. contr. Auxentium, 2. Op., 
torn. ii. col. 864. B.] "Non ego me 
vallabo [leg. vallabor] circumfusione 
populorum," &c. [Epist. xx. 8. ibid. 
col. 854.] (which, as the case stood then 
with him, he was able to do ;) " Roga- 
mus, Auguste, non pugnamus." [Ibid. 
15.] The like for defensive arms : 
" Inde est enim, quod nemo nostrum, 
quando apprehenditur, reluctatur, nee 
adversus injustam violentiam vestram, 
quamvis niraius et copiosus noster sit 
populus, ulciscitur." Cyprian. Epi- 
stola ad Demetrianum. [Op., p. 192. 


of their obedience ; and that too, not out of any want of 
power, but will, to hurt. And if the doctrine of other Re 
formed Churches be contrary to this l , they shall do well to 
show it ; and then I ll give such further answer as is fit. 

But if the Canon be contrary to the judgment of sound 13 
politics; I know not which they call sound 2 / For if you 
mean such as are of their feather, I think their judgments 
are alike sound ; that is, neither. And if they mean learned 
and well experienced politics, I believe they will be able to 
show none of their opinion ; unless they be such as have been 
bred up either in their faction, or in the opposite at Rome. 
For Bodin d is clear, that arms may not be taken up against 
the prince, be he never so impious and wicked ; and instances 
in Saul and Nebuchadnezzar. And Grotius e doth not only 
say as much as Bodin, but censures them which hold the 
contrary, to be men { which serve time and place/ more than 
truth. Nor is it any whit more lawful for inferior magis 
trates to make this resistance against the King, than it is for 
private men. And this is universally true, ( where the 
princes are free, and have not undertaken the government, 
under that or the like condition ; or being free, seek with a 
hostile mind to ruin their people, which is scarce possible V 

1 [ Now, that the primitive Christians (p. 367) . . . contrary to this, on 
opposite page. The passage originally ran, And if the doctrine of the Ee- 
formed Churches be contrary, they ] 

2 [< which . . . sound. Originally written, which of them you call sound. ] 

Oxon. 1683.] " Quum tarn nefanda cap. 5, p. 210 et 212. [Paris. 1586.] 

perpetimur, ne verbo quidem relucta- e " Temporibus et locis minium 

mur ; sed Deo remittimus ultionem." servientes, &c. Nee hoc locum ha- 

Lactant. lib. v. Divin. Instit. cap. 21. bet in privatis tantum, scd nee magis- 

[tom. i. p. 417. Lut. Par. 1748.] tratibus inferioribus hoc licet," &c. 

" Neque tune civitas Christi, quan- Grotius, lib. i. de Jure Belli et Pacis, 

quam . . . haberet tarn magnorum ag- cap. 4, n. 6. [The substance of thepas- 

mina populorum, ad versus impios per- sage only is given ; p. 102. Paris. 1625.] 

secutores . . . pro temporal! salute f Ibid. n. 8 14. [The principal 

pugnavit. Sed potius, ut obtineret passages referred to are the following, 

geternam, non repugnavit." S. Aug. which speak of cases in which resist- 

lib. xxii. de Civitat. Dei, cap. 6. [Op., ance is allowable: "Quiprincipessub 

torn. vii. col. 1055. C.] populo sunt, sive ab initio talem acce- 

d " Nee singulis civibus, nee uni- perunt potestatem, sive postea ita con- 

versis, fas est summi principis vitam, venit, ut Lacedaemone, si peccent in 

famam, aut fortunas in discrimen leges ac rempublicam, non tantum vi 

vocare, etsi omnium scelerum, &c. repelli possunt, sed, si opus sit, puniri 

Poenis acerbissimis .... statuendum morte." Num. 8. p. 112. " Consistere 

est in eos, qui perniciosissimis scriptis simul non possunt voluntus imperandi, 

Bubditos in principes armare consue- et voluntas perdendi. Quare qui se 

verunt." Bodin. lib. ii. de Eepub. hostem populi totius profitetur, is 


And a great civilian tells us, that lie is properly a rebel, that 
resists the emperor or his officers, in things belonging to the 
state of the empire %. Some cases he lays down indeed, in 
which the pleasure of a prince may not be obeyed, but none, 
in which his power is to be resisted 11 / 

Nor is it any marvel, that Christians do disallow the 
taking up of arms against the prince ; since even the soundest 
politics among the Heathen have declared so likewise. 
Aristotle was of this opinion, that if the magistrate strike, 
yet he is not to be struck again 1 / and Seneca; that men 
are to bear the unjust, as well as the just commands of 
princes k / And Tacitus, that good emperors are to be 
desired, but whatever they be, to be borne with l . And 
Plutarch, that it is not lawful to offer any violence to the 
person of the king m / And Cicero, that no fores is to be 
offered either to a man s parent, or to his country 11 / and 
therefore (in his judgment) not to the prince, who is pater 
patrite, the father of his country. And the truth is, wherever 
the contrary opinion is maintained, the prince can never be 
1 safe, nor the government settled. But so soon as a faction 
can get a fit head, and gather sufficient strength, all is torn 
in pieces, and the prince lost for no considerable error, or 
perhaps none at all. For a strong party, once heated, can as 
easily make faults, as find them, either in Church or Com 
monwealth : and make the King say, as Zedekiah sometimes 
did to his potent nobles, Behold, Jeremiah is in your hands ; 

1 [All the remainder of this paragraph, originally written on thin paper 
pasted at the bottom of the page, is now lost.] 

eo ipso abdicat regnum. Sed vix vi- passage can be selected from this 

detur id accidere posse in rege mentis epistle. It begins with the statement, 

compote." Num. 11. p. 113.] "Errare mihi videntur, qui existi- 

s Rebellem proprie et stricte dici, mant philosophise fideliter deditos con- 

qui contra imperatorem, vel ejus offi- tumaces esse ac refractarios."] 

ciales resistit, in pertinentibus ad sta- l " Boni expetendi, qualescunque 

turn imperii, asserit Conradus Lan- tolerandi." Tacitus, lib, iv. Histor. 

celot [de Jure publ. Personarum,] lib. [cap. 8.] 

i. [ 4.] de Preestantia et Potestate, m "Nee fas nee licitum regiscorpori 

Imperat. [sect. 27.] n. 12. [p. 437. manus inferre." [ fls ou Qf^irov oCSe 

Francof. 1608.] vevo^iaiJi^vov jScuriAecos (rafyxari ras xe?- 

h Greg. Turonens. lib. v. Hist. n. 19. pas irpocr^fpeiv.] Plutarch. inVit. Agi- 

[p. 223. Lut. Par. 1699.] dis et Cleomen. [cap. xix. p. 804. Ed. 

1 [Et dpx^v ex w " e7raraej/, ov 5e? Francof.] 

avTiir\-r]yrivai.~] Aristoteles citat. apud n " Nee patri, nee patrise vim offerri 

Grotium, lib. i. de Jure Belli, cap. iv. oportere." [Plato, apud] Cicero, lib. i. 

n. 2. [p. 97.] Epist. Fam. epist. ix. 

k Seneca, Epist. 73. [No particular 



for the king is not he that can do anything against you / 
Jerem. xxxviii. l 

But whereas they say, it is a doctrine that tends to the 
utter slavery and ruin of all states and kingdoms : that will 
appear most untrue hy the very letter of the Canon itself ; 
which gives way to no ( tyranny/ but expresses only the true 
power of a king given by God,, and to be exercised according 
to God s law, and the several laws of kingdoms respectively. 
And, I hope, there will ever be a real difference found in 
Christian kingdoms 2 , between the doctrine that tends to 
slavery and ruin/ and that which forbids taking up of arms 
against their sovereign ; which is all that this Canon doth. 
And in the meantime, I pray God this, not doctrine only, 
but practice also, f of taking up arms against the Lord s 
anointed, under mere pretence of religion, do not, in a shorter 
time, than is feared, bring all to confusion, wherever tis prac 
tised. For howsoever it bears a show of liberty, yet this 
way of maintaining it is not only dishonourable to kings/ 
but the ready way to make them study ways of force, and to 
use power, whenever they get it, to abridge the liberties of 
such over- daring subjects. And in all times it hath sown 
the seeds of civil combustions, which have ended in slavery 
and f ruin of flourishing kingdoms. And I pray God, these 
do not end so in this. But they go on : 

And as if this had not been sufficient, he procures p six sub 
sidies to be lifted of the Clergy, under pain of deprivation 
to all who should refuse. 

The giving of the King subsidies is no new thing. The 
Clergy have been ever willing to the uttermost of their power ; 
but what I and my brethren of the clergy did at this time 
therein is before * set down : and I hold it not fit to lengthen 
this tract with the needless repetition of anything. 

And which is yet more r , and above which malice itself 
cannot ascend ; by his means a prayer is framed, printed, 
and sent through all the parishes of England, to be said 

1 [The whole paragraph from, unless they be (p. 368. lin. 10) ... Jeremiah 
xxxviii. on opposite page.] 2 [ in Christian kingdoms, in margin.] 

3 [ And I ... go on. in margin.] 

Jerem. xxxviii. 5. p. 286.] 

P procured Rushw. and Pryn. r worse. Rushw. and Pryn. 

4 Page 9. [of orig. MS. See above, 


in all churches in time of Divine Service, next after the 
Prayer for the Queen and Royal Progeny, against our 
nation by name, as traitorous subjects, having cast off all 
obedience to our anointed sovereign, and coming in a 
rebellious manner to invade England; that shame may 
cover our faces, as enemies to God and the King. 

We are now come to the last part of their Charge ; and 
that s the prayer, which was made to be sent and used in all 
churches when the Scots came into England 8 . But this 
prayer was made not l by my means, or procurement, but by 
his Majesty s special command to me to see it done. And it 
hath been ever usual in England, upon great and urgent 
occasions, to have one or more prayers made by some bishop 
or bishops, nearest hand, to fit the present business. And 
this may appear by divers forms and prayers so made, and 
publicly used in all times since the Reformation. And since 
this prayer was made by his Majesty s own command, I am 
sorry they should say of it, that malice itself cannot ascend 
above it. Though I persuade myself they thought to hit me, 
not him in this speech. 

(45) Now, what, I pray, is that, above which malice itself 
cannot ascend ? Why, first it is, that they were called in 
that prayer, traitorous subjects, which had cast off all 
obedience to their anointed sovereign. Why, but truth 
spake this, not malice. For traitorous subjects they were 
then, if ever a king had any ; and the King s proclamation 
called them so before that prayer came forth. And what 
title soever it is fit to give them now, since his Majesty hath 
been graciously pleased to treat with them, and pass by their 
offence, that s another thing; but as the case stood then, 
they had shaken off all obedience, and were, as they were 
then called, traitorous subjects. And I had a special charge 
from the King not to spare that name. 

Secondly, they except against this, that tis there said, 
1 that they came in a rebellious manner to invade this king 
dom. And that is most true too ; for whereas they said, 
they came in a peaceable manner to deliver their petitions to 
the King, for the liberty of their religion and laws : is it a 
peaceable way to come two or three and twenty thousand 
s [See above, p. 106.] 

B B 2 


men strong, and armed, to deliver a petition ? Let the whole 
world judge, whether this were not a ( rebellious invasion/ 

Thirdly, they say tis desired in the prayer, that God 
would with shame cover the faces of His, and the King s 
enemies/ Out of doubt, this petition proceeds from devo 
tion, not from malice/ And if the Scots (when they in 
vaded England, upon a treacherous plot, arid conjuncture * 
with the like faction here, that so both might have their 
ends against the King and the Church) were not God s 
enemies, and the King s/ the prayer meddles not with 
them ; if they were (as for my part I must believe, if I judge 
by their actions), they deserve all that can be prayed against 
them, so long as they continue in that disobedience. And 
yet the prayer was not (as tis said) against their nation 
by name : no, God forbid ; their nation hath, I doubt not, 
very many devout servants to God, and loyal subjects to their 
King. But it was against that prevailing faction among 
them/ which in that great rebellious action became enemies 
both to God and the King. Now follows the conclusion l . 

Whosoever will u impartially examine what hath proceeded 
from himself in these two books of Canons and Common 
Prayer ; what doctrine hath been published and printed 
these years past x in England, by his disciples and emissa 
ries ; what gross popery in the most material points we 
have found 2 in the posthume writings of the prelates of 
Edinburgh and Dunblaine, his own creatures, his nearest 1 
familiars, and most willing instruments to advance his 
counsels and projects ; shall perceive that his intentions 
were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks, and 
reformation of religion, which in his Majesty s dominions 
was panting, and had by this time 3 rendered up the 
ghost, if God had not in a wonderful way of mercy 
prevented us * . 

The conclusion is like the rest ; much said in it, and 

1 [After conclusion. originally added, and erased ; in which I shall 
answer truly to such passages (if any such be in it) as are there, and not 
spoken to before. ] 

2 [ and are ready to show here added by H. Wharton, but not in MS.] 

3 [ and had by this time in marg.] 

1 conjunction * by-past Rushw. and Pryn. 

u shall Rusliw. and Pryn. x it. Rushw. 


nothing proved. Where first I desire no favour, but an 
impartial examination of a discreet, pious, and judicious 
reader, of all things done by me in the one book or the 
other. Next, for the doctrine which hath been printed these 
years past/ (though little or none hath been published by 
any disciple or emissary of mine/) I persuade myself the 
intelligent and impartial reader will find it to be as sound 
and orthodox, as any that hath been printed in any so many 
years since the Reformation. And if they, whom I was 
necessarily to trust in that business, have slipped anything, 
they are subject to answer the laws in that behalf. Thirdly, 
what gross Popery they have found in the posthume writings 
of the prelates of Edinburgh (46) and Dunblaine/ I know not. 
This I know ; tis an easy, but a base thing, to abuse the 
dead, who cannot answer for themselves : and they which 
are so over-bold with the living, may easily and justly enough 
be suspected not to hold over-fair quarter with the grave. 

But whereas it is said, that these l worthy men (for such 
they were) were my creatures, my nearest familiars, my 
willing instruments/ and the like : this I do here avow for 
truth ; I was a mere stranger to Dr. Forbys z , late prelate of 
Edinburgh. The first time that ever I saw him, was when 
I attended as a Chaplain in Ordinary upon King James of 
blessed memory, in the year 1617 a . At which time I heard 
him preach very learnedly before his Majesty. After that 
time I never saw him, till I attended his Majesty that now 
is, as Dean of his Chapel, into Scotland, in the year 1633 b . 
In the meantime I had contracted no friendship ; no letters 
had passed between us. Then he preached again very learn 
edly, and his Majesty resolved to make him Bishop of Edin 
burgh ; which was done accordingly ; and to my remembrance, 
he lived not above a year after, or very little more 1 c . And this 
was all the near familiarity that was between him and me. 

With the Bp. of Dunblaine, Dr.Wedderborne, I confess 
I had more, and longer acquaintance ; for he lived some years 

1 [ or very little more. in margin.] 

Forbes. only three mouths after his appoiut- 

[See Diary, above, p. 135.] ment to the Bishopric. (Biog. Brit. 

[See Diary, above, pp. 216. scq.] App. p. 62.)] 
[Bp. Forbes died April 1, 


in England, and was recommended unto me, as a man that 
had very good parts and learning in him. He lived long 
with Mr. Isaac Casaubon d , who was not like to teach him any 
Popery, and who certainly would not have retained him so 
long, or so near nnto him, had he not found him a deserver. 
After I came acquainted with him, I wished him very well 
for his worth sake, and did what I could for him to enable 
him to live e . But sure if my intentions were so deep/ as 
they are after said to be, he could be no fit instrument for 
me ; he being a mere scholar, and a book-man, and as unfit ] 
for, as unacquainted with, such counsels and projects } as 
these men would make me author of. And if my intentions 
were so deep/ out of doubt I had brains enough to make a 
wiser choice of instruments to advance them. 

This for the men. But for the matter, if any posthume 
papers of theirs be other than they ought, their credit must 
answer for them to the world, as their conscience hath already 
done to God. And for my own part, I protest I do not, nor 
ever did, know of any such papers which they had, or left 
behind ; nor do I believe they left any behind them, but such 
as were worthy their learning and integrity. 

But my intentions/ they say, were deep and large against 
all the reformed Kirks/ Surely the deeper/ the worse, if 
they were so ill. But as I cannot be so vain, to assume to 
myself any such depth ; so I humbly thank God for it, I am 
free from all such wickedness. The worst thought I had of 
any reformed Church in Christendom, was to wish it like the 
Church of England ; and so much better, as it should please 
God to make it. And the deepest intention I had con 
cerning all or any of them, was how they might not only be 
wished, but made so : as for f the reformation of religion in 
his Majesty s dominions, which/ they say, was panting, and 
had given up the ghost, if God had not in a wonderful way 
of mercy prevented them : first, this is, under favour, most 
untrue, and a base and most undeserved scandal put upon 

d [He is mentioned by Casaubon in 163f. (Rymer, VIII. ii. 165;) and of 

a letter to Abp. Spotswood, only that Mildenhall, Suffolk, Sept. 12, 1628. 

the name is misspelt Olderburnus. (Ibid. iii. 28.) He was also Preb. of 

See Casaub. Epist. dccccix. p. 542.] Whitchurch, in Wells Cathedral. 

e [Wedderburne was Preb. of Ely (Wood, F. 0. ii. 93.) On his ejection 

in 1626. (Le Neve, Fasti, p. 77;) from the See of Dunblane, he obtained 

Hector of Compton, Hants, Feb. 16, a benefice in England. (Ibid.)] 


his Majesty s government. Secondly, I shall take leave to 
prophesy, that unless after all this tumbling the people can 
be content, that all stand for matters of religion, both doc 
trine and discipline (and that rather with addition to the 
Church s power, than detracting from it), as they then did, 
when these men say the Reformation was panting, and 
giving up the ghost / I much doubt, that neither they l , nor 
their children s children after, shall see such happy days 
agan for all thiings, as these were, which they so unthank- 
fully to God and their King, murmured against, and as these 
men yet snarl at. And for the spirit which prevented 
them in this action, in such a wonderful way of mercy/ if 
ever they awake out of this lethargy (for better it is not) they 
will then see whence he is, and whither he tends. They add 
to this 

(47) That if the Pope himself had been in his place, he could 
not have been more popish ; nor could he more zealously 
have negotiated for Rome against the reformed Kirks, to 
reduce them to the heresies in doctrine, the superstition f 
and idolatry in worship, and the tyranny in government, 
which are in that See, and for which the reformed Kirks 
did separate from it, and came forth of Babel. From him 
certainly hath issued all this deluge, which almost hath 
overturned all. 

What, not the Pope himself ? now surely he could do 
little then. For (as I told you in the very last passage) I 
never intended more to the reformed Churches, than to wish 
them, in doctrine and discipline, like the Church of England. 
35 And I hope, that was neither to negotiate for Rome/ nor 
to reduce them to heresy in doctrine, nor to superstition 
and idolatry in worship/ no, nor to tyranny in government. 
All which are here most wrongfully imputed to me. And 
this comparing of me with the Pope himself/ I could bear 
with more ease, had I not written more against popish super 
stition, than any presbyter in Scotland hath done. And for 
my part I would be contented to lay down my life to-morrow, 
upon condition the Pope and Church of Rome would admit 
1 [ I much doubt, that neither in margin.] 

{ superstitions, Kushw. and 1 ryn. 


and confirm that Service-book, which hath been here so 
eagerly charged against me : for were that done, it would 
give a greater blow to Popery, which is but the corruption of 
the Church of Rome, than any hath yet been given : and that 
they know full well. And whereas they say, that for these 
things the reformed Churches did separate from it, and came 
forth of Babel : that is true, that they did separate; and 
for these things ; but not till, for the maintaining of the 
contrary to these things, they were excommunicated and 
thrust out. Then indeed they separated, but not till they 
were forced by a double necessity ; of truth, from which 
they might not depart; and of that punishment, which 
would not suffer them to enter. And yet the reformed 
Churches/ all and every of them, had need look well to 
themselves : for if they came out of Babel to run down into 
Egypt, they ll get little by the bargain l . Now they end in 
confidence : 

We are therefore confident that your Lps. (this they speak 
to the English Commissioners, who were to deliver this 
their charge against me into the Lords House) will by 
your means deal effectually [with the Parliament^, that 
this great firebrand may be presently removed from his 
Majesty s presence ; and that he may be put to trial, and 
have ]l his deserved censure, according to the laws of the 
kingdom : which shall be good service to God, honour to 
the King and Parliament, terror to the ivicked, and 
comfort to all good men; and to us in special, who, by his 
means principally, have been put to so many and grievous 
afflictions, wherein we had perished, if God had not been 
with us. 

Ad. Blayer, who was Register, or Secretary, 

to the Scotch Commissioners. 
Decemb. 14, 1640. 

They were, and they might well be, confident upon their 
Lordships ; for all, or some chief of that committee, were in 
league with them; and some of them the principal men, 

1 [ And whereas . . . the bargain. on opposite page.] 

8 Dcsunt ista in Kushw. fc < pu t to Kushw. and Pryn. 


which brought the Scots in, to have their ends upon the 
King. And they did deal effectually with the Parliament ; 
for (as appears by the date) this charge was delivered to the ^ 
English Commissioners Decernb. 14. It was read in the 14, 1640. 
Upper House, and transmitted to the House of Commons ; 
and such haste made of it there, that they, though they had 
no articles drawn, yet came up in haste, and accused me to 
the Lords of high treason, desiring my commitment, and 
36 promising the bringing up of their articles and proof against 

me in convenient time. So, upon this accusation only, j) ecem ^ 
I was, upon Decemb. 18, committed to Mr. James Maxwell, 18, 1640. 
the officer of the House, and so removed from his Majesty s 
presence/ which was the great aim against me. For they 
conceived I would speak my conscience, if I came near him ; 
and they could not, with any colour of justice, take me from 
him, but by an accusation of high treason, of which I would 
not for all the world be as guilty as some of them are l which 
accused me. 

This was their desire for my commitment. Their next 
desire was, that I might be brought to trial, and receive my 
censure according to the laws. And this hath been, and yet 
is, my desire as well as theirs. For I long for nothing 
more than a trial; and I can fear no censure (48) that is 
according to law ; and am as free from the breach of any 
law, that can make me guilty of treason, as I was when my 
mother bare me into the world. And when I was thus far 
on upon my answer, I had remained at Mr. Maxwell s and in 
the Tower eleven months (so many it was when I writ this) 2 . 
But before I came to niy hearing I had been thirteen months 
in prison, and neither brought to trial, no, nor so much as 
a particular charge brought up against me, that I might 
prepare for an answer, in so heavy a business. And I am 
somewhat further of my accusers mind, that to bring me to 
a just trial according to law, would be good service to God, 
honour to the King and the Parliament, who cannot but 
suffer in the judgment of moderate men for laying a man of 
my place and calling so long in prison, (a thing without all 

1 [ of them are in marg. Originally, some are that accused me. ] 

2 [He first wrote, at Mr. Maxwell s and in the Tower above eleven mo.* 
To which a note was appended, So many it was when I wrote this; but before 
I came to my hearing, it was thirteen months in prison. ] 


precedent,) and yet charging me with no particular. Kay, 
and I think, in a good sense too, it would be ( a terror to the 
wicked to see an innocent man brought to such a trial. Yea, 
and yet f a comfort to all good men 3 too, when they see that 
an innocent man shall not be let lie and languish to death in 
prison, (which may be my case, for aught I see,) but that in 
some time they may hope for trial; yea, and to them, the 
Scots 1 , in special. For this bold and most true word I ll 
speak : the Scottish nation in general, the city of Edinburgh 
in special, and very many particular men 2 of good worth, 
and some men of honour, besides clergymen of all sorts, 
during the time I had interest in court, have been more 
beholding to me, than to any ten English subjects, of what 
rank and condition soever : and this his Majesty knows, and, 
I dare say, will witness 3 . And for their present afflictions 
which they speak of, the current of this discourse will show 
to the indifferent reader, what a principal means I have been 
of them. In the mean time, I little deserved from them the 
name of this great firebrand; for many of them have 
warmed themselves at me, but yet I never fired any of them. 
Nor can I make any doubt, but that God * will deliver me out 
of the midst of this fire 1 / which He knows I kindled not. 
Howsoever 4 , let them take heed, for as sure as they now 
make themselves in the conjuncture 11 of a great party, in 
which one wave seconds and keeps up another, yet though 
these waves of the sea are mighty, and rage horribly, the 
Lord that dwelleth on high is mightier. And under Him 
I rest, and I hope shall, till their waves be broken against 
some rock or other 5 V 

the Scots, in marg.] 2 [ particular men on opp. page.] 

and this . . . witness. in marg.] 

Nor can . , . Howsoever, on opp. page.] 

And under . . . other. in marg.] 

Ecclus. li. 4. k conjunction. Psal. xciii. 5. 


37 CAP. IV. 

Now follows Adam Blair the second a , with a codicil or 
a corollary to this charge. And this, though it concerns my 
brethren the bishops as much as me, yet because it charges 
upon the calling, and was delivered in with the charge against 
me, though under another date of December 1 5, I shall Decemb. 
express what I think of that too. For I think the Scotch 15 > 1640t 
Commissioners : took another day in, upon advice, that they 
might have a fling at the whole calling. And I cannot but 
think it was upon design among them, when I consider, how 
eagerly the House of Commons hath followed episcopacy 
ever since. This codicil to their last will and testament 
concerning me begins thus : 

We do indeed confess, that the prelates of England have 
been of very different humours, some of them of a more 
hot, and others of them men of a moderate temper ; some 
of them more, and some less inclinable to Popery ; yet 
what known truth and constant experience hath made 
undeniable, we must at this opportunity express b . 

And so must we ; for we as ingenuously confess, that the 
presbyters of Scotland have been of very different humours ; 
some of them of a more hot, and others of them men of a 
moderate temper. And the more moderate for temper, and 
the more able for learning among them, have ever declared 
for the episcopacy of England. But whereas they say, some 
of the bishops of England are more, and some less inclinable 
to Popery/ that may seem to imply, that all of them are more 
or less inclinable to Popery, which I dare say is a loud 
untruth. Perhaps that which some of them call Popery is 

1 [ the Scotch Commissioners in marg. Orig. they ] 

a [Sancroft suggests it should be Blair for the second time.] 
Secretary. It means, probably, Adam b profess. Rushw. and Pryn. 


orthodox Christianity, and not one whit the worse for their 
miscalling it, (49) though they much the worse for dis 
believing it. But now you shall hear what that known 
truth is, which constant experience/ they say, hath made 

That from the first time of the Reformation of the Kirk of 
Scotland, not only after the coming of King James of 
happy memory into England, but before, the prelates of 
England have been by all means incessantly working the 
overthrow of our discipline and government. 

A little change in the words answers this. For from the 
very first of the Reformation of the Church of England, as 
well before, as after, the coming in of King James of happy 
memory, the presbyters of Scotland have been by all means 
incessantly working the overthrow of episcopacy, our disci 
pline and government : as appears most manifestly in Arch 
bishop Bancroft s works 6 . So then, either this is a loud 
untruth, if our prelates did not so practise against them ; or, 1 
if it be truth, our bishops had altogether as much reason (if 
not more, the justice of the cause considered) to work the 
overthrow of their discipline, than they had of episcopacy. 
But they tell us : 

It hath come to pass of late, that the prelates of England 
having prevailed and brought [US ] to subjection in point 
of government, and finding their long-waited-for opportu 
nity, and a rare congruity of many spirits and powers 
ready to cooperate for their ends, have made a strong 
assault upon the whole external worship and doctrine of 
our Kirk. 

Surely for their doctrine, tis too large a field to beat over at 
this time. Yet many doctrines are on foot amongst them, which 
are fitter to be weighed than swallowed, would they permit 
them to be brought to the sanctuary and balanced there. And 
for the whole external worship which they speak of, I have 

c The Scottish Genevating. [See Scottish Genevating for Discipline. 

Bancroft s Dangerous Positions and Pp. 9 33. Lond. 1583.J The Survey 

Proceedings. The heading of book i. of the Discipline, [i. e. A Survay of 

chap. 2. seq. is, Scottish Genevating the pretended Holy Discipline. Lond. 

for Reformation/ and of chap. 6. ,seq. 1593.] 


heard it said they have none at all ; and out of doubt, tis 
very little they have, if any. And therefore, if the prelates 
of England had gotten an opportunity, and a congruity of 
spirits and powers to cooperate/ (which yet is not so,) they 
had been much to blame, if they had not pursued it till they 
had brought both the one and the other to a better condition 
than they stand in at present. And if they had such an 
opportunity, they were much to blame that deserted it ; and 
if they had not, these men are unworthy for asserting it. 
But what end had the prelates of England in this ? Why 

By this their doing they did not aim to make us conform to 
England, but to make Scotland first (whose weakness in 
resisting they had before experienced in novations of 
government, and of some points of worship), and there 
fore d England, conform to Rome, even in those matters 
wherein England had separated from Rome, ever since 
the time of Reformation. 

These men out of doubt have, or take on them to have, 
a great insight into the hearts and souls of the prelates of 
England. They know that we did not aim to make them 
conformable to England, but to make Scotland first, and 
then England, conformable to Rome/ But I know the con 
trary; and will leave the book itself to be judged by the 
learned in all parts of Christendom, (for it is carefully trans 
lated into Latin,) whether it teach or practise conformity 
with Rome or not ; which trial is far beyond their unlearned 
and uncharitable assertion e . And if any other of my brethren 
have had this aim, they should do well to name them. But 
they are so void of charity, that they cannot forbear to say, 
that we aim to make them conformable to Rome, even in 
those things wherein England had separated from Rome, ever 
since the Reformation / which is so monstrous an untruth, 
that I wonder how impudence itself dare utter it, considering 
what the bishops of England have written in defence of their 
Reformation against Rome, and how far beyond anything 
which the presbyters of Scotland have written against it. 

d thereafter Pryn and Rushw. e skill. 


As for the reason which is given, why we began with 
Scotland, namely, (50) ( because we had experience of their 
weakness in resisting novations of government, and of some 
points of worship : I know not what they mean by their 
weakness in resisting/ unless it be, that they did not prevail 
against King James of blessed memory, (for resist they did 
to their power,) when he brought in bishops, (which it seems 
they call novations in government/) and the Articles of 
Perth, which they style novations in some points of worship/ 
And if this be that which they mean, there is no novation 
in the one or the other. And for their e weakness in resisting/ 
you may see what it is. For no sooner have they gotten the 
opportunity/ which they speak of in the beginning of this 
codicil, but they cast out all their bishops ; reversed all the 
Articles of Perth ; all the Acts of Parliament, w^hich confirmed 
both ; brought back all to the rude draught of Knox and 
Buchanan, saving that they made it much worse by admitting 
so many lay-elders with votes in their General Assemblies, 
as may enable the laymen to make themselves what religion 
they please ; a thing which the Church of Christ never knew 
in any part of it. Nor have they stayed here, but made use 
of the same opportunity to cry down the bishops and 
Church- government in England; as you will see by that 
which comes next. 

An evil, therefore, which hath issued, not so much from the 
personal disposition of the prelates themselves, as from the 
innate quality and nature of their office, and prelatical 
hierarchy, which did bring forth the Pope in ancient 
times, and never ceaseth* till it bring* forth Popish doc 
trine and worship, ivhere it is once rooted, and the prin 
ciples thereof fomented, and constantly followed. 

They tell us here, that this conformity with Rome is an 
evil that issues not so much from the personal disposition of 
the prelates themselves, as from the innate quality and nature 
of their office/ Conformity with Rome in any error or 
superstition is doubtless an evil ; but that it issues from the 
nature of a bishop s office/ cannot be. For that office is to 

f ceased Rushw. s brought Ruskw. 


preach Christ, and to govern the Church of Christ, according 
to His laws. If any bishop break this, tis his personal error, 
and most unnatural to his office ; to which if he adhere, he 
can neither teach nor practise superstition. Therefore, 
certainly, what error soever comes, is from his person, not 
his office. And tis great ignorance to call this evil an innate 
quality of the office when the office is a thing of institution, 
riot of nature, and therefore cannot possible have any innate 
quality in it. 

But since they will needs have it thus, let us invert it a 
little, and see how it will fit them against their King, more 
than it can fit the bishops for the Pope. For if we should 
say (as perhaps we may too truly) that the dangerous 
positions which too many of the Presbyterian faction publicly 
maintain, and in print, proceed not so much from the 
personal disposition of the Presbyterians themselves, as from 
the innate quality and nature of their Presbyteries, and their 
antimonarchical party ; I believe it would trouble them to 
shape a good answer to it, unless they will admit of that, 
which I before have given. But then, if they do this, they 
charge themselves with falsehood in that which they lay upon 
the Bps office. 

Next they tell you, that this prelatical hierarchy did bring 
forth the Pope in ancient times. But truly I think they are 
thus far deceived : the hierarchy cannot be said to bring 
forth the chief parts of itself. Now, the Patriarchs (of which 
the Bp. of Rome was one, if not prime in order) were the 
principal parts of the hierarchy; therefore the hierarchy * 
cannot well be said to bring them forth. But suppose it be 
so, that the Pope were brought forth by the bishops ; what 
fault is there in it ? For the Pope was good, both nomine et 
re, in name and in being, as they were at first. For thirty 
of them together were martyrs for Christ 11 ; and the Church 
of Rome was famous for her faith over the world in the very 
Apostles times. Rom. i. 1 And if either the Popes, or that 

* ["Vulgo . . traditur, omnes quot- Vitis Pontif. p. 20. Col. Agr. 1610]. 

quot deinue fuerunt, episcopos Roma- Vide autem Johannem [Pcarsonum, 

nos usque ad Sanctum Sylvestrum Episc.] Cestrens. [de Serie et Succes- 

martyrio vitam, quod (salva sione Primorum Romce Episc.] Dis- 

semper veritate) a veteribus historicis sert. i. [cap.] iv. [] 2. [pp. 18, 19. 

traditum non repcrio."] Onuphr. in Lond. 1687.] W. IS. A. C. 

Platinse Hyginum [apud Platinam de l Rom. i. 8. 


Church, have degenerated since, that is a personal crime, and 
not to be imputed to the office. And therefore these men 
do very ill, or very ignorantly, to affirm, that .this office (of 
episcopacy) (51) never ceases till it bring forth Popish doc 
trine and worship/ For in all the time of these thirty Popes, 
there was no doctrine brought forth that may justly be ac 
counted superstitious, or called Popery/ For the last of 
those thirty died in the year [309]. And they cannot be 
ignorant that Bishop Jewell k , on the behalf of the Church 
of England, challenged the current of the Fathers, for 
full six hundred years, to be for it, against Rome, in very 
many and main points of Popery. And l therefore I may 
well say, there was no Popery in the world, when the thirtieth 
Pope died. Well, if this evil do not arise from the hierarchy/ 
yet it doth 

From the antipathy and inconsistence of the two forms of 
the ecclesiastical government, which they conceived, and 
not without cause, one island, joined 1 also under one head 
and monarch, was not able to bear : the one being [the 
same^ in all the parts and powers which it was in the 
time of Popery, and still is in the Roman Kirk ; the other 
being the form of government received, maintained, and 
practised by all the Reformed Kirks, wherein, by their own 
testimonies and confessions, the Kirk of Scotland had 
amongst them no small eminency. 

Sure these men have forgotten themselves. For they tell 
us immediately before, that this evil of bringing forth Popish 
doctrine and worship proceeds from the very office of a 
bishop ; and now they add, and 2 < from the antipathy of these 
two forms of Church-government/ Doth the bishop s office 
produce Popery ? And doth f the antipathy between the 
Presbytery and Episcopacy produce Popery too ? So then * 

1 [ for full . . . And on opposite page. Originally written, to be for it 
against Rome. Therefore ] 

2 [< now they add, and in marg.] s [ then in raarg.] 

k Jewell s Reply to Dr. Harding, [i.e. at Paul s Cross. Works, pp. 57, 58.] 

The Defence of the Apology, especially united Rushw. and Pryn. 

pp. 614-617. This challenge was point- ra the same is added from Pryn 

edly given in his celebrated Sermon and Rushw. 


belike in these men s judgments, both bishops, and they 
which oppose bishops, produce Popery. And if that be 
true, Popery must needs increase, that is produced on all 

An evil, then, there is, though perhaps not this, which 
issues from that antipathy and inconsistence of these two 
forms of ecclesiastical government, which/ they say, w r e 
prelates of England conceived, and not without cause, one 
island, joined also under one head and monarch, was not able 
to bear: 7 and that evil was, as I conceive, the continual jars 
and oppositions, which would daily arise among his Majesty s 
subjects of both kingdoms, concerning these different forms 
of government ; and these would bring forth such heart 
burnings and divisions among the people, that the King 
might never be secure at home, nor presume upon united 
forces against a foreign enemy. And this is evil enough to 
any monarch of two divided kingdoms, especially lying so 
near in one island. Now, if the bishops of England did 
conceive thus, and, as our adversaries here confess, not 
without cause/ then certainly, by their own confession, the 
prelates of England had reason to use all just endeavours to 
remove and take away this inconsistence/ that the form of 
the ecclesiastical government might be one, ( in one island, 
and under one monarch / that so faction and schism might 
cease, which else, when they get opportunity, find a way to 
rend the peace of kingdoms, if not kingdoms themselves. 
And this island (God of his mercy preserve it !) is at this j a n. 22, 
time in great hazard to undergo the fatality of it in a great 1( 

The next is a manifest untruth. For though there be (as 
is said) an inconsistence between the Governments, which 
makes one island under one king unable to bear both/ in the 
different parts of the island, or, at least, unsafe while it bears 
them ; yet neither is episcopacy in all the parts and powers 
of it, that which it was in time of Popery, and still is in the 
Roman Church/ And this is most manifest to any man, 
that will but look upon what power the prelates had before, 
and what they have since the Statute of the Submission of 
the Clergy, in Hen. VIII. time, beside all those statutes 
which have since been made in divers particulars, to weaken 



their power. Nor is the other form of government received, 
maintained, and practised in all other Reformed Churches ; 
unless these men be so strait-laced, as not to admit the 
Churches of Sweden, and Denmark, and, indeed, all or most 
of the Lutherans, to be Reformed Churches. For in Sweden, 
they retain both the thing and the name ; and the governors 
of their Churches are, and are called, bishops. And among 
the other Lutherans the thing is retained n , though not the 
name. For instead of bishops, they are called superin 
tendents, and instead of archbishops, general superintendents. 
And yet even here, too, these names differ more in sound 
than in sense. For bishop is the same in Greek, that 
superintendent is in Latin. Nor is this change very well 
liked by the learned. Howsoever, Luther, since he would 
change the name, did yet very wisely, that he would leave 
the thing, and make choice of such a name, as was not alto 
gether unknown to the ancient Church. For St. Aug. 1 
mentions it as plainly and as fully as any of these . As for 
the eminency which (they say) their Kirk of Scotland 
had amongst them/ I envy it not ; but God bless it so that 
it may (52) deserve eminence, and have it. And now we are 
come to the close of all, in which their desire is expressed. 

This also we represent to your Lordships most serious con 
sideration : that not only the firebrands may be removed, 
but the fire may be provided against, that there be no 
more combustion? afterwards. 

Decemb. 15, 1640. Ad. Slayer. 

1 [ For in Sweden . . . these. on opposite page.] 2 [ but in marg.] 

n " Compertum habens (Lutherus) Zanchius de Relig. Observat. c. 25. 
rem sine Ecclesiae pernicie abrogari [de Eccl. Milit. Gubernat.] n. 10, 11. 
non posse, quod unura potuit nomen [Op., torn. viii. col. 545.1605.] Jacob, 
sustulit, expunctoque [leg. inductoque Haerbrand,Lutheranus, in Locis Com 
et expuncto] puriore vocabulo Graeco mun. p. 699; saving that he dislikes 
parum Latinum supposuit ; pro epi- not the alteration of the name, 
scopis superintendences, pro archiepi- S. Aug. lib. xix. de Civ. Dei, c. 19. 
scopis generates superintendentes ap- EinaKOTre iv Latine superintendere pos- 
pellans." Tilenus Paraenes. ad Scotos, sumus dicere; quod ille, qui preeficitur, 
c. 6. [p. 21. Lond. 1620.] And he well eis, quibus prseficitur, superintendit, 
knew the state of his neighbour curam eorurn sc. gerens. [Op., torn. vii. 
churches. col. 905. C.D. The two clauses of 

Saravia similiter, Praefat. L. de di- the sentence are here transposed.] 

versis Ministrorum Evangelii Gradi- p * recombustion after this/ Rushw. 

bus. [Sign. A. 2. rect. Lond. 1590.] and Pryn. 


Their request is, that not only the bishops, whom they are 
pleased to call the firebrands/ (which, indeed, themselves 
and their adherents are,) but the office, or Episcopacy itself, 
(which they call the fire/) may be provided against, that 
there may be no combustion after/ This I as heartily wish 
as any man can ; but see as little cause to hope for. For 
what hope can there be against after -combustion/ while 
the fire/ which they themselves have kindled, while they call 
other men incendiaries, burns on still, and is like to fasten 
upon the very 1 foundations, to the eating of them out ? 

Yet I desire here, that the justice and the indifferency of 
these men may be well considered, and that in two things. 
The one, in the cause itself; for Episcopacy is settled by 
law here ; nay, it is many ways woven into the laws and 
customs of this realm. And their great complaint is, that 
their Presbyteries (which they say are established by their 
law) were offered to be suppressed. So they are angry 
their Presbyteries should be touched against their law ; 
but Episcopacy must be destroyed, though it be never so 
much against our law. The other piece of their justice is 
personal to me. For here, at one and the same time, and in 
this one and the same charge, they do by consequences lay 
load on me, as if I had invaded their laws ; while they invade 
ours avowedly, and dare present this their invasion, as well 
as that by arms, in full and open Parliament of England 2 , to 
have their will in the one, and their reward for the other. 

Now, if these two forms of ecclesiastical government, by 
Episcopacy and by Presbyteries, be inconsistent under one 
monarch, (as they themselves here confess,) then I (were 
I at liberty) would humbly beseech the Lords to consider, 
first, whether these men have any show or colour of justice 
in this their demand ? Secondly, whether that form of 
Church-government, which hath come down from the Apostles, 
continued to this day, is established by the laws and usage of 
this kingdom ever since it was Christian, be not fitter for 
them to embrace and settle, than that form which is but of 
yesterday, and hath no acquaintance at all with our laws, nor 
is agreeable with monarchy ? And lastly, when the bishops 

1 [ very in marg.] 

2 [Originally, dare present it in full and open Parliament, ] 



are taken away, and a parity (the mother of confusion) made 
in the Church, and their lands sacrilegiously made a prey 
(which I have long feared is not the least aim of too many), 
whether then the temporal lords shall not follow after ? and 
whether their honour will not then soon appear too great, 
and their means too full, till l a Lex Ayr aria will pass upon 
them, and lay them level with them, whom some of them 1 
favour too much ? And when these things are considered, 
God bless them, whom it most concerns, to lay it to heart 
betimes, if time be not slipped already. 

Here (having answered to all which the Scots have laid in 
against me) I would have the Scotch Service inserted and 
printed. The book lies by me, very exactly translated into 
Latin ; and so I hope this tract shall be 2 . 

1 [ till in marg. Originally and ] 

2 [ Here . . . be. on opposite page.] 


144 CAP. V. 

AND now, having answered (and, I hope, sufficiently) to all 
the particulars in the charge of the Scots against me, I must 
return to the history again, as I left it a ; where I told you 
the House of Commons were very angry with the late Canons, 
and joining this accusation of the Scots to such articles 
as they in their committee had framed against me, upon 
Decemb. 18, 164<0, they accused me of high treason (as is 
before expressed b ), and I was committed to custody to Mr. 
James Maxwell, the officer of the Upper House. 

When they had lodged me here, I was followed with sharp 
ness in both Houses, upon all occasions of any complaint 
made against the proceedings at Council- table, Star-chamber, 
High Commission, or any place or thing in which I had 
aught to do c . Nothing omitted by some cunning agents, which 
might increase the rage and hatred of the people against me. 
The chief instruments herein were the Brownists, and they 
which adhered unto (53) them ; who were highly offended 
with me because I hindered and punished (as by law 1 I might) 
their conventicles and separation from the Church of Eng 
land. And though I pitied them, as God knows, from my 
very heart, yet because necessity of government forced me to 
some punishment, their malignity never gave me over. 

Among, and above the rest, there were three men d , Mr. 
Henry 2 Burton, a minister beneficed in Friday-street, 
London ; Dr. John 3 Bast wick, a physician ; and Mr. William 4 

1 [ as by law originally written as i.nch as by law ] 

2 [ Henry interlined.] 3 [ John interlined.] 
4 [ William interlined. f i he name spelled Prin. ] 

a P. 13 [of original MS. See above, 194, &c. 207, 235, &c. 282, &c. 
p. 297.] d Ste the petitions of these three 

b P. 1 [of original MS. See above, men, presented to the House of Com- 

p. 275.] mons against the Archbishop, apud 

c See Kushw. par. iii. vol. ii. pp. 135, Rush worth, par. iii. vol. i. p. 74, &c. 
152154, 174, 183, 184, 187, 193, 


Pryn, a common lawyer; who 1 were censured Junii 14, 1637, 
in the Star-chamber, for notorious libels printed and pub 
lished by them against the hierarchy of the Church. They 
were then and there sentenced to stand in the pillory, and 
lose their ears; and because they should not stay further 
to infect London, they were sent away by order of that 
Court ; Mr. Burton to Guernsey, Dr. Bastwick to Scilly, and 
Mr. Pryn to Jersey. In the giving of this sentence, I spake 
my conscience, and was after commanded to print my speech 6 . 
But I gave no vote, because they had fallen in many passages 
so personally upon me, that I doubted many men might 
think 2 spleen, and not justice, led me to it. Nor was it my 
counsel that advised their sending into those remote parts. 

The Brownists and the preciser part of the kingdom were 
nettled at this; and the anger turned upon me, though I 
were the patient all along. For they had published most 
venomous libels against me ; arid 1 did but show such as 
came to my hands to the state, and there left them to do 
what they pleased in it. But that for which they were sen 
tenced, was a book written by Mr. Burton, and printed and 
sent by himself to the Lords sitting in Council f ; and a Litany 3 , 
and other scandalous things 4 , scattered and avowed by Dr. 
Bastwick; and things of like nature by Mr. Pryn. And he 
was thought to deserve less favour than the rest, because he 
had been censured before in that great Court for gross abuses 
of the Queen s gracious Majesty and the government, in his 
book intituled { Histriomastix %. 

This censure being past upon these men, though I did no 1 
more than is before mentioned, yet they and that faction 

1 who interlined.] 

2 think originally written might fear things ] 

3 and a Litany/ originally written, and Dr. Bastwick had published a 
Litany, ] 

4 [Originally written, things then in court, ] 

e [This speech will be printed in houses. 1633 (ie. 1632, according 

vol. vi., where an account will be given to the printers rule of beginning 

of the writings and proceedings of the year at Michaelmas. See marg. 

these three persons.] note in Biogr. Brit. Append, p. 145). 

f [It was entitled, A Letter to the Prynne, after remaining in prison 

true-hearted Nobility. ] from Feb. 2, 163f , to Feb. 11, 163f , 

s [The title of the book is, Histrio- was sentenced to a fine of 5,000?., to be 

mastix, the Players Scourge, &c., placed in the pillory, and to be im- 

against the intolerable Mischief and prisoned during life.] 
Abuses of Common Players and Play- 


continued all manner of malice against me ; and I had libel 
upon libel, scattered in the streets and pasted upon posts. 
And upon Friday, Julii 7, 1637, a note was brought to me of 
a short libel, pasted on the cross in Cheapside, that the Arch- 
Wolf of Canterbury had his hand in persecuting the saints, 
and shedding the blood of the martyrs. Now, what kind of 
saints and martyrs these were, may appear by their libellous 
writings, courses with which saints and martyrs were never 
acquainted. And most certain it is, that, howsoever the times 
went then or go now, yet in Queen Elizabeth s time Penry h 
was hanged, and Tidal 1 condemned and died in prison, for less 
than is contained in Mr. Burton s book, as will be evident to 
any man that compares their writings together. And these 
saints would have lost their lives, had they done that against 
any other state Christian, which they did against this. And 
I have yet one of the desperatest libels k by me 1 that hath 
ordinarily been seen, which was sealed up in form of a letter, 
and sent to me by Mr. Pryn, with his name to it 2 ; and but 
that it is exceeding long, and from the present business, 
I would here have inserted it. 

To return, then. The faction of the Brownists, and these 
three saints, with their adherents, (for they were now set at 
liberty by the House of Commons, and brought into London 
in great triumph,) filled the press almost daily with ballads 
and libels, full of all manner of scurrility, and more untruth, 
both against my person and my calling 3 . These were cried 
about London streets, and brought (many of them) to West 
minster, and given into divers lords hands, and into the 
hands of the gentlemen of the House of Commons ; and yet 
no order taken by either House to suppress the printing of 
such known and shameless lies as most of them contained ; 
a thing which many sober men found much fault withal, and 
which, I believe, hath hardly been seen or suffered in any 
civil commonwealth, Christian or other. But when I saw 
the Houses of Parliament so regardless of their own honour, 

1 [ by me in marg.] [ to it interlined.] 

3 [ both . . . calling. in marg.] 

h [See Collier s Eccl, Hist. vol. ii. ness of law, having the author s name 

p. 638.] set to it; but it is called a libel for 

! [Ibid. p. 622.] the scurrilous and foul language of it. 

k It was no libel, indeed, in strict- H. W. 


to suffer these base and barbarous courses against an inno 
cent man, and as then not so much as charged in general, 
I thought fit to arm myself with patience, and endure that 
which I could not help. And by God s blessing I did so, 
though it grieved (54) me much more for my calling, than for 
my person. And this spreading of libellous, base pamphlets 

Jan. 26, continues to this day without control ; and how long it will 
continue to the shame of the nation, I cannot tell. 

While I was thus committed to Mr. Maxwell, I found I was, 
by the course of the House, to pay in fees for my diet and 
custody, twenty nobles a- day. This grew very heavy. For I 
was stayed there full ten weeks, before so much as any general 
charge was brought up by the House of Commons against 

Dec. 21, me, which in that time came to four hundred sixty-six 
pounds, thirteen shillings, and fourpence ; and Mr. Maxwell 
had it all, without any abatement 2 . In the meantime, on 
Monday, Decemb. 21, upon a petition of Sir Robert Howard, 14< 
I was condemned to pay five hundred pounds unto him for 
false imprisonment. And the Lords 3 order was so strict l , 
that I was commanded to pay him the money presently, or 
give security to pay it in a very short time m . I paid it, to 
satisfy the command of the House ; but was not therein so 
well advised as I might have been, being committed for 

Now, the cause of Sir Robert Howard 11 was this. He fell 
in league with the Lady Viscountess Purbeck . The Lord 
Viscount Purbeck 4p , being in some weakness and distemper, 

1 [ as then originally written as yet ] 

2 [ which in that . . . abatement. on opposite page.] 
:$ [ the Lords order originally written the order ] 

4 [ The Lord Viscount Purbeck originally written This Lord ] 

1 [It is thus entered in the Lords delivered up unto him the said Sir 

Journals : Robert Howard."] 

"Dec. 21, 1640 . . . Ordered, that m [They were required to give secu- 

the said Sir Robert Howard shall rity to pay it on New Year s day. See 

forthwith receive and be paid the full Lords Order of Dec. 22.] 

sum of one thousand pounds by way n [Fifth son of Thomas, first Earl 

of damages ; viz. five hundred pounds of Suffolk.] 

from the Lord Archbishop of Cant., [Prances, daughter of Sir Edw. 

two hundred and fifty pounds from Coke, and Lady llatton, and wife of 

Sir Henry Marten, and two hundred Vise. Purbeck.] 

and fifty pounds from Sir John Lambe; v [John Villiers, the eldest brother 
and that the several bonds of three of the whole blood to the Duke of 
thousand five hundred pounds shall Buckingham, created Viscount Pur- 
be likewise forthwith cancelled and beck June 19, 1619,] 


the lady used him at her pleasure, and betook herself in a 
manner wholly to Sir Robert Howard, and had a son by 
him. She was delivered of this child in a clandestine way, 
under the name of Mistress Wright. These things came to 
be known, and she was brought into the High Commission ; 
and there, after a legal proceeding 1 , was found guilty of 
adultery, and sentenced to do penance; many 2 of the great 
lords of the kingdom being present in court, and agreeing in 
the sentenced Upon this sentence, she withdrew herself, to 
avoid the penance. This sentence passed at London-House, 
in Bishop Mountain s time, Novemb. 19, an. Dom. 16.27*. 
I was then present, as Bishop of Bath and Wells 4 . After 
this, when the storm w r as somewhat over, Sir Robert Howard 
conveyed her to his house at .... in Shropshire, where she 
lived avowedly with him some years, and had by him . . . 
children. At last they grew to that open boldness, that he 
brought her up to London, and lodged her in Westminster. 

1 [Originally added in opposite page, before many of the great lords of the 
kingdom, as well as the ordinary Commissioners. ] 

2 [ many originally written most ] 

3 [ Novemb. . . . 1627. added in marg.] 

4 [ of Bath and Wells. in marg. Originally written, of London. ] 

i There were present, and concur- Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells [Wil- 

ring in the sentence, Sir Tho. Co- liam Laud], Sir Jo. Coke, Secretary 

ventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal [see his character in Clarendon s Hist. 

[created Baron Coventry of Ayles- of Rebel 1. vol. i. p. 113], Sir Hen. 

borough April 10, 1628], Hen. Earl of Marten [Dean of the Arches Court], 

Manchester, Lord President of the Jo. Bonn, Dean of St. Paul s [he died 

Council [Henry Montagu], W. Earl March 31, 1631; see his Life, by 

of Pembroke, Lord Steward [Abp. Walton], Walt. Balcanquall, Dean of 

Laud s predecessor as Chancellor of Rochester [also Master of the Savoy ; 

Oxford], Philip Earl of Montgomery, he was afterwards Dean of Durham. 

Lord Chamberlain [successor to his He suffered much in the Rebellion, and 

brother William in the title of Earl died 1645], Tho. Worrall, Doctor of Di- 

of Pembroke and to Laud in the vinity[D.D. of Brazenose Coll. Oxford, 

Chancellorship of Oxford], Edw. Earl Rector of St. Botolph s, Bishopsgate, 

of Dorset [Edward Sackville ; see afterwards Preb. of St. Paul s], Edm. 

above, p. 151], Oliver Lord Viscount Pope [D.C.L. of All Souls, Chancellor 

Grandison [Sir Oliver St. John, con- to the Bp. of Rochester, and Surrogate 

nected by marriage with Sir Edw. Vil- to the Judge of the Prerogative Court 

liers, an elder brother of Lord Pur- (Wood, F. 0. i. 282)], and Hugh 

beck (Collins s Peerage, vol. iii. pp. Barker [D.C.L. of New Coll. ; accord- 

769, 786)], George Lord Bishop of ing to Wood (F. 0. i. 307), Dean of the 

London [George Montaigne, after- Arches ; but he is not in the list given 

wards Bishop of Durham], Rich. Lord by Newcourt (Report, vol. i. p. 445)], 

Bishop of Duresme [Rich. Neile, after- Doctors of Law, and Sir Charles 

wards Abp. of York], Sam. Lord Caesar [Judge of the Audience, and 

Bishop of Norwich [Sam. Harsnett, Master of the Faculties], who only 

afterwards Abp. of York], Jo. Lord desired to be spared, and so gave no 

Bishop of Rochester [John Bucke- sentence, 
ridge, afterwards Bp. of Ely], William 


This was so near the Court, and in so open view, that the 
King and the Lords took notice of it, as a thing full of im 
pudence, that they should so publicly adventure to outface 
the justice of the realm in so foul a business 1 . And one day, 
as I came of course to wait on his Majesty, he took me aside, 
and told me of it, being then Archbishop of Canterbury, and 
added that it was a great reproach to the Church and nation, 
and that I neglected my duty in case I did not take order for it. 
I made answer, she was the wife of a peer of the realm, and 
that without his leave I could not attach her ; but that now 
I knew his Majesty s pleasure, I would do my best to have 
her taken, and brought to penance, according to the sentence 
against her. The next day I had the good hap to apprehend 
both her and Sir Robert ; and, by order of the High Com 
mission Court, imprisoned her in the Gate-house, and him in 
the Fleet. 

This was, as far as I remember, upon a Wednesday ; and 
the Sunday sevennight after, was thought upon to bring her 
to penance. She was much troubled at it, and so was he ; 
and therefore, in the middle of the week following, Sir 
Robert dealt with some of his friends, and, among the rest, 
with one Sir .... of Hampshire, who with money cor 
rupted the turnkey of the prison, (so they call him 2 ,) and 
conveyed the lady forth, and after that into France in man s 
apparel (as that knight himself hath since made his boast). 14 
This was told me the morning after the escape; and you 
must think the good fellowship of the town was glad of it. 
In the meantime I could not but know, though not perhaps 
prove as then, that Sir Robert Howard laboured and contrived 
this conveyance; and thereupon, in the next sitting of the 
High Commission, ordered him to be close prisoner T till he 
brought the lady forth. So he continued close prisoner about 
some two or three months. For this the fine 3 above men 
tioned was imposed upon me, as being a most unjust and 

1 [ as a thing . . . business. on opposite page.] 

2 [ (so they call him,) originally written, (as they call him,) ] 

3 [ fine originally written punishment ] 

r Close prisoner from the High to suffer him to go out of the prison. 
Commission Court, was not to shut W. C. 
him up in his chamber, but only not 


illegal imprisonment. Whereas the Parliament (to the great 
honour of their justice be it spoken) have kept me in prison 
now full thirteen months and upward, and have not so much Jan. 28, 
as brought up a particular charge (55) against me ; and how 
much longer they will keep me, God knows. Now, say that 
all forms of law were not observed by me ; yet somewhat 
was to be indulged, in regard I did it to vindicate such a 
crying impiety. But yet, I do here solemnly protest, I ob 
served the order of the court in which I sat, and that court 
settled by an Act of Parliament, 1 Eliz. 8 And I did not 
knowingly err in any particular. More I could say in these 
my sufferings ; but I will blast no family of honour for one 
man s fault. 

On Thursday, Januar. 21, 164J, a Parliament-man, of good Jan. 21, 
note in the House of Commons, and well interested in divers 
lords, gave me to understand, that some lords were very 
well pleased with my patient and moderate carriage since 
my commitment ; and that four earls, of great power in the 
House, should say, that the Lords were not now so sharp 
against me as they were at first ; and that now they were 
resolved, only to sequester me from the King s counsels, and 
to put me from my archbishopric. I was glad to hear of 
any favour, considering the times ; but considering my inno- 
cency, I could not hold this for favour. And I could not 
but observe to myself, what justice I was to expect ; since 
here was a resolution taken among the leading men of the 
House, what censure should be laid upon me, before any 
charge, so much as in general, was brought up against me. 

s [1 Eliz. cap. i, sec. x viii.] 



Feb. 26, UPON Friday, Feb. 26, 1 had been full ten weeks in restraint, 
at Mr. Maxwell s house ; and this day, being St. Augustine s 
day, my charge in general Articles was brought up from the 
House of Commons to the Lords, by Sir Hen. Vane the 
younger a . It consisted of fourteen Articles. These generals 
they craved time to prove in particular, and that I in the 
meantime might be kept safe. Upon this I was presently 
sent for to the House, and the Articles were read to me at 
the bar. When the Clerk of the Parliament had done 
reading, I humbly craved leave of the Lords to speak a few 
words ; which were to this effect : 

" My Lords, This is a great and a heavy charge, and I 
must be unworthy to live, if it can be made good against me ; 
for it makes me against God, in point of religion ; against 
the King, in point of allegiance ; and against the public, in 
point of safety, under the justice and protection of law. And 
though the King be little, if at all, mentioned, yet I am bold 
to name him, because I have ever been of opinion, that the 
King and his people are so joined together in one civil and 
politic body, as that it is not possible for any man to 
be true to the King, as King, that shall be found treacherous 
to the State established by law, and work to the subversion 
of the people ; though perhaps every one, that is so, is not 
able to see through all the consequences, by which one 
depends upon the other l . 

" So my charge, my Lords-, is exceeding heavy in itself; 
though I as yet do not altogether feel the weight of it. For 
tis yet, as your Lordships see, but in generals ; and generals 
make a great noise, but no proof; whereas, tis proof upon 
particulars that makes the weight of a charge sit close upon 
1 [ Though perhaps . . . other. on opposite page.] 

a Rush worth saith, they were carried 25, 28, who also exhibits, pp. 23, 24, 

up by Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, and the preliminary votes and orders of 

Mr. Maynard, and inserteth Pym s the Commons, made Febr. 22, 23, 24, 

speech, made at the presenting of 26, for the framing and carrying up 

them to the Lords, par. iii. vol. i. pp. the Articles to the Lords. H. W. 
395, 199, &c. So also Pryn, pp. 24, 


any man. Now, my Lords, tis an old and a true rule, 
Errare contingit descendendo ; Error doth most often happen, 
and best appear, when men descend to particulars; and with 
them, when I shall be charged, I hope my innocence will 
furnish me with a sufficient answer to any error of mine 
that shall be thought criminal, or any way worthy the 
cognizance of this high and honourable court. As for human 
frailties, as I cannot acquit myself of them, so I presume 
your Lordships will be favourable judges of them ; since in 
the transaction of so many businesses as passed my hands, 
men, far abler than ever I can be, have been subject to them, 
and perhaps to as many and as great. But for corruption, 
in the least degree, (I humbly praise God for it,) I fear no 
accuser, that will speak truth. 

" But, my Lords, that which goes nearest unto me among 
these Articles is, that I should be thought foul and false in 
the profession of (56) my religion; as if I should profess with 
the Church of England, and have my heart at Rome, and 
L49 labour by all cunning ways to bring Romish superstition in 
upon the kingdom. This, my Lords, I confess, troubles me 
exceedingly ; and if I should forget myself, and fall into 
passion upon it, I should but be in that case which St. Jerome 
confessed he was in, when he knew not how to be patient, 
when falsehood in religion was charged upon him b . And yet 
that was nothing so high a charge as this which is laid against 
me ; which is not only to be basely false myself, but withal to 
labour to spread the same falsehood over the whole kingdom." 
And here I humbly besought their Lordships, that I might 
a little enlarge myself, and I did so. But because I purpose 
here to set down the general Articles, that were brought up 
against me, and that one of them comes home to this point 
of religion, I shall put it off till I come to that Article c , and 
there set it down at large, what I now said. And this I do 
to avoid an useless and a tedious repetition. Here then 
follow the Articles themselves, as they were that day charged 
upon me, with my general answer to each of them. And more 
I cannot give, till particulars shall be put up against me. 

b [" Nolo in suspicione haereseos taceat." S. Hieron. ad Pammach.-$ 2. 

quenquam esse patientem, ric apud Op., torn. ii. col. 409. C. Venet. 1767.] 

eos, qui ignorant innoccntiam ejus, < Tis Article 10. p. 63 [of orig. MS. 

dissimulatio conscientiae judicetur, si See below, p. 411.] 




1. That he hath traitorously endeavoured to subvert the 
fundamental laws and government of the kingdom c , and 
instead thereof to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical 
government against law ; and to that end hath wickedly 
and traitorously advised his Majesty, that he might at 
his own will and pleasure levy and take money of his 
subjects, without their consent in Parliament. And this 
he affirmed was warrantable by the law of God. 

Ad I DID never f endeavour to subvert the fundamental laws 

of this kingdom of England/ nor to introduce an arbitrary 
or tyrannical government/ contrary to law. I could not 
endeavour this ; my knowledge and judgment going ever 
against an arbitrary government/ in comparison of that 
which is settled by law. I learned so much long ago out of 
Aristotle d ; and his reasons are too good to be gone against *. 
And ever since I had the honour to sit at the Council-table, 
I kept myself as much to the law as I could, and followed 
the judgment of those great lawyers which then sat at the 
board. And upon all references which came from his Majesty, 
if I were one, I left those freely to the law, who were not 
willing to have their business ended any other way. And 
this the Lord Keeper 6 , the Lord Privy Seal f , and the Counsel 

1 [ I learned . . . against. on opposite page.] 

a They are printed also in Kush- &v re TrAeious fieri, ircpl TOVTWV 

worth, par. iii, vol. i. p. 196, &c. Pryn s Kvpiovs,irpl ftvav QaSwaTovffiv ol i>6/uoi 

Compl. Hist. p. 25, &c. heyeiv dftpificas, 5ta rb p.)) pcfiiov (3vai 

b [ and other high crimes and inis- KaQo\ov SrjAakrcu Trepl irdvTow.] Arist. 

demeanours. Rushw. lib. iii. Polit. c. 11. [p. 108. Oxon. 1810.] 

c this kingdom of England, e [John Finch.] 

Kushw. and Pryn. f [Henry Montagu, Earl of Man- 

d [Ae? TOVS v6(J.ovs Kvpiovs flvai /cei- Chester.] 
u4vovs bpQ&s rbv fy>x oj/Ta ^ kv els, 


Learned, which attended their clients causes, can plentifully 

I did never advise his Majesty, that he might at his own 
will and pleasure levy money of his subjects without their 
consent in Parliament/ Nor do I remember, that ever I 
affirmed any such thing as is charged in the Article. But 
I do believe, that I may have said something to this effect 
following : that howsoever it stands by the law of God, for a 
king, in l the just and necessary defence of himself and his 
kingdom, to levy money of his subjects ; yet where a particular 
national law doth intervene in any kingdom, and is settled 
by mutual consent between the king and his people, there 
moneys ought to be levied by and according to that law. 
And by God s law, and the same law of the land, I humbly 
conceive, the subjects, so met in Parliament, ought to supply 
their prince, when there is just and necessary cause. And 
if an absolute necessity do happen by invasion, or otherwise, 
which gives no time for counsel or law, such a necessity (but 
no pretended one) is above all law. And I have heard the 
greatest lawyers in this kingdom confess, that in times of such 
a necessity, the King s legal prerogative is as great as this. 

And since here is of late such a noise made about the sub 
version of the fundamental laws of the kingdom/ and men s 
lives called this way in question ; tis very requisite, that these 
fundamental laws w r ere known to all men : that so they 
may see the danger before they run upon it : whereas now, 
the common laws of England have no text at all. Inso 
much that many, who would think themselves wronged, if 
they were not accounted good lawyers, cannot in many points 
assure a man what the law is. And by this means, the judges 
have liberty to retain more in scrinio pectoris than is fitting ; 
and which comes a little too near that arbitrary government 
so much and so justly found fault with : whereas there is no 
kingdom 2 (that I know) that hath a settled government, but 
it hath also a text, or a corpus juris of the laws written, save 
England. So here shall be as great a punishment, as is any 
where, for the breach of the laws, and no text of them for a 
man s 3 direction. And under favour, I think it were a work 

1 [ by the law ... in in marg. Originally written, with a king for ] 

2 [A word erased before kingdom ] 3 [ a man s originally written his ] 


worthy a Parliament to command some prime lawyers to 
draw up a body of the common law, and then have it care 
fully examined by all the judges of the realm, and thoroughly 
weighed by both Houses,, and then have this book declared 
and confirmed by an Act of Parliament, as containing the 
fundamental law r s of the kingdom. And then let any man 
go to subvert them at his peril \ 

2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his trai 
torous design, advised and procured divers sermons and 
other discourses to be preached, printed and published, 
in which the authority of parliaments, and the force of 
the laws of this (57) kingdom are denied, and an absolute 
and unlimited power over the persons and estates of his 
Majesty s subjects is maintained and defended, not only in 
the King, but also in himself, and other bishops, above and 
against the law. And he hath been a great protector, 
favourer and promoter of the publishers of such false and 
pernicious opinions. 

Ad secun- I have neither advised nor procured the preaching, printing, 
or publishing of any sermons, or other discourses, in which 
the authority of parliaments, and the force of the laws of this 
kingdom are denied, and an absolute and unlimited power 
over the persons and estates of his Majesty & subjects main 
tained and defended. Nay, I have been so far from this, 
that I have, since I came into place, made stay of divers 
books, purposely written to maintain an absolute power in 
the kingdom, and have not suffered them to be printed, as 
was earnestly desired. And were it fit to bring other men s 
names in question, and expose their persons to danger, I have 
some of those tracts by me at this present. 

And as I have not maintained } this power in the King s 
Majesty ; so much less have I defended this, or any other 
power against law/ either in myself, or other bishops/ or 
any other person whatsoever : nor have I been a protector, 
favourer, or promoter of any the publishers of such false and 
pernicious opinions, knowing them to be such men. 

1 [ And since here is (p. 399) . . . peril. on opposite page.] 


152 3. He hath by letters, messages, threats, promises, and divers 
other ways, to judges and other ministers of justice, inter- 
rupted and perverted, and at other times, by the means 
aforesaid, hath endeavoured to interrupt and pervert, the 
course of justice, in his Majesty s Courts at Westminster, 
and other Courts, to the subversion of the laws of this 
kingdom; whereby sundry of his Majesty s subjects have 
been stopped in their just suits, and deprived of their 
lawful rights, and subjected to his tyrannical will, to their 
utter ruin and destruction. 

I have neither by letters, messages, threats, nor promises, Ad ter- 
nor by any other means, endeavoured to interrupt or pervert tlum * 
the course of justice in his Majesty s judges, or other minis 
ters of justice, either to the subversion of the law, or the 
stopping of the subjects in their just suits : much less, to the 
ruin or destruction of any one ; which God forbid I should 
ever be guilty of. 

The most that ever I have done in this kind, is this. 
When some poor clergymen, which have been held in long 
suits, some seven, nine, twelve years, and one for nineteen 
years together, have come and besought me with tears, and 
have scarce had convenient clothing about them to come and 
make their address ; I have sometimes underwritten their 
petitions to those reverend judges, in whose Courts their suits 
were, and have fairly desired expedition for them. But I did 
never desire, by any letter, or subscription, or message, any 
thing for any of them, but that which was according to the 
law and justice of the realm. And in this particular, I do 
refer myself to the testimony of the reverend judges of the 
common law. 

4. That the said Archbishop hath traitorously and corruptly 
sold justice to those that have had causes depending before 
him, by colour of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as Arch 
bishop, High Commissioner, Referee, or otherwise; and 
hath taken unlawful gifts and bribes of his Majesty s 
subjects : and hath, as much as in him (58) lieth, endea 
voured to corrupt other courts of justice, by advising [and 
procuring %] his Majesty to sell places of judicature, and 
E Eiuslnv. and Pryn. 

LAUD. VOL. in. D r> 


other offices, [and procuring the sale of them h ,] contrary 
to the laws and statutes in that behalf. 

Ad quar- I did least of all expect this charge. For I have not cor 
ruptly sold justice, either as Archbishop, High Commissioner, 
Referee, or otherwise : nor have I taken any unlawful gift 
or bribe of any his Majesty s subjects. And though in this 
Article there is no particular mentioned, more than in the 
rest ; yet I am not ignorant that I have been charged in the 
House of Commons for taking two pipes of sack from one 
Mr. Tho. Stone, as a bribe for the abatement of a fine, im 
posed upon some men of Chester by T the High Commission 
at York : which power of abatement was in me, by virtue of 

a broad seal 2 granted me to that purpose, bearing date 1 

Now, because there is no particular known to me but this, 
belonging to this or 3 any other Article ; and because I know 
not what course the Parliament will hold with me ; namely, 
whether they will produce particulars, or proceed by Bill of 
Attainder ; I will take opportunity here to unfold all that is 
true in this odious accusation of Stone. And the case is 
thus : 

Mr. Stone, knowing that these fines with other were given 
by his Majesty towards the repair of St. Paul s in London, 
and that the trust of that business, with power to abate any 
fine, w r as committed to me, under the broad seal of England, 
became a very earnest suitor to me in the behalf of these 
Chester-men, fined at York k . And he set divers of his friends 
and mine upon me, for abatement of this fine; and among 
others, his own 4 son-in-law, Mr. William Wheat, barrister- 
at-law, who had been bred under me at St. John s College in 
Oxford, and Mr. Wheat s brother, Doctor Bay lie 1 , then Dean 

1 [ by originally written at ] 

2 [ bearing date originally written here and erased.] 

3 [ this or interlined.] 

4 [ his own originally written his ] 

h Desunt in Paishw. and Pryn. it better to let it stand here, than to 

5 All this about Stone is afterward curtail the history, for the sake of one 

more perfectly related, and so this to single repetition.H. W. 
be omitted- here, according to the k [The reason of their being fined is 

Archbishop s direction, p. 159, [p. 413 explained afterwards, where the case 

in note.] Only compare them first is more fully stated.] 
together. W. S. A. C. [The relationship of these parties 

The account being short, I thought may be thus explained. William 


of Salisbury m . In this suit Stone pretended and protested 
too, that these men owed him two or three thousand pounds 
(I well remember not whether), and that he should lose it all, 
if these men s fines were not abated. For they would hide 
their heads, and never appear again. During this suit, he 
came twice, if not thrice, to my steward, and told him he had 
at present excellent sack, and, that he would send in two 
pipes for me. My steward at each time refused his motion, 
and acquainted me with it (as my command ever was he 
should do in cases of receiving anything into my house). 
I at every of these times commanded it should not be received. 
Mr. Stone then protested to my steward, that he did not 
offer this as any bribe or gratuity for the business of the 
Chester-men, but merely as a token of his thankfulness for 
many and great kindnesses done by me to himself, his son- 
in-law, and his friend Doctor Baylie. Notwithstanding this, 
I gave absolute command the sack should not be received. 

When Mr. Stone saw this, he found a time to send in the 
sack when my steward was not in the house, and told my 
under-servants that my steward was acquainted with it. The 
next time Mr. Stone came to the house, which (as far as I 
remember) was the very next day 1 , my steward told him, he 
would send back the sack, and was about to do it (as he after 
assured me). Then Mr. Stone was very earnest with him, 
that he would save his credit, and not send the wine back to 
his disgrace ; renewing his former deep protestations, that he 
had in this no relation at all to the Chester-men s business. 
Upon this, my steward being acquainted with him, and his 
fore-named friends, trusted him, and let the wine stay, con 
trary to my former commands. After all this, this unworthy 
man put the price of this wine upon the Chester-men s 
account ; as if for that gift I had abated their fine ; and so 
gave them an occasion to complain of me (59) to the Parlia- 

1 [ which . . . day, in margin.] 

Wheat of Coventry married Anne beth. eldest daughter of Thomas Stone, 

d aughtcr of Abraham Quiney of Strat- of London. (Burke s Extinct and 

ibrd-upon-Avon, and relict of Richard Dormant Baronetcies, under the name 

Bailey of Lichiield, by whom he had WHEAT).] 

a son and heir, William Wheat of m [See above, p. 184.] 
Glympton, Oxon, who married Eliza- 

D I) 2 


ment. Whereas both the Chester-men and Mr. Stone him 
self had before acknowledged, I had used them kindly in the 
composition for their^fine, and wished they had been referred 
to me for the whole cause. And for my whole carriage in 
this business, I dare refer myself to the testimony of Mr. 
Stone s own son-in-law, and Doctor Baylie, who were the 
chief men whom Mr. Stone employed to l me. 

Besides, after all this cunning, it will appear by my ser- 1 
vants their accounts, that the wine was not brought into my 
house, in the cunning manner before mentioned, till divers 
days after I had compounded with the Chester-men for their 
fine; so a bribe for doing a business it could not be. And 
upon the whole matter, I am verily persuaded, considering 
Stone s profession in religion, (for he is a Brownist, or next 
neighbour to him,) that he did this of set purpose, to see if he 
could ensnare me in this way. 

Lastly, I desire the Lords, and all men that have had any 
thing to do with me, to look upon me in the whole course of 
my life ; wherein they shall find me untainted with so much 
as the value of sixpence in this base way. And it is not 
unknown to the world, that for many years together I had 
opportunities enough to enrich myself by such a way, had 
I been minded to take that course : whereas now, it is well 
known, my estate is the meanest of any Archbishop s of Can 
terbury that hath sat for many years. And having carried 
it thus along for all my life, I presume no man can be so 
injurious to me, as to think I w r ould now in mine old age 
(being sixty-eight when this was charged upon me) sell either 
my conscience, or my honour, for a morsel of bread or a cup 
of wine. 

And for the other part of this Article. I did never advise 
his Majesty to sell places of judicature, or other offices, or 
procure the sale of them contrary to law. 

5. He hath traitorously caused a Book of Canons to be 
composed and published, and those Canons to be put in 
execution n , without any lawful warrant and authority in 

1 [ to originally written towards ] 

n [ and those . . . execution, ] desunt in Rush, and Pryn. 


that behalf. In which pretended Canons many matters 
are contained contrary to the King s prerogative, to the 
fundamental laics and statutes of this realm, to the right 
of Parliament, to the propriety and liberty of the subjects, 
and matters tending to sedition, and of dangerous conse 
quence ; and to the establishment of a vast, unlawful, and 
presumptuous power in himself and his successors: many 
of the which Canons, by the practice of the said Archbishop, 
were surreptitiously passed in the last Convocation, without 
due consideration and debate ; others by fear and compul 
sion were subscribed to by the prelates and clerks thei e 
assembled ; which had never been voted and passed in the 
Convocation, as they ought to have been. And the said 
Archbishop hath contrived and endeavoured to assure and 
confirm the unlawful and exorbitant power which he hath 
usurped and exercised over his Majesty s subjects, by a 
wicked and ungodly oath, in one of the said pretended 
Canons, enjoined to be taken by all the clergy, and many 
of the laity of this kingdom. 

I composed no Book of Canons : the whole Convocation Ad quiu- 
did it, with unanimous consent. So, either I must be free, tum 
or that whole body must be guilty of high treason. For in 
that crime all are principals that are guilty ; accessory there 
is none. Neither did I publish, or put in execution those 
Canons, or any of them, but by lawful authority. And I do 
5 humbly conceive, and verily believe, there is nothing in those 
Canons contrary either to the (60) King s prerogative, the 
fundamental laws of the realm, the rights of Parliament, the 
propriety and liberty of the subjects, or any matter tending 
to sedition, or of dangerous consequence, or to the establish 
ment of any vast or unlawful power in myself and my 

Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation sur 
reptitiously passed by any practice of mine, or without due 
consideration and debate. Neither was there anything in that 
Convocation, but what was voted first and subscribed after, 
without fear or compulsion in any kind. And I am verily 
persuaded, there never sat any Synod in Christendom, 
wherein the votes passed with more freedom, or less prac- 


j than they did in this. And for the oath enjoined in 
the sixth Canon, as it was never made to confirm any 
unlawful or exorbitant power over his Majesty s subjects ; 
so I do humbly conceive, that it is no wicked or ungodly 
oath in any respect. And I hope I am able to make it good 
in any learned assembly in Christendom, that this oath, 
and all those Canons (then made and here before recited) 
and every branch in them, are just and orthodox, and mode 
rate, and most necessary for the present condition of the 
Church of England ; how unwelcome soever to the present 

6. He hath traitorously assumed to himself a Papal and 
tyrannical power, both in Ecclesiastical and temporal 
matters, over his Majesty s subjects in this realm of 
England, and other places ; to the disinherison of the 
Crown, dishonour of his Majesty, and derogation of his 
supreme authority in ecclesiastical matters. And the said 
Archbishop claims the King s ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 
as incident to his episcopal and archiepiscopal office in 
this kingdom ; and doth deny the same to be derived from 
the Crown of England ; which he hath accordingly exer 
cised, to the high contempt of his royal Majesty, and to 
the destruction [of divers ] of the King s liege people in 
their persons and estates. 

Ad sex- I have not assumed Papal or tyrannical power/ in mat 
ters ecclesiastical or temporal; to the least disinherison, 
dishonour, or derogation of his Majesty s supreme autho 
rity in matters ecclesiastical or temporal. I never claimed 
the King s ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as incident to my 
episcopal or archiepiscopal office in this kingdom; nor did 
I ever deny, that the exercise * of my jurisdiction was derived 
from the Crown of England. 

But that which I have said, and do still say, concerning my 
office and calling, is this, that my order as a bishop, and 
my power of jurisdiction, is by Divine apostolical right, and 

1 [Several words here erased so as to be illegible.] 

Rush, and Pryn. 


unalterable (for aught I know) in the Church of Christ. 
But all the power I, or any other bishop hath to exercise 
any the least power, either of order or jurisdiction, within 
this realm of England, is derived wholly from the Crown ; 
and I conceive it were treasonable to derive it from any 
other power, foreign or domestic. And for the exercise of 
this power under his Majesty, I have not used it to the 
156 contempt, but to the great advantage of his royal person, 
and to the preservation, not the destruction of his people. 
Both which appear already by the great distractions, fears, 
and troubles, which all men are in since my restraint ; and 
which (for aught I yet see) are like to increase, if God be 
not exceeding merciful above our deserts. 

7. That he hath traitorously endeavoured to alter and sub 
vert God s true religion by law established in this realm ; 
and instead thereof to set up Popish superstition and 
idolatry ; and to that end hath declared and maintained 
in speeches and printed books divers Popish doctrines and 
opinions, contrary to the Articles of Religion established 
\by law^\. He hath (61) urged and enjoined divers 
Popish and superstitious ceremonies, without any warrant 
of law, and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed 
the same, by corporal punishment and imprisonment ; and 
most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto, 
by ecclesiastical censures of excommunication, suspension, 
deprivation, and degradation ; contrary to the law of the 

I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God s true religion Ad septim. 
established by law in this kingdom ; or to bring in Romish 
superstition. Neither have I declared, maintained, or printed 
any Popish doctrine, or opinion, contrary to the Articles of 
Religion established, or any one of them, either to the end 
mentioned in this Article, or any other. 

I have neither urged nor enjoined any Popish or super 
stitious ceremonies without warrant of law ; nor have I 
cruelly persecuted any opposers of them. But all that 
I laboured for in this particular was, that the external 

p Rushw. and Pryn. 


worship of God in this Church might be kept "up in uniformity 
and decency, and in some beauty of holiness. And this the 
rather, because, first l , I found that with the contempt of the 
outward worship of God, the inward fell away apace, arid 
profaneness began boldly to show itself. And secondly, be 
cause I could speak with no conscientious persons almost, 
that were wavering in religion, but the great motive which 
wrought upon them to disaffect, or think meanly of the 
Church of England, was, that the external worship of God 
was so lost in the Church (as they conceived it), and the 
churches themselves, and all things in them, suffered to lie 
in such a base and slovenly fashion in most places of the 
kingdom. These, and no other considerations, moved me to 
take such care as I did of it ; which was with a single eye, 
and most free from any Romish superstition in anything. 

As for ceremonies; all that I enjoined, were according 
to law. And if any were superstitious, I enjoined them 
not. As for those which are so called by some men, they 
are no innovations, but restorations of the ancient approved 
ceremonies, in, and from the beginning of the Reformation, 
and settled either by law or custom ; till the faction of 
such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church 
of England, did oppose them, and cry them down. And for 
the censures which I put upon any, I presume they will to 
all indifferent men, which will understandingly and patiently 157 
hear the cause, appear to be just, moderate, and according 
to law. 

8. That for the better advancing of his traitorous purpose 
and designs, he did abuse the great power and trust his 
Majesty reposed in him ; and did intrude upon the places 
of divers great officers, and upon the right of divers * his . 
Majesty s subjects ; whereby he did procure to himself the 
nomination of sundry persons to ecclesiastical dignities, 
promotions, and benefices, belonging to his Majesty, and 
divers of the nobility, clergy, and others ; and hath taken 
upon him the nomination r of chaplains to the King ; by 

1 [/first/ interlined.] 

other Rush w. and Pryn. r commendation Paishw. and Pryn. 


which means he hath preferred to his Majesty s service, 
and to other great promotions in the Church, such as have 
been popishly affected, or otherwise unsound and corrupt 
both in doctrine and manners. 

I did never wittingly abuse the power or trust which his Ad octa- 
Majesty reposed in me. Nor did I ever intrude upon the 
places of any great officers, or others, to procure to myself 
the nomination of persons ecclesiastical, to dignities, pro 
motions, and (62) benefices, belonging to his Majesty, the 
nobility, or any other. And though here be no particular 
named, yet I guess at that which is meant, and will clearly 
set down the truth. 

His Majesty, some few years since, assumed to himself, from 
the Right Honourable the Lord Coventry, the Lord Keeper 
that then was, and from my Lord Cottington, then Master of 
the Court of Wards, the disposing of 1 all such benefices as 
came to the King s gift by title of wardship, of what value 
soever they were. The reason which moved his Majesty to 
do this was : The Lord Keeper and the Lord Cottington 
became humble suitors to him, to end a contention between 
them, about the giving of those benefices, both for their own 
quiet, and the peace of other his Majesty s subjects. For the 
course was, when anything fell void in the gift of a ward, 
he of these two great officers which came first to know of 
the avoidance, gave the living. This caused great, and oft- 
times undue, practising among them which were suitors for 
the benefices. And many times the broad seal, and the seal 
of the Court of Wards, bore date the same day. And then 
the bishop, which clerk soever he instituted, was sure to 
offend the other lord. And these lords too - many times, by 
.the earnest putting on of friends, were not well pleased one 
with another in the business. Upon this suit of their own, 
his Majesty gave a hearing to these lords ; and in conclusion 
of it, took the disposal of all such benefices into his own 
hands, and (for aught I know) with both their liking and 
content. In the disposing of these benefices to such men 
as had served his Majesty at sea, or otherwise, I was trusted 

1 [ the disposing of in marg.] 

2 [ these lords too interlined.] 


by the King; and I served him in it faithfully; but pro 
ceeded 110 further, nor otherwise, than ] he directed arid 
commanded me. But I never took the nomination of any 
one to myself, or my own disposing. And the truth of this, 
as his Majesty knows, so I am confident my Lord Cotting- 
tou, who is yet living, will witness. 

For the nomination of chaplains to the King/ if I had 158 
done it, I think the work was as proper for the Archbishop, 
as for any man. Yet, because by ancient custom it was con 
ceived to belong in a great part to the Lord Chamberlain, 
(who was then the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke,) 
I never named any to his Majesty, but I did fairly acquaint 
the Lord Chamberlain with it, and desired his favour s . But 
in all my time I never was the means to prefer any man to 
his Majesty s service, as a chaplain, or to any promotion, 
whom I knew to be popishly affected, or any way corrupt in 
doctrine or manners. 

9. He hath, for the same traitorous and wicked intent, chosen 
and employed such men to be his [own domestical t ] chap 
lains, whom he knew to be notoriously disaffected to the 
reformed religion, grossly addicted to Popish superstition, 
and erroneous and unsound both in judgment and in 
practice. And to them, or some of them, he hath com 
mitted licensing of books to be printed ; by which means 
divers false and superstitious books have been published, 
to the great scandal of religion, and to the seducing of 
many of his Majesty s subjects. 

Adnonum. I never chose any man to be my chaplain, who I knew, 
or had good cause to suspect, was popishly 2 affected ; nor 
any that was unsound in judgment or practice. Nor did 
I commit the licensing of books to any such, but to those 
only, who I then did, and do still believe, are orthodox and 
religious divines, and men of very good judgment for that 
necessary and great service. And if they, or any of them, 

1 [ I was .... than on opposite page. Originally written, I served his 
Majesty in that way, and so far as ] 2 [Originally written, a Ro (sic.)] 

s [See e.g. a letter of the Archbishop Dr. Oliver. Sept. 25, 1640.] 
to the Earl of Pembroke, in favour of Pryn and Kushworth. 


have, by negligence or otherwise, suffered any erroneous and 
dangerous books l (63) to pass the press, they must answer 
both the Church and the State, for whatsoever they have 
done amiss in that kind ; for it is not possible for the Arch 
bishop to perform 2 all those services in person. And in the 
committing of them to my chaplains, and other divines of 
note, I have done no new thing, but that which my prede 
cessors have done before me. 

This I am sure of: I gave often and express and strict 
command to all and every of them, that they should license 
nothing that was contrary to the doctrine and discipline 
established in the Church of England, or might personally 
or otherwise give offence or distaste. And I hope they 
have obeyed my directions ; if not, they must answer for 

10, He hath traitorously and wickedly endeavoured to recon 
cile the Church of England with the Church of Rome. 
And for the effecting thereof, hath consorted, and con 
federated with divers Popish priests and Jesuits, and 
hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome ; and 
by himself, his agents and instruments, treated with such 
as have from thence received authority and instruction. 
He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish hierarchy, 
or ecclesiastical government, to be established in this 
kingdom. By all which traitorous and malicious prac- 
159 tices this Church and kingdom have been exceedingly 

endangered, and like to fall under the tyranny of the 
Roman See. 

The Article is now come of which I spake before 11 , and in Ad 
my answer to which I promised to set down the substance of 
that which I spake in the Parliament House to the Lords, 
when this general charge was brought up against me ; and I 
shall somewhat enlarge it 3 , yet without any change of the 
grounds upon which I then stood. And now I shall perform 

1 [ books originally written works ] 

2 [ to perform interlined.] 

3 [ I shall somewhat enlarge it, originally written, and somewhat to 
enlarge it, ] 

u T. 56 [of orig. MS. See above, p. 397 J. 


that promise. And I shall he of all other least afraid to 
answer all that is here said concerning religion. For my 
heart (I bless God for it) is sound that way, to the uttermost 
of my knowledge ; and I think I do well understand my 
principles. And my old master, Aristotle, hath taught me 
long since, that Qui se bene Jiabent ad divina, audadores sunt v ; 
They which are well and settledly composed in things per 
taining to God, (that is, in religion,) are much the bolder by 
it ; and this not only against slanders and imputations cast 
upon men for this, but in all other accidents of the world, 
whatever they be. 

And surely I may not deny it : I have ever wished, and 
heartily prayed for, the unity of the whole Church of Christ, 
and the peace and reconciliation of torn and divided Christen 
dom. But I did never desire a reconciliation, but such as 
might stand with truth, and preserve all the foundations of 
religion entire. For I have learned from a prime Schoolman 
of their own, that " every union doth not perfect the true 
reason or definition of that which is good ; but that only, 
upon which depends esse perfectum rei, the perfect essence of 
that thing x ." So that in this particular, if the substance of 
Christian religion be not perfected by any union, that union 
itself cannot have in it rationem boni, the true being and 
nature of good. And therefore I did never desire that 
England and Rome should meet together, but with forsaking 
of error and superstition ; especially such as grate upon and 
fret the foundations of religion. But were this done, God 
forbid, but I should labour for a reconciliation ; if some tenets 
of the Roman party, on the one side, and some deep and 
embittered disaffections, on the other, have not made it im 
possible, as I much doubt they have. But that I should 
practise with Rome as now it stands, and to that end should 
confederate with priests and Jesuits ; or hold secret intelli 
gence with the Pope ; or treat with him, or any instruments 
authorized by him, or by any agents, is utterly untrue ; as I 
hope may fully appear by that which follows y. 

v [(appa\*oi *l<T\v) kv TO. irpbs [Aquin. Summ. Theol.] i. 2, q. 30, 

Qeovs avTols Ka\s xy. Arist. lib. ii. Art. 3 ad quint, [leg. primum.] 

lihetor. c. 5. [ 21.] ? [The Archbishop has here written 

x "Non omnifj unio perficit ratio- on the opposite page, His. par. 2. 

nem boni, sed solum ilia, a qua de- Here the History goes on a p. 63. 

pendet perfectum rei." [S.] Tho. And] I find that some things in my 


(64) And first, (in hope that they which have observed my 
life in times past will give me credit in this time of my 
affliction,,) I do here make my solemn protestation, in the 
presence of God and this great Court, that I am innocent of 
anything, greater or less, that is charged in this Article or 
any part of it. And I do here offer my corporal oath, (please 
it the Lords to give it me,) in the strictest form that any 
60 oath can be conceived, that I am wholly innocent of this 
charge. And let nothing be tendered against me but truth, 
and I do challenge whatsoever is between heaven and hell to 
come in and witness whatsoever they can against me in this 
particular. For all that I have feared in all this charge 
against me is not guilt, but subornation of perjury, against 
which innocency itself cannot be safe. And I have found 
the deadly hatred of some men against me to be such, as that, 
though I cannot suspect the House of Commons of such an 
irreligious baseness, yet I have great cause to suspect some 
particular men, which I see make no conscience of the way, 
so they may compass their end. 

Secondly ; Should I practise (be it with whom you will) to 
superinduce Romish tyranny and superstition over the true 
religion established in England, I have taken a very wrong 
way to it. For I have hindered as many 1 from going to the 

1 [The Archbishop here adds, in a marg. note afterwards erased : 

As namely, Mr. Digby, a priest, who lives, now a minister, in Northampton 

Mr. James Gentleman, a very good scholar, and since in orders, and bene- 
ficed by my procurement in Kent. 

Sir Wi. Spencer. He afterwards fell away ; but that was after he was gone 
from me. 

The Lord Maio, of Ireland, brought to me by Mr. Gifford. 

Two daughters of Sir Rich. Lechford, that were going to be nuns. I 
stayed them, and they remain good Protestants. 

A doctor of the civil law, whose name I spare, that I may not prejudice his 

Sir Wi. Webb. Two of his daughters, and his eldest son. 

Mr. Christopher Seaburn, brought to me by Mr. Connisby, of Herefordshire. 

Mr. Wi. Chillingworth, who was gone to Doway ; and I recovered him back, 
and settled him in the Church of England, as I have letters to show under his 
own hand. 

Two young scholars of St. John s, in Cambridge. They both continue 
constant to the Church of England ; and Topping is at this day Fellow of the 

general answer to the Articles are answer that are perfected in the second, 

repeated again in the beginning of my W. Cant. 

particular answers, when my trial came I would not adventure to mangle and 

on. I desire (for I had no time to do disjoint the History : the reader (if 

it myself) that, to avoid tediousness, he so pleaseth) may pass by such repe- 

all those may be left out of the first titions. H. W. 


Roman party, and have reduced as many from it, and some 
of great quality, and some of great learning and judgment, 
as I believe any divine in England hath done. And is this 
the way to bring in Romish superstition/ to reduce men 
from it ? Or is this the reward from the State, which men 
must look for that have done these services ? 

3. Thirdly ; The book which I have written against Mr. Fisher 
the Jesuit, must of necessity either acquit me of this calumny, 
or proclaim me a villain to the world. And I hope I have 
so lived, as that men have not that opinion of me ; sure I am 
I have not deserved it. And had this book of mine been 
written according to the garb of the time, fuller of railing 
than reason, a learned Jesuit would have laughed at it and 
me ; and a learned Protestant might have thought I had 
written it only to conceal myself and my judgment in those 
difficulties. But being written in the way it is, I believe no 
Romanist will have much cause to joy at it, or to think me a 
favourer of their cause. And since I am thus put to it, I will 
say thus much more. This book of mine is so written (by 
God s great blessing upon me) as that whensoever the Church 
of England (as they are growing towards it apace) shall 
depart from the grounds which I have therein laid, she shall 
never be able, before any learned and disengaged Christian 1 , 
to make good her difference with, and her separation from, 
the Church of Rome. And let no man think I speak pride 

house, and a man of very good worth. And I have all the papers by me of that 

The L. Duke of Buckingham her son. She had made waver in religion, 
and set Mr. Fisher and other Jesuits upon him ; but I thank God I took off 
all his scruples, and he continued a knowing and a resolved Frotestant to (the 
instant of [these words erased]) his death. And for this King James, of ever 
blessed memory, honoured me so far as to give me thanks. 

And for the young L. Duke of Buckingham his son, what care I took to 
settle his education, and make it safe, I have to show under a very good hand, 
and with remarkable circumstances ; though I make no doubt but the right 
hon. lady, his mother, will freely acknowledge it. 

And when my L. Marquis Hamilton told me his lady was disturbed in 
mind and began to be unsettled in religion, though I could not then attend 
that business myself (as my L. well knew), yet I directed his Lp. what person 
to use, and what way should be taken. And I thank God it succeeded. Her 
consumption continued some time, but she lived a settled Protestant of the 
Church of England, and died in great peace of mind and conscience. 

My acquaintance with Sir Kenelm Digby began when he was a Protestant, 
and when I heard out of France (where he then was), that he was changing back 
to the Roman party, I was the first man that challenged him for it. And the 
letter which hereupon he sent to me, and my answer to him, (both which I have 
by me,) will evidence both my fidelity and care in this behalf. ] 

1 [ learned and disengaged Christian/ originally written, learned Christian, ] 


or vanity 1 in this. For the outrages which have been against 
me force me to say it ; and I am confident future times will 
make it good, unless profaneness break in and overrun the 
whole kingdom, which is not a little to be feared 2 . 

(65) Fourthly ; I must confess, I am in this particular most 4. 
unfortunate. For many recusants in England, and many of 
that party beyond the seas, think I have done them and their 
cause more harm, than they which have seemed more fierce 
against them. And I doubt not, but I shall be able to prove, 
that I have been accounted beyond sea the greatest enemy 
to them that ever sat in my place. And shall I suffer on 
both sides ? Shall I be accounted an enemy by one part for 
opposing the papist, and accused for a traitor by the other 
161 for favouring and complying with them ? Well, if I do suffer 
thus, tis but because truth usually lies between t\vo extremes 3 , 
and is beaten by both (as the poor Church of England is, at 
this day 4 , by the papist and the separatist). But in this, and 
all things else, in despite of all malice, truth shall be either 
my protection from suffering, or my comfort while I suffer ; 
and by God s gracious assistance I shall never depart from it, 
but continue at the Apostle s ward, 2 Cor. xiii. z Nihil possum 
contra veritatem, I can do nothing against the truth ; arid for 
it, I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer anything. 

Fifthly; If I had practised with the Pope or his agents for 5. 
the alteration of religion in England, surely I must have 
used many great and dexterous instruments to compass my 
end. And in a business of so great consequence, difficulty, 

1 [The Archbishop here wrote in marg., but afterwards erased : 

I might perhaps be thought guilty of both, should I [have] ever pub 
lished to any [one the] testimonies which [were giv]en to this book [by] Dr. 
Usher, Ld. Primate of Armagh, and his earnest desire to have it translated into 
Latin ; by Dr. Hall, Ld. Bishop of Exeter, Dr. Mountagu, Ld. Bishop of 
Norwich, Dr. Morton, Ld. Bishop of Durham, Dr. Pearce, Ld. Bp. of Bath and 
Wells, Dr. Skinner, Ld. Bp. of Bristol, Dr. Bancroft, L. Bishop of Oxford, Dr. 
Wedderburne, Ld. Bp. of Dumblane, Dr. Sinserf (sic), L. Bp. of Galloway, Dr. 
Bramhall, L. Bp. of Derry, Dr. Chappell, Ld. Bp. of Corke, Dr. Beedle, L. Bp. of 
Kilmorc ; by twelve other doctors, of great learning and worth, in the Church 
of England ; and by Sir Wi. Boswell, his Majesty s learned agent in the Low 
Countries, not only in his own name, but in the nau.e of divers Dutch divines 
and gentlemen, which understand the English tongue, all whose testimonies I 
have by me in writings under their own hand, if any man shoiild doubt the 
truth of this relation. ] 

2 [ unless . . . feared. inserted afterwards.] 

3 [ extremes/ originally written, sides, ] 4 [ between them erased.] 


and danger to all that should have a hand, nay, but a finger, in 
it, no man would venture to meddle without good pay. And His 
well known, that I have filled no purse, nor laid up any store, 
to set ill instruments on work, upon that or any other un 
worthy design. 

6. Sixthly ; 1 am a man in years, great years for a man so 
loaded with business as I have been all my life ; and it cannot 
be long before I must go to give God Almighty an account 
of all my actions. And whatsoever the malignity of the time 
may put upon me, yet they which know me and my ways 
will easily believe, that I have not so little conscience, or care 
of my soul, as to double with God to my very death. Nay, 
could I have doubled thus, I could easily have seen a way 
through all this difficulty ; and how to have been as gracious 
Avith the people as any, even the worst, of my predecessors. 
But I have ever held that the lowest depth of baseness, to 
frame religion to serve turns, and to be carried about with 
every wind of vain doctrine, to serve and please other 
men s fancies, and not a man s own either understanding or 

7. Seventhly ; I think the greatest enemies I have are of 
opinion, that if I would have turned to the Roman party, 
especially if I would have been such an active instrument for 
them, as this Article would make me, I might have been 
welcome to them l , and should have been rewarded by them 2 ; 
at least, that I should have been made able to live in credit, 
if not in honour. And this being granted, I would fain know, 
what could stay me here, save only my conscience in and to 
the truth. 

Surely, not any care of wife and children, for I have them 
not ; and as this storm drives upon me, I most humbly and 
heartily bless God for it, that I have not any of these clogs 
to hang about me. 

Not the greatness 3 of my place; for if in this present 
tumble anything be put either upon it or me, that a knowing 
conscience ought to check at, the world shall soon see how 
little I value Canterbury in regard of conscience. 

Not the honour of my place neither ; for if I stood upon 

[ to them/ interlined.] 2 [ by them; interlined.] 

[ greatness originally written honour ] 


that, I cannot but see liow malice hath laid that in the dust, 
or lower if it may be l . And can any man think then, that I 
would endure so much hatred, and so (66) many base libels, as 
have filled the streets against me, and such bitter revilings of 
me in print, as the gall of some pens have cast upon me, when 
I might go live elsewhere with content and reputation ? Sure 
nothing but conscience could stay me here in such a condition. 

Not the wealth to be gotten in my place ; for the arch 
bishopric of Canterbury is far short of the value put upon it, 
(according as I have given a faithful account to his Majesty). 
And if it were of never so great a value, I have made it mani 
fest to the world, that wealth is not my aim. For whatsoever 
benefit hath accrued to me, over and above my necessary and 
decent expenses, I have refunded back upon the poor, or the 
public, or the Church from whence I had it ; as in better 
times churchmen were wont to do. So there could be no 
external motive to work upon me, to make me stay here, if 
my conscience went along with Rome. And my conscience 
being not that 2 way set, (as most certainly it is not,) no man 
can so much as probably think I should, with hazard of my 
life, and honour, and all things, practise the change of religion, 
and that against my conscience. 

Eighthly ; This scandalous false report, that I should nego 
tiate with the Pope and with Rome for the change of religion 
in this kingdom, was first spread by the Scots, who shame 
lessly printed it in these words : Canterbury did negotiate 
with Rome about the frame of our Service-book and Canons/ 
&c. a Now, if this be false, why did they print it ? and if it 
be true, why do they desert it ? It comes a great deal more 
home, than double all else they have said against me. And 
yet it seems, when they had considered better of it, and found 
they could not make it good, they left it quite out of those 
Articles which they preferred into the Parliament of England 
against me. And I presume, they would never have left that 
out which they had published in print to the world, could 
they have gotten any show of proof. Immediately upon the 

1 [ if it may be. in marg.] 

2 [ And my . . . that originally written, And if my conscience be not that ] 

a Inabookintitulfid/ TheRemon- the Kingdom of Scotland, Feb. 27, 
strance of the Nobility, Barons, Bur- 1639," p. 12. Edinburgh, 
gesses, Ministers, and Commons within 



arrival of this pamphlet in England, court, city, and country- 
grew presently full of it, that the Archbishop of Canterbury 
had negotiated with Rome about the alteration of religion. 
And since they have thus defamed me, and that in print, I 
do challenge Mr. Alexander Henderson 1 (who doubtless was 
either sole author of that Remonstrance/ or had a great 
hand in it) either to make it good against me, or by like 2 
public acknowledgment of it in print, give me satisfaction for 
so foul a calumny ; or to answer me, when I shall not fail to 
challenge him for it, at the bar of Christ. 

9. Lastly ; I received information out of Holland 3 , when his 
Majesty was last in the North, that there was a plot laid of a 
dangerous treason against his Majesty s life ; that this treason 
was plotted here in England by Signior Con and his com 
plices ; and that these contrivers took a deep dislike against 
me, because they could not get within me, nor make me 
pliable to their projects about religion; and that they were 
so angry with me for it, as that they resolved my life must be 
first taken away, before they could hope to get their will of 
the King. This advertisement came to me from one that 
professed he was in the bosom of Con, and knew all the 
secrets of his employments hither. This business was first 
made known under an oath of secresy (as I remember) to 
Sir Wi. Boswell, his Majesty s agent in Holland ; and it was 
ordered between them 4 that his papers should be sent over 
sealed to me, as they were, and that by an express ; and a 
charge to deliver them to no hand but mine, as he tendered 
the King s safety, in regard so many great men were (as he 163 
said) in the treason. I sent away these letters and papers to 
his Majesty s own hands, and received direction, what answer 
I should give to Sir Wi. Boswell. (67) At his Majesty s 
return, at the beginning of this Parliament, he named a 
committee of Lords to hear this business, and commanded 
me to bring the papers thither. This 1 did, and they were 
all read before his Majesty and the committee. Sir Wi. 
Boswell s letters and the other papers b are yet all in my 

1 [ to make it here originally inserted, and erased.] 

2 [ like interlined.] 3 [ out of Holland, interlined.] 
I f [ it was . . . them in marg.] 

b These papers were taken from the and shortly after published in a pam- 
Archbishop by Pryn, 1643, May 31, phlet intituled, "Kome s Masterpiece." 


hands; but it seems the particulars could not all be got out. 
Now, this is a hard strait into which I am cast. The Pope s 
agent (as tis said) plots my death on the one side, because 
I will not be wrought upon to help to bring in the Roman 
superstition ; and the Parliament on the other side articles 
to overthrow me, out of a jealousy that I go about to bring 
it in. So that I am in the prophet David s case, Ps. xxxi. c , 
For I also have heard the blasphemy of the multitude, 
and fear is on every side, while they conspire together against 
me, and take their counsel to take away my life. But my 
hope hath been, and is, in Thee, O Lord. 

And for the latter part of this Article, it is utterly untrue, 
that ever I either permitted or countenanced any Popish 
hierarchy or ecclesiastical government to be established in 
this kingdom ; and if any such be established, it is more than 
I know to this instant. But this I am sure of, and can prove, 
that when the Queen s Almoner was to be made a bishop, 
I laboured as much against it as I could d ; whereupon he 
delayed the taking of his bishopric upon him for a good time. 
And when divers offers were made on his behalf, and the 
Queen grew earnest for his preferment, I was called again by 
his Majesty in the presence of a Secretary of State, and com 
manded to speak my judgment and my conscience. And 
I did so; and declared clearly against any bishop of the 
Roman party his coming into the kingdom to reside, or 
exercise any jurisdiction here. And I gave then for my 
reason, the very self-same which is since published by the 
House of Commons in their Remonstrance ; f a different and 
inconsistent Church within a Church, which ever brought 
hazard upon the State. And in this judgment I persisted, 
and never permitted, much less countenanced, any Popish 
hierarchy to settle in this kingdom, but hindered it by all 
the ways and means I could 1 . 

1 [ David s case (lin. 8.) . . . means I could. on opposite page.] 

II. W. [This will appear in vol. vi. Charles I. vol. ii. pp. 298, 299 :) -when 

with the Archbishop s marg. notes.] it was conferred on James Du Perron, 

c Ps. xxxi. 15, 16. (the person referred to in the text,) 

d [l)u Flessis, Bp. of Mende, first afterwards Bp. of Angouleme.] 
accompanied the Queen as Almoner e ["A] Kemonsl [ranee of the State 

(see vol. i. p. 62) ; on his removal, of the Kingdom,"] die Mercurii, ] 5 

Bertaut, Bishop of Bazas, was ap- Deccmb. 1041, p. 20, [p. 14 of the 

pointed to the oftice, but was not edit, by Jos. liunscutt. Lund. 1041.] 
allowed to enter England ; (Birch s 



11. He in his own person, and his suffragans, visitors, sur 
rogates, chancellors, or other officers, by his command, 
have caused divers learned, pious, and orthodox preachers* 
of God s word, to be silenced, suspended, deprived, de 
graded, excommunicated, or otherwise grieved and vexed, 
without any just and lawful cause; whereby, and by 
divers other means, he hath hindered the preaching of 
God s word, caused divers of his Majesty s loyal subjects 
to forsake the kingdom, and increased and cherished igno 
rance and profaneness amongst the people, that so he 
might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his 
own ivicked and traitorous designs of altering and cor 
rupting the true religion here established. 

I have neither by myself, nor by command to my officers, 
silenced, suspended, deprived, degraded, or excommunicated 164 
any learned, pious, and orthodox preachers, nor any other, 
but upon just cause proved in court, and according to law. 
And I think it will appear, that as few (be the cause never so 
just) have been suspended or deprived in my diocese, as in 
any diocese in England. Nor have I by these suspensions 
hindered the preaching of God s word, but of schism and 
sedition ; as now appears plainly by the sermons frequently 
made in London, since the time of liberty given and taken 
since this Parliament. Nor have I caused any of his Ma 
jesty s subjects to forsake the kingdom ; but they forsook it 
of themselves, being separatists from the Church of England, 
as is more than manifest to any man that will but consider 
what kind of persons went to New England. 

And whereas in their late Remonstrance h they say, The 
High Commission grew to such excess of sharpness and 
severity, as was not much less than the Romish Inquisition ; 
and yet in many cases, by the Archbishop s power, was made 
much more heavy, being assisted and strengthened by autho 
rity of the Council-table ; I was much troubled at it, that 
such an imputation from so great a body should be fastened on 
me. And therefore first I considered, that my predecessors 
were all, or most of them, strengthened with the same 
authority of the Council-table, that I was ; and therefore, if 

f ministers Rushw. and Pryn. h Rcmonstr. die Mercurii, 15 Dc- 

* design Rushw. and Pryn. cemb. 1641, p. 14. [p. 11.] 


I did use that authority to worse ends,, or in a worse manner, 
than they did, I was the more to blame. Therefore,, to 
satisfy myself and others in this particular, I did in the next 
place cause a diligent search to be made in the Acts of that 
court (which can deceive no man), what suspensions l , depri 
vations, or other punishments, had passed in the seven years 
of my time before my commitment. Then I compared them 
with every of the three seven years of my immediate prede 
cessor, (for so long he sat, and somewhat over, and was in 
great esteem with the House of Commons all his time,) and 
I find more by three suspended, deprived, or degraded, in 
every seven years of his time, than in the seven years (68) of 
my time so cried out upon (as you see) for sharpness and 
severity/ even to the equalling of that Commission 2 almost 
to the Romish Inquisition. So safe a thing it is for a man to 
embark himself into a potent faction ; and so hard for any 
other man, be he never so entire, to withstand its violence 3 . 

12. He hath traitorously endeavoured to cause division and 
discord between the Church of England and other reformed 
Churches ; and to that end hath suppressed and abrogated 
the privileges and immunities which have been by his 
Majesty and his royal ancestors granted to the French 
and Dutch Churches in this kingdom, and divers other 
ways hath expressed his malice and disaffection to these 
Churches ; that so by such disunion 1 the Papists might 
have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of 

I never endeavoured to set division between the Church Ad duode- 
of England and other reformed Churches ; and if I had so C1 
165 done, it had been a very unchristian and unworthy act, but 
yet no treason, as I conceive. And for the privileges and 
immunities granted by his Majesty and his royal progenitors 
to the French and Dutch Churches in this kingdom, I did 
not seek to suppress or abrogate any of them which kept 

1 [ suspensions, originally written, fines, suspensions, ] 

2 r Commission interlined.] 

withstand its violence. inserted afterwards in margin.] 

1 distinction Rush w. ; disunion Pryn. 


conform to their first toleration here; much less did I labour 
by any disunion betwixt them and us to advantage the 
Papists, to the overthrow of both. But this I found, that 
they did not use their privileges with that gratitude and 
fairness to his Majesty, the State, and Church of England, as 
they ought to have done. And hereupon I acquainted his 
Majesty and the Lords, in full and open council, with what 
I conceived concerning that business ; as, namely, 

1. That their living as they did, and standing so strictly 
to their own discipline, wrought upon the party in England 
which were addicted to them, and made them more averse, 
than otherwise they would have been, to the present govern 
ment of the Church of England. 

2. That by this means they lived in England as if they 
were a kind of God s Israel in Egypt, to the great dishonour 
of the Church of England, to which at first they fled for 
shelter against persecution. And in that time of their 
danger, the Church of England was in their esteem not only 
a true, but a glorious Church. But by this favour which that 
Church received, it grew up and incroached upon us, till it 
became a Church within a Church, and a kind of State within 
a State. And this I ever held dangerous, how small beginning 
soever it had, and that upon two main reasons. The one, 
because I find the wisdom of God against it; for He says 
plainly to His prime people, One law (and especially for 
Divine worship) shall be to him that is home-born, and to 
the stranger that sojourns among you/ Exod. xiiJ And the 
other, because I find the wisdom of this State against it ; for 
this Parliament, in their Remonstrance, give the selfsame 
reason against the Papists, but k must hold good against all 
sects that labour to make strong and enlarge themselves. 
The words are these: f Another State moulded within this 
State, independent in government, contrary in interest and 
affection, secretly corrupting the ignorant or negligent pro 
fessors of our religion, and closely uniting and combining 
themselves against such as are sound, in this posture waiting 
for an opportunity */ &c. And the words are as true of the 
one faction as the other; and I ever pressed the argument 

J Exod. xii. 49. l Eemonst. die Mercurii, 15 Do 

k which cemb. 1641, p. 20. [p. 14.] 


alike against both, as I can prove by good witness, if need be. 
And I pray God this faction, too little feared and too much 
nourished among us, have not now found the opportunity 
waited for. 

(69) 3. That they live here, and enjoy all freedom, and yet 
for the most part scorn so much as to learn the language, or 
to converse with any, more than for advantage of bargaining. 
And will take no Englishman to be their apprentice, nor 
teach them any of their manufactures ; which I did then, and 
do still, think most unreasonable. 

4. That for religion, if after so many descents of their 
children born in the land, and so native subjects, these 
L66 children of theirs should refuse to pray and communicate 
with the Church of England, into whose bosom their parents 
fled at first for succour ; I thought then, and do still, that no 
State could with safety, or would in wisdom, endure it. And 
this concerning their children was all that was desired by me; 
as appears by the Act m which my Vicar-general made con 
cerning those Churches at Canterbury, Sandwich, and Maid- 
stone, in my diocese, and the publication 11 of this Act in 
their congregations, by their own ministers, in this form 
following : 

I am commanded to signify unto you, that it is not his 
Majesty s intent, nor of the Council of State, to dissolve our 
congregations. And to that end, his Majesty is content to 
permit the natives of the first degree to continue members of 
our congregations as before. But the natives in this Church, 
after the first descent, are enjoined to obey my Lord Arch 
bishop his injunction ; which is, to conform themselves to the 
English discipline and Liturgy, every one in his parish ; 
without inhibiting them, notwithstanding, from resorting 
sometimes to our assemblies. 

1 And my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury means, notwith 
standing, that the said natives shall continue to contribute to 
the maintenance of the ministry and poor of this Church, for 
the better subsisting thereof; and promiseth to obtain an 
order from, the Council, if need be, and they require it, to 
maintain them in their manufactures, against those which 
would trouble them by informations/ 

m 26 Septcmb. 1635. "11 Octob. 1635. 


Now, that which 1 I enjoined the French and Dutch 
Churches, was to a syllable all one with this, in all parts of 
my province where these Churches resided; as at South 
ampton and Norwich. And I have a letter to show, full of 
thanks, from the ministers and elders of the French and 
Walloon Churches at Norwich. All which is far from an 
endeavour to suppress any just privileges and immunities 
which these Churches had in England, or ought to have in 
any well-governed kingdom. 

And since this time I have not only seen, but gotten, the 
very original letter of Queen Elizabeth of happy memory, 
written to the Lord Treasurer PawletP, specifying what order 
she would should be taken with and for these Churches. The 
letter is signed with her Majesty V own hand and signet; 
and gives them not half so much liberty, I do not say as they 
take, but as I have been ever most content to give them. For 
the Queen in these letters allows them nothing contrary to 
her laws ; and therefore nothing but our Liturgy in their own 
language, not another form of Divine service and discipline, 
much different from it. This was the wisdom of those times, 
which I pray God we may follow. The Queen s letter follows 
in these words : 


{ Right trusty and right well-beloved cousin, we greet you 
well. Whereas in the time of our brother, and sister also, 
the church of the late Augustine Friars was appointed to the 
use of all the strangers repairing to the city of London, for to 
have therein Divine service; considering that by an universal 16 
order, all the rest of the churches have the Divine Service in 
the English tongue, for the better edifying of the people, 
which the strangers born understand not : Our pleasure is, that 
you shall assign and (70) deliver the said church, and all things 
thereto belonging, to the Reverend Father in God, the Bishop 
of London, to be appointed to such curates and ministers as 
he shall think good, to serve from time to time in the same 

1 [ that which originally written, the act which ] 

2 [ Majesty s in margin.] 

Dat. Sept. 14, 1635. P [William Pawlett, first Marquis of Winchester.] 


churches, both for daily Divine service,, and for administration 
of the sacraments, and preaching of the Gospel : so as no rite 
nor use be therein observed contrary or derogatory to our 
laws. And these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant 
and discharge in that behalf. Given under our signet at our 
palace of Westminster, the .... of February, the second 
year of our reign. 

To our trusty and right well beloved cousin 
and counsellor, the Marquess of Winches 
ter, High Treasurer of England/ 

13. He hath maliciously and traitorously plotted, and en 
deavoured to stir up war and enmity betwixt his Majesty 1 s 
two kingdoms of England and Scotland; and to that 
purpose hath laboured to introduce into the kingdom of 
Scotland divers innovations both in religion and govern- 
ment, all or the most part tending to Popery and super- 
stition, to the great grievance and discontent of his 
Majesty s subjects of that nation. And for their refusing 
to submit to such innovations, he did traitorously advise 
his Majesty to subdue them by force of arms ; and by his 
own authority and power, contrary to law, did procure 
sundry of his Majesty s subjects, and enforced the clergy 
of this kingdom, to contribute toward the maintenance of 
that war. And when his Majesty, with much wisdom and 
justice, had made a pacification betwixt the two kingdoms, 
the said Archbishop did presumptuously censure that paci 
fication, as dishonourable to his Majesty ; and incense^ his 
Majesty against his said subjects of Scotland, that he did 
thereupon, by advice of the said Archbishop), enter into an 
offensive war against them, to the great hazard of his 
Majesty s person, and his subjects of both kingdoms. 

I did not endeavour to stir up war between his Majesty s Ad 13. 
two kingdoms of England and Scotland; but my counsels 
were for peace, as may appear by the counsel which I gave at 
Theobalds, in the beginning of these unhappy differences. 
For there my counsel only put a stay upon the business, in 
hope his, Majesty might have a better issue without than with 
a war. And if I were mistaken in this counsel, yet it agreed 
i [ and by his counsel and endeavour so incensed Fryn and Rushw ] 


well with my profession and with the cause, which was dif 
ferences in religion, which I conceived might better he com 
posed by ink than by blood. And I think it cannot easily be 
forgotten that I gave this counsel ; for my Ld. the E. of 
Arundel r opposed me openly at the table then, and said my 
grounds would deceive me. And my Ld. the E. of Holland 8 
came to me, so soon as we were risen from counsel, and was 
pleased to say to me, that I had done myself arid my calling 
a great deal of right, and the King my master the best 
service that ever I did him in my life. And Mr. Patrick 
Male*, of his Majesty s bedchamber, when he heard what 
I ha*d done, came and gave me a great deal of thanks in the 
name of that nation. 

Nor did I labour to introduce into the kingdom of Scotland 
any innovations in religion or government : neither do all, 
(71) or the most part, or indeed any of those pretended inno 
vations, tend to Popery or superstition, as hath before been 
sufficiently proved. Neither did I, upon their refusal to 
submit to these, advise his Majesty to subdue them by force 
of arms ; but the counsels which I gave were open, either at 
the Committee or the Council-table. Neither did I, by my 
own power and authority, contrary to law, procure any of his 
Majesty s subjects l , or enforce the clergy of England to con 
tribute to the maintenance of that war; but the subsidies 
which were given to his Majesty at that time, were given freely 
and in open Convocation, and without any practice of myself 
or any other, as appears by what I have formerly u laid down. 

But because so much noise hath been made against me, 
both in the Scottish Charge before answered, and in this 
Article about Popish innovations in that Service-book, and 
that I laboured the introducing both of it and them ; I think 
it fit, if not necessary, to set down briefly the story what was 
done, and what I did, and by what command, in all that 
business. And it follows v : 

1 [ subjects interlined.] 

r [See above, p. 283.] p. 286.] 

s [S 

[See above, p. 284.] v [The original draught of this is in 

Maule. [He continued in attend- Lamb. MSS. Numb. 943 ; from which 

ance on the King through all his it is printed in Prynne s Hidden 

troubles.] Works/ p. 155.] 
u P. 9 [of original MS. Sec above, 


Dr. John Maxwell, the late Bishop of Ross, came to me 
from his Majesty; it was during the time of a great and 
dangerous fever, under which I then laboured ; it was in the 
year 16.29, in August or September, which, come that time, is 
thirteen years since w . The cause of his coming was to speak Feb 
, with me about a Liturgy for Scotland. At his coming I was 
so extreme ill that I saw him not ; and had death (which 
I then expected daily, as did my friends and physicians also) 
seized on me, I had not seen this heavy time. 

After this, when I was able to sit up, he came to me again, 
and told me it was his Majesty s pleasure, that I should 
receive instructions from 1 some bishops of Scotland con 
cerning a Liturgy for that Church ; and that he was employed 
from my Lord the Archbishop of St. Andrew s, and other 
prelates there, about it. I told him I was clear of opinion, 
that if his Majesty would have a Liturgy settled there 2 , it 
were best to take the English Liturgy without any variation, 
that so the same Service-book might be established in all his 
Majesty s dominions; which I did then, and do still think, 
would have been a great happiness to this State, and a great 
honour and safety to religion. 

To this he replied, that he was of a contrary opinion; and 
that not he only, but the bishops of that kingdom, thought 
69 their countrymen would be much better satisfied, if a Liturgy 
were framed by their own clergy, than to have the English 
Liturgy put upon them ; yet he added, that it might be 
according to the form of our English Service-book. I an 
swered to this, that if this were the resolution of my brethren 
the bishops of Scotland, I would not entertain so much as 
thoughts about it, till I might by God s blessing have health 
and opportunity to wait upon his Majesty, and receive his 
further directions from himself. 

When I was able to go abroad, I came to his Majesty, and 
represented all that had passed. His Majesty avowed the 
sending of Dr. Maxwell to me, and the message sent by him ; 

1 [ instructions from in marg. It was originally written, bishops ins. 

2 [Originally added and erased, different from that which they had/ The. 

j had/ 
last three words erased, and then written, form which they had/] 

[See above, p. 211.] 


but then he inclined to my opinion, to have the English 
Service without any alteration to be established there. And 
in this condition I held that business for two, if not three, 
years at least. Afterwards, the Scottish bishops still pressing 
his Majesty, that a Liturgy framed by themselves, and in 
some few things different from ours, would relish better with 
their countrymen, they at last prevailed with his Majesty to 
have it so, and carried it against me, notwithstanding all 
I could say or do to the contrary. 

(72) Then his Majesty commanded me to give the bishops 
of Scotland my best assistance in this way and work. I 
delayed as much as I could with my obedience; and when 
nothing would serve, but it must go on, I confess I was then 
very serious, and gave them the best help I could. But 
wheresoever I had any doubt, I did not only acquaint his 
Majesty with it, but writ down most of the amendments or 
alterations in his Majesty s presence. And I do verily 
believe, there is no one thing in that book which may not 
stand with the< conscience of a right good Protestant. Sure 
I am his Majesty approved them all; and I have his warrant 
under his royal hand for all that I did about that book x . And 
to the end the book may be extant, and come to the view of 
the Christian world, and their judgment of it be known, 
I have caused it to be exactly translated into Latin ; and, if 
right be done, it shall be printed with 1 this History. 

This was that which I did concerning the matter and 
substance 2 of this Service-book. As for the way of intro 
ducing it, I ever advised the bishops, both in his Majesty s 
presence and at other times, both by word and by writing, 
that they would look carefully to it, and be sure to do 
nothing about it, but what should be agreeable to the laws of 
that kingdom ; and that they should at all times be sure to 

1 [ with originally written, in the end of] 

2 [ the matter and substance in margin.] 

x [Prynne (Hidden Works, p. 156) from another Book signed by us at 

gives the warrant as follows : Hampton Court, September 28, 1634, 

Charles E. our pleasure is, to have these followed 

I gave the Archbishop of Canter- rather than the former, unless the 

bury command to make the alterations Archbishop of S. Andrewes, and his 

expressed in this Book, and to fit a Brethren who are upon the place, 

Liturgy for the Church of Scotland, shall see apparent reason to the con- 

And wheresoever they shall differ traiy. At Whitehall, April 19, 1636. ] 


take the advice of the Lords of his Majesty s Council in that 
kingdom, and govern themselves and their proceedings 
accordingly : which course, if they have not followed, that 
can no way reflect upon me, who have, both in this and all 
things else, been as careful of their laws, as any man that is 
a stranger to them could be. And in a letter of mine, after 
my last coming out of Scotland, thus I wrote to the late 
reverend Archbishop of St. Andrew s, Septemb. 30, 1633, con 
cerning the Liturgy : that whether that of England or another 
were resolved on, yet they should proceed circumspectly; 
1 because his Majesty had no intendment to do anything^ but 
that which was according to honour and justice, and the laws 
of that kingdom : and a copy of this letter I have yet by me 
to show; and for the truth of this narration, I know his 
Majesty, and my Lord Ross himself, will avow it. 

And here I take leave- to acquaint the reader, that this 
was no new conceit of his Majesty, to have a Liturgy 
framed and Canons made for the Church of Scotland ; for he 
followed his royal father King James his example and care 
therein, who took order for both at the Assembly of Perth y, 
ah. 1618. 

And now to return again to the Article. There is one 
charge more in it, and that s concerning the Pacification 2 
made the former year. The Article says, I l did censure it 
as dishonourable, and advise for a new war: but I did 
neither. That which I spake was openly at the Council-table, 
and in his Majesty s presence ; and it was this. There arose 
a debate at the table about these affairs and the Pacification ; 
and I said that I did often wish from my heart that his 
Majesty had kept the army which he had at Barwick together 
but eight or ten days longer, and that 1 did not doubt, but 
that, if he had so done, he might have had more honourable 
conditions of his Scottish subjects. This I said, and more or 
otherwise I said not; and whosoever shall relate them other 
wise, forgets truth. Now, to say that his Majesty might 
have had more honourable (73) conditions, doth not infer 
that the Pacification then made was upon dishonourable con- 

y Proceedings of the Assembly at z P. 41 [of orig. MS. See above, 
Perth, pp. 40 and 68, [by Dr. Lyndesay. p. 861. ] 
Lond. 1621.] 


ditions, but only upon less honourable than it might have 
been 1 . And I had great reason to observe my own words, 
and remember them; because I saw some lords at the table 
touched with them, perhaps in their own particulars. 

Nor was I alone in this judgment ; for my Ld. the Earl of 
Holland, though he then said nothing at the Council-table, 
yet at his first return from Barwick, his Lp. did me the 
honour to come and see me at Lambeth; and in the gallery 
there, while we were discoursing of the affairs in the north, 
of himself he used these words to me, that his Majesty 
did too suddenly dissolve his army there; indeed, so sud 
denly, that everybody wondered at it ; and that for his part 
he was so sorry, especially for the dismissing of all the horse ; 
(which he said were as good as any in Christendom ;) and 
further, that he offered his Majesty to keep one thousand of 
them for a year at his own and his friends charge, till the 
King might see all things well settled again in Scotland. 
By which it is apparent, that in his Lordship s judgment 
things might have been better, had not that army been so 
suddenly dissolved : and I hope it was no sin in me to wish 
the best success and the most honour to the King s affairs. 

Now that which moved me to say thus 2 at the Council- 
table, was this. The last Article in the Pacification was, 
To restore to every one of his Majesty s subjects their liber 
ties, lands, houses, goods and means whatsoever, taken and 
detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid 
time. But within two days (or three at the most) after the 
Pacification agreed upon and concluded a , the Lord Lindsay 
made an 3 open and public protestation, either in the camp at 
Dunns, or at the Cross in Edinborough, or both, that no 
clergyman, his goods or means, was b included in the Paci 
fication : which yet expresses ever